Speeches

Madam President, it is true that 25 November marks the International Day against Gender-Based Violence. Since I am a Member, this Parliament has had a debate on this to unite our voices from a standpoint of difference, but with a clear message of solidarity and support for women victims of gender-based violence, for women who have been killed simply because they are women. Sexist terrorism kills: kills in Europe and the rest of the world. And it is necessary to have a debate as we have done every year. But this proposal put forward by the People's Group seems to me to contain few scruples and no respect. Few scruples, because national laws are changed in national parliaments. This is a European Parliament and we must respect the debates we have here. And, therefore, let us bear in mind that much more respect must be shown to the European Parliament. And I respect the victims, the women who have been killed. You can't allow yourself to be lied to in this way. More respect for women victims of gender-based violence. I call for a vote against this proposal by the People's Group, which is only trying to have a partisan debate on what deserves to be a debate in support of all European women.

Madam President, three weeks. Three weeks have passed since the European Council meeting and that is that time flies, but the only advantage of talking to a past bull is that it allows us to have a better perspective of what was decided three weeks ago and the effects that these decisions can have, because the October Council meeting has been a lost opportunity to act with determination and to tackle the tsunami that the energy crisis is causing in the economy. Inflation affects all sectors of the economy, and Parliament has been calling for a number of measures for months, which the Council finally began to adopt three weeks ago, albeit very timidly. If these measures had been agreed in summer, we would have come to winter in circumstances different from those we are coming to. Stopping speculation in the gas markets was the first step, the easiest, and we have already seen that just announcing the measures has brought down the prices of the TTF index for electricity. If it had been done earlier, we would have saved millions of euros. The same as if the price of gas and electricity were finally decoupled, which would save consumers a lot of money. The measures we propose need time and time is what families do not have. We are continually asking them for time, and do families have time when the electricity or gas bill arrives and they can't afford it? Are we going to stop them from cutting their electricity if they can't afford to pay? Maybe that's what we should be talking about, too. To tackle inflation and to reduce bills we need a strong European response. A European solidarity package for this winter with the disbursement of EUR 100 billion to support those most in need in the face of the brutal rise in the cost of living. We need to have permanent fiscal capacity. We have seen how NextGenerationEU and European unemployment reinsurance have worked. The problem we have now, ladies and gentlemen, is our reaction time, because time passes. We took a big step then, at the time, with COVID and now it is a matter of recognizing that we also have to act with a fiscal capacity for this situation. Today, the Commission presented a Communication on the economic governance review. Let us take this opportunity to work on a new framework that will help us face the future. I do not reveal anything new to you if I tell you that the forecasts for next year are not good and, therefore, it is still urgent to ensure that households can afford the cost of living. The Minimum Wage Directive - which we have just adopted in this House - should start to be implemented by the Member States immediately. Moreover, no one in Europe should be left without a minimum income and no retiree should have a pension below the poverty line. Our main objective, when we talk about economic governance, is the dignity of people. It is a matter of social justice; Those who have benefited most from this crisis and also from the COVID crisis should shoulder their shoulders and contribute to a common effort. Taxes on profits fallen from the sky are a good way to generate the income that society as a whole needs. I don't know what we're waiting for to get it going. People's dignity should also be our guide to adopting a new Pact on Migration and Asylum; that is the spirit of the Geneva Convention and also of the European Treaties, but we have to make it a reality and it cannot be the sole responsibility of some countries. It has to be a shared responsibility. Solidarity between the Member States and solidarity with the people who are suffering and who have been asking the European Union for help. This is the only way forward when each member of the community takes responsibility and works in solidarity. I recognize that there is no easy solution, but it is our responsibility and we have to combine three important challenges: lead the fight against global warming, stand firm in defending Ukraine and use our tools and new ones to sustain European industry, businesses and families. And for that - I repeat this to the Council and the Commission - count on us, listen to this House and also stop using Article 122, because we want to be part of the search for solutions.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I am very sad to have to hold this debate, but I think it is essential and that is why our political group has proposed it. No one in our countries would accept a coup d'état, but some in the European Union are normalising the daily deterioration of our democratic systems, the separation of powers and freedom of the press. These government alliances that we are seeing between conservative parties, and now also liberal, with far-right parties whitewash attitudes that cross any red line. The problem is not that they are ultraconservative parties; This is part of political pluralism. Nor is it a problem that they do not believe in a united Europe, because Eurosceptics also have the right to be represented in this Chamber, more would be lacking. The problem is that far-right populisms undermine institutions, use democracy to weaken freedoms and rights. When they enter institutions, they use them for their interests. A parliamentary majority does not justify laws that persecute minorities, violate their rights and undermine the legal framework and coexistence in force for seventy years. Liberal democracy implies an acceptance of political pluralism, cultural diversity, respect for minorities and the rule of law. You can be very conservative by respecting these principles. This should be our red line. It was until the EPP and Renew decided to split up and open the doors to parties like Vox, the Swedish Democrats, Alternative for Germany, the League and the Brothers of Italy. We can call them whatever we want, neo-fascists, post-fascists, far-right populists... The name is the least of it. We all know what we mean, even if some don't want to see it. We refer to those who ask for abolengo credentials in order to enjoy citizenship rights, because they distinguish between the "real Swedes" or the "real French", as Le Pen does, and those who may have been born in another country, or are the children of immigrants, or may profess Islam, or do not have white skin. We are referring to those who link immigration with crime and would like to return to a national Europe of pure ethnicities, as Viktor Orbán said. These are the ones who want to go back to the past, to a Europe of borders, and not just physical ones, because the worst borders are the ones we have in mind. They are the ones who deny that there are women murdered for the mere fact of being women and cut budgets against sexist violence. His friends in the United States are Trumpists like Steve Bannon. They are Bolsonaro's friends. They're Putin's friends. Make no mistake: Liberal democracy may not be the perfect system and we must always work to improve it, but destroying what we have built together only leads to polarization and the inability to reach agreements. Formal democracy is not enough. A democratic spirit and a deep respect for pluralism are fundamental for coexistence. The postwar consensus to build the first communities was based on the firm conviction that there was no place in Europe for autocratic leaders or racist ideologies. Christian Democrats, Social Democrats and Liberals have historically worked on this consensus. We have just closed the Conference on the Future of Europe to reflect on how we are moving forward. That remains the only firm foundation on which to build this common home, which is not a balance of power between nations. That Europe of nations anchored in the past never existed for those on the far right. Conservatives, liberals, return to the common home to continue building a future of peace and democracy.

Madam President, this week we have woken up again in horror after the incessant storm of Russian missiles that hit several cities in Ukraine: Innocent civilians killed in central Kiev, missiles hitting children's areas, terror and suffering. That is the true face of Putin's cruelty and cruelty. This is their new terror strategy that we should not get used to. Ladies and gentlemen, this week the European Council will have to address many of the consequences and challenges of this war, which is also an offensive against Europe. A blackmail offensive that seeks to divide citizens, who want to exasperate us, threaten our industry and sow social discontent. The European Union needs a strong response, with strengthened social measures and a new instrument to protect the most vulnerable sectors, to help them cope with high inflation and rising costs of living. That is why it is also necessary for the Union to implement a solidarity mechanism to redistribute the exorbitant and unfair profits of energy companies and tackle this unacceptable situation of speculation. But this will not be enough if we do not address energy prices or energy supply, because to win this war we have to progress in energy autonomy. The measures presented yesterday by the Commission are positive, but unambitious. First, rapid action is needed to decouple the gas price from electricity. President von der Leyen herself spoke of the Iberian exception, which can be extended to the Union as a whole, but we must do so immediately. Secondly, there is a need to move forward with determination in tackling the prices of imported gas. The proposal presented is insufficient in time, three months, and imprecise in its criteria. Thirdly, a joint mechanism for the purchase of more economical energy has to be established and the European Parliament has to be in that negotiation. There can be no restrictive interpretation of Rule 122, ladies and gentlemen. It's unacceptable. Parliament has to be in the negotiations and we call on the Commission to rectify it. If we did it with COVID-19 vaccines, why aren't we going to do it now? Of course we can. Look, this week Europe's leaders are going to have no choice but to agree on how to move forward. We cannot make a copy and paste of the March and June tips. We need to put in place strong measures with an immediate timetable. Finally, this will be the last meeting in which Italy will be represented by Mario Draghi. We know the reasons, especially the European People's Party. Mr Weber and Mr Berlusconi repeat that Forza Italia will be the guarantee of a pro-European, Atlanticist government that defends the values of the Union. Let me question it. Forza Italia has gone from being the pillar of the centre-right in Italy to the crutch of post-fascism. And let me question it on the basis of the new majorities. Mr Weber, the presidency of the Senate is held by Ignazio Benito La Russa, a nostalgic for the "fascist ventennio". He is now the second authority of the state. The presidency of the Chamber of Deputies is held by the pro-Putin anti-abortionist Lorenzo Fontana, a Eurosceptic, homophobic and well-known in this House. He is now the third authority of the state. You speak of the nostalgia of Merkel's time, Mr Weber. In Merkel's time there were no alliances with the far right. Let me question what the People's Party says it will guarantee. The great challenge of this moment is unity in Europe. Mr. Weber, I'll reach out to you again. Go back to the path we built the pro-European political forces.

Mr. President, we are in difficult times. We know that this cost-of-living crisis is driven by war, the energy crisis and excess profits, raising inflation to levels that we had not experienced in Europe for a very long time. That leaves many households unable to pay their bills and that's what we have to be here talking about today. This reality presses us with a heartbreaking call: that of social inequality and the increase in poverty and that of those hardest hit by this crisis. Our policies – those of the European Union and those of national governments – must now focus on providing an effective response to this problem, on enabling people to pay the bills. We European Social Democrats have concrete ideas on how to support families and businesses, how to reform the functioning of the energy market and strengthen social welfare in a fair way. First, and most urgently, a European Union winter solidarity package, including income transfers, is needed to mitigate the impact of rising energy prices. We can't wait any longer because people can't have to choose between turning on the heating or paying for the shopping basket. The problems we are experiencing confirm that a permanent European fiscal capacity is needed in the face of crises, as well as strengthening the SURE instrument that we put in place during the pandemic. Secondly, we need to make sure that there are strong and effective social safety nets. Member States should immediately implement the Minimum Wage Directive. We know that the regulation has provided for two years for the Member States to be able to transpose, but, in these times of need, we need – it is clear and urgent – to do so now. No home should be disconnected from the power grid. And thirdly, we need more revenue to be able to finance this aid. This is a matter of social justice and fiscal fairness. It cannot be that we are asking for solidarity from families, those most in need, and do not apply that solidarity to those who are really filling their pockets with the benefits that this energy crisis is causing. We defend the principle of urgent implementation of a tax on profits fallen from the sky and a minimum tax for multinationals, not only for companies in the energy sector. Finally, Europe urgently needs to present an in-depth reform of energy markets to diversify our energy sources and to reduce our dependence on Putin and fossil fuels in general. The last few years have been the most difficult for the European Union. War has returned to our doors and brings with it the worst: Extremism, the rise of the nationalisms we expected dead in our Union. We need European solidarity. I call on the Commission and the Council to break the deadlock and come up with solutions. The public is waiting for him.

Madam President, eleven years. Eleven years have been waiting for Bulgaria and Romania without there being any objective reason to block their entry into Schengen. Freedom of movement, as we have already heard here, is one of the fundamental pillars of our Union. And the citizens of Bulgaria and Romania have the same right as those of other Member States. They have no more rights, but no less. It's a matter of justice. It cannot be that a Bulgarian citizen who lives in another EU Member State and wants to travel to his country by car, has to be passing border checks. It's discriminatory. It is discriminatory that they have to go through different queues at some airports. It is discriminatory and, in addition, it has an economic cost that Romanian trucks have to wait in line to pass border controls within the European Union. This blockage in the Council has to end. Because if it does not end, those who are going to run out of patience are the citizens of those countries. We talk a lot about solidarity these days, but solidarity has to apply to everyone. Romania and Bulgaria cannot be called upon to show solidarity when the European Union is not complying with its own rules. It is the best recipe to fuel disaffection towards Europe and support for anti-European populist messages. I hope that this Parliament will adopt a resolution with a very clear message to the Council and that the Council will listen and act. I think it's about time.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, Mr High Representative, Mr Minister, in recent days the world has relived a new episode of reckless and foolish actions by Putin: Russian military mobilization, false annexation referendums and dangerous rhetoric about the use of nuclear weapons. But, in addition, for the first time, serious and worrying events have occurred outside Ukrainian territory: I am referring to the sabotage of energy infrastructure in the Baltic. The world is following this escalation with fear and concern. Also, last week, a civilian convoy was attacked by Russian forces near Zaporizhzhia with fatalities and injuries. Ladies and gentlemen, beyond Putin's daily staging, this is the reality of his war machine. This is an illegal and cruel war against the innocent population of Ukraine. Civilians who lose their lives, displaced civilians, civilians who have left their homes fleeing the atrocity. Putin's annexation last week is illegitimate and a clear violation of the United Nations Charter. Changing Ukraine's borders by force and annexing territories it doesn't even control is pure propaganda. These actions project what Putin is: A desperate man, whose leadership and authority is increasingly in doubt. In the face of this dangerous escalation, we must support Ukraine and its citizens more. We must strengthen our support to contain Russia's illegal actions and we must increase the pressure with additional sanctions to end this war. You know what for, too? To end up taking Putin to where he belongs: the Court of Justice of The Hague. That is why we must maintain unity in our response. That is why we must isolate as much as possible those European leaders who flirt with Putin. Because there are, of course there are. My political family is very concerned. We know of Orbán's isolated position on sanctions against Russia. But trying to weave alliances with Meloni really is a problem that can lead us all a worrying drift. We know about the collaboration agreement between the Salvini League and Putin and we are concerned about Berlusconi's alarming statements when he claims that Putin tried to replace Zelenskyy "with good and decent people." That's what Mr Berlusconi said. Is this what to expect from the new Italian government? What will our colleagues in the European People's Party do about this? Because Putin is going to continue his intentions to divide us, and to more threats we need more unity in our political action. Mr Weber, we need political responsibility right now and to understand that the real alliance must be with those of us who defend European values. I understand that, right now, in this situation, you have a hard time understanding reality. But honestly, outside of here there are many people concerned about what is happening and, ahead of the electoral tactics of some, we must be on the path of those who defend the European project. There are those of us who have not moved from the beginning. Here we follow: defending Europe, defending European values. I'm shaking his hand to get him back on that road.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, in the 21st century, there is a police force in Iran dedicated to monitoring compliance with the rules of women's dress and behaviour. And that policeman boards and arrests a young woman because, according to them, she showed more hair than she should under the veil. And that young woman no longer leaves the police center to which she is transferred alive. Incredible, but true. It seems like a nightmare, but it is the reality that women in Iran live every day, who are treated as second-rate beings, objects owned by a man – their father, brother or husband. If a man kills his daughter, he will be sentenced to only a few years, because there is no law that protects women. But if a woman kills the man who raped her, for example, she is hanged the next day. The Iranian regime exerts a brutal repression against the opponents and women are, by definition, the first opponents, because the authorities tried from the first moment to reduce them to nothing. But they fought from the beginning and, although they have achieved small victories, they are not enough. Mahsa Amini's death has set off a wick that could explode a dark regime anchored in the Middle Ages, drowned out by economic sanctions, against which more and more Iranians raise their voices and take to the streets to protest, risking their lives. As confirmed by the United Nations, there have been many deaths in these protests that may not have been admitted by Iranian forces. The renegotiation of the nuclear agreement with Iran that is currently taking place and the special situation of this country in the midst of a global energy crisis cannot make us look the other way so as not to see what is happening in Iran. Europe needs to respond and support women, who are leading these protests. Women, life and freedom. Iranian sisters, we are with you.

Madam President, it has been an intense debate. We have been able to intervene and we have been able to listen. And let me make a reference to something that I have not seen present in this debate and that I would have liked to see present. And it is to talk more about the social dimension of Europe, about that Europe that has to move forward to be next to those who need it most. We need a social resilience package to address issues such as a permanent instrument on unemployment, to address the fight against poverty, so that people do not stop trusting the European project. Because we cannot allow citizens to feel again that we have left them in the gutter. So we are going to work on everything that unites us, building also the social Europe, the Europe of citizenship.

President Metsola, President von der Leyen, representative of the Czech Presidency of the Council, I begin with a few words of thanks to Magdalena and Agnieszka for their commitment, for their solidarity, but, above all, because you are the clear example of the history of Europe; of a Europe that it has always welcomed; of a Europe that has opened its arms to those fleeing wars, famine; of a Europe that wanted to have the principle of solidarity as one of those values; of a Europe that has blended; of a mixed Europe; of a Europe that has made us rich and diverse and of which we are very proud and very proud. Thank you very much. It is difficult to analyse the state of the Union without repeating what we have been saying for some time, and that is that we are facing historic challenges: We have done so with the COVID-19 pandemic and we are doing so now, in the face of that war initiated by Vladimir Putin that threatens our values and the international balance. That is why it is so important that we remain united to strengthen our commitment to Ukraine’s freedom and integrity while acting swiftly, ambitiously and in solidarity to mitigate the economic and social effects of this war: You only have to go to the supermarket to see that the shopping basket is more expensive every day. Measures have been taken to contain inflation, but food and diesel prices do not seem to touch the ceiling, and yes, the European Central Bank has raised the price of money, but that will also mean that they rise and that mortgages cost more, not to mention the heating bill. Ladies and gentlemen, this is the state of our Union, let us be clear; clear, but not pessimistic or catastrophic, because we are here for that, to solve it, to provide solutions, that there are; Another thing is that we have enough will to be able to start them up. As always, crises highlight our weaknesses, but they also tell us where we need to impact: strengthening social policies, energy market reforms, reforms in taxation and economic governance, and accelerating the green transition so that we do not regret that we are too late. Our commitment to the Ukrainian people is firm, but in order to ensure the support of European citizens it is not only good to jeopardise the military victories, which are very good, but we must also put ourselves in the shoes of those who are suffering the consequences of this war, and also here, in the Union, because, if we do not do so, we will see growing not only the rejection of war, but also the populism of the extreme right. President von der Leyen, in the same way that we were loyal partners in the face of the pandemic, we will be loyal partners now to face this crisis and avoid a recession. We are late, but I am glad that we have finally reacted and listened to what the Socialists and Democrats Group has been saying for a long time: we need to cap the price of gas and help families and businesses pay the bill, and we can do that with a share of the windfall profits of energy companies; Everyone must reach out because it is not fair that, while there are those who have difficulty making ends meet, others are becoming millionaires at the expense of the suffering of families. We are not the navel of the world: I have just returned from Latin America, which must be a priority for the Union and has not been so far. I am glad to hear from Mrs von der Leyen the mentions she has made in this regard, because they show the need for greater cooperation between us: It is a natural ally for that global order. We must be more present and not leave that space to other powers. As I said, I am also concerned that the extreme right will grow in this situation, and therefore we must act firmly in defence of the rule of law: the Commission, Mrs von der Leyen, is a guarantor of the principles and treaties and must therefore act clearly and firmly in this area. Finally, leaving aside the institutional issues, I want to talk about the political situation in which we find ourselves: I am sad to have to say this here, but the state of our democracy, at this historic moment, seems to me as fragile as that of our economy. Ghosts return that we thought were overcome: some Member States have become autocracies, such as Orbán's Hungary, and in others pro-fascist parties can win elections: is worrying and dangerous. Mr Weber, ladies and gentlemen of the European People's Party, from here I appeal to you to reconsider your role in the European project, because, after the Second World War, the founders of Christian democracy understood that the best patriotism was to seek the common interest of the whole European Union at the hand of social democracy, and not exclusionary nationalism; I see that they are losing that path, normalizing and supporting the entry of the extreme right into the institutions: I hope they rectify. I hope they rectify because we have a shared responsibility: We are on time and Europe is waiting for us.

Madam President, dear Prime Minister, dear Sanna, first of all welcome; welcome, on behalf of the Socialists and Democrats Group and on my own behalf: It's a pleasure to have you here today. And is that, from the beginning of your mandate, and in spite of the historical challenges we face, such as the pandemic, the war ... you continue to lead Finland in a stable and strong way, and you do it with a European heart, knowing that only by working together, only by staying in unity and only reinforcing solidarity can we build the brave way forward. Yes, Prime Minister, because courageous people and women like you are needed: courageous women who do not cower at Putin's threats and who, with determination, have led their country to join NATO; courageous people who not only make Finnish citizenship safer and more secure, but also NATO and European members; courageous, to build and strengthen a more secure world order, based on legality, human rights and peace. And it is brave women like you who forge the future and end up studying in the history books! (Applause) Thousands of Ukrainian civilians have lost their lives since that terrible February 24, millions have been displaced or have fled to their neighboring countries. In the face of Putin's atrocities, the Union has taken historic steps, and Finland's support and your leadership, Prime Minister, have been essential to this. And, the more Putin threatens, the more unity he will find! Now Putin wants to sow divisions by cutting off our energy supplies, hoping that this will incite a great social unrest that causes distrust of our institutions. Well, we won't allow it! As you have also said, this is not the time to continue doing the usual thing, you have to do different things. Changing the rules of the electricity market is not enough, no: we must urgently stop speculation in the gas market, increase its transparency, build the necessary infrastructure and tax the exorbitant profits to help those who have the most difficulties, because the best anti-Putin antidote and against its anti-European allies of the extreme right is that of more cohesive and democratic societies, resilient and capable of responding and putting solutions. Our welfare states must be strengthened, and the advance of poverty and inequality must stop; This is why there is a need to move forward in a social Europe: because beyond these immediate emergency measures we need to continue moving towards a horizon. The European Union is, as the Treaties make clear, a Union of common values, and therefore we must not allow Orbán and his anti-European colleagues to hold us hostage in order to be able to act globally, so the time has come to move towards a qualified majority system in decision-making, and you have referred to that issue in your speech, and we welcome you. Prime Minister, as Social Democrats we know that the green and digital transitions will only be possible with a strong social dimension. This is how to ensure the well-being of citizens in all its dimensions, this is how we will achieve more equality: Yes, also gender equality, a real equality where women in politics are not required to triple that of men. Because, as you well know, dear Sanna, we have come to stay, to forge our rights, to decide on our lives and on the lives of the women and men of the Union, for yes. This is how there will be more women and more young women willing to write the future, and this is how we want to shore up this new page in the progress of Europe and humanity.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, Prime Minister, we are starting another complicated presidency. Now, with the war in Ukraine and its consequences, it seems even until COVID-19 is something of the past. But they are crises that overlap and force us to look deeply. The two years ahead of the legislature are going to be two decisive years. We know that instability will continue and that is why it is so important to stay the course for major transformations, for green transformation, for digital transformation and also to respond to unexpected turbulence. Prime Minister Fiala, we support the priorities of your programme: strengthening common freedom, security and prosperity, managing refugee and refugee crises, Ukraine’s post-war recovery, as well as energy security and containing inflation. But we will not be able to do it without taking into account the impact on people, that is, social policies. And that's what our group is worried about. Yesterday we missed more mentions in your work programme of the social issue, but today I must also welcome your acceptance of our request to organise a social summit to update the social policies that we agreed on a year ago in Porto. This is excellent news, Prime Minister, because we must protect ourselves from external threats, but also from internal ones. We must protect ourselves from injustice, inequality and poverty, because these will also be threats to the European project. That is why it is so important to talk about these social consequences. Another important issue is gender equality, because we have made a lot of progress in this regard, but there is still a lot to do, for example, to achieve equal pay. In addition, it would be a good gesture for your Government to ratify the Istanbul Convention, because it is the main legal instrument we have to fight against gender-based violence. The rule of law is also fundamental and, there, I am confident that your Presidency will make a difference. Prague is the geographical heart of Europe, it is the symbol of a people's struggle for their rights, for freedom and for democracy. I hope that you will intercede in this regard in the Visegrad Group. You are well aware that values are non-negotiable and that the European Union cannot give up defending the rule of law. Under the Czech Presidency, the Council can finally organise serious and effective hearings on the deterioration of the rule of law in Hungary and Poland, following the procedures of Article 7. This does not require unanimity, only political will. Authoritarian populism is a threat to Europe and to all its countries. Not all Visegrad governments are the same, we are aware. Prague has the opportunity to lead a new effort for freedom, a new democratic spring. In this democratic effort, we must listen more to citizens. That is why I also miss some mention in your programme of the Conference on the Future of Europe. Citizens expect much more and we must undertake necessary reforms, and that means overcoming unanimity in important areas. Finally, we need to look at the challenge of migration head-on. We can't let any more time go by. Europe has the opportunity to give substance to the word solidarity. Mr Prime Minister, you have chosen a very successful motto for your presidency: "Europe as a task, Europe as a mission". That phrase Václav Havel uttered in his Charlemagne Prize speech continues to reflect who we are: a project of solidarity, a project of the future, a project that we all build together. Count on the Socialist Group to work hand in hand for that future of peace, prosperity and freedom during these months.

Madam President, when Margaret Atwood wrote in 1985, we all thought it was science fiction. He spoke of the future, of a future country where there was a total ban on abortion, because the only function of women was to have children. And the author herself, a few days ago, lamented that the Supreme Court of the United States had made her novel a reality. In the most powerful country in the world, women have no power over their own bodies. A court, made up mostly of older men, male, retrograde, anchored in the past, has decided on the young women of the 21st century. A woman, a girl who becomes pregnant as a result of rape or a non-consensual fruitless relationship, the life of a mother who is in danger or a fetus who has no chance of getting ahead: all that doesn't matter. The only thing that matters is that the child is born, even without taking into account that it may be a child without a mother or that it may be a child in a family without resources, with great needs. They force women to have unwanted children, but they don't help them any more. In the United States the right to bear arms is indisputable, the right of a woman to decide on her own body does not exist. Abortion does not disappear by prohibiting it, only the safe conditions of abortion disappear, which happens to be clandestine, in conditions dangerous many times for the lives of women. Women who have resources will go to other countries and those who do not will have to endanger their lives. The right to abortion is an inalienable human right. The Socialist Group has repeatedly called for the inclusion of sexual and reproductive rights, including the right to safe and legal abortion, in the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights. Women of the United States, women of the world, you are not alone. We will continue to fight together, because there are many women who are aware of how important it is to fight for our rights, so that our daughters can not have fewer rights than our mothers.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, in all my years in the European Parliament I believe that I have not lived through such a defining moment as this. A fast-paced legislature that has forced us to react urgently to events as brutal as the pandemic and now the invasion of Ukraine. We have a responsibility to be the protagonists of today's history in order to be able to decide the future of millions of Europeans and of Europeans tomorrow. And for that we need height of sight and a lot of common sense. As we continue to move forward with urgent measures, such as aid to Ukraine or sanctions on Russia, we must also think about our common future: what Union we want and what steps are needed. This exercise started with the Conference on the Future of Europe and is not yet over. As happened after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it is time to give a new impetus to enlargement. No one from outside, no dictator out of date, will be able to exclude those who in their own right deserve to enter the Union. But this will require not only reforms in the aspirants, but also reforms in our own Union, starting with eliminating unanimity in foreign policy decisions. The prospect of enlargement is undoubtedly the most successful foreign policy of our Union, because the horizon of integration is the only vaccine to overcome historical resentments between our countries and our communities, to prevent wars and promote peace. Well, North Macedonia has been a candidate country for 17 years and has been waiting 13 years to start negotiations; And that, after having made important sacrifices in favor of the European dream. Does this really seem normal to you? On the other hand, Albania, which has been a candidate since 2014 and has been waiting for more than four years to start negotiations. Ladies and gentlemen of the Council: damage the image of the Union when they do not keep their word with those who have been waiting for a long time to enter our Union. We must keep our promises and send a clear message: the future of the Western Balkans lies in the European Union. Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova and Georgia as well. Our commitment is clear. The road is long, but it is worth doing. And they must also address the necessary reforms in all areas. In the area of the rule of law, of course, but they must also strengthen the role of civil society and the social partners. Finally, we must not forget the internal dimension of this crisis, this war; the social and economic consequences. I said it in plenary last year and I repeat it again: If we are not able to tackle inflation, to guarantee fuel and food prices, we will have a very difficult winter: in the short term, social instability and, in the long term, the increase in populism. Council leaders, open your eyes. At a crucial moment to move forward in the Europe we want, do not neglect citizens. Listen to what they told us at the Conference on the Future of Europe. We gambled too much. Enlargement? Yes, yes. Take care of our house? Also.

Madam President, two weeks ago, my Group of Socialists and Democrats voted against a text that did not respond to the needs posed by climate change. It was a tough decision, yes, but necessary. Some blamed one group or another for blocking crucial legislation. But do you know what the reality of that vote was? What he taught both of us? That we cannot fight climate change if we are not united, if we do not listen to each other, if we are not able to make these climate ambitions look out for a large majority and not a small minority, which would have been irresponsible. From that vote until today, Europe has suffered an extreme heat wave, severe droughts in many regions and, sadly, thousands of hectares that have been devastated by fires. In my region, in Castilla y León, more than 30 000 hectares have been burned in the largest fire in the history of our country, in the province of Zamora, in the Sierra de la Culebra – they will allow me to launch a message of solidarity with all neighbours. We have to act. Today we voted on a compromise. And it is not perfect, of course it is not, like all the commitments we reach, because the commitments what they imply is that we all give in to be able to have a common position. But this is the starting point that must allow us, as the European Parliament, to negotiate with the Council and we must do so without wasting a minute. 2030 is fast approaching and the only way to act is to do it now. That is why I invite everyone, all those responsible in this House, all MEPs, to stop hanging medals on who is most responsible or not for this result and let us all get to work. Let's stop blaming ourselves and be responsible. The Fit for 55 package is the necessary response in a climate emergency, not only to enable this Parliament to take this proposal forward, but to be accountable to a planet that cannot wait any longer. And I repeat: From the Socialists and Democrats Group we want to work for a green transition with a red heart and today we take another step to make it possible.

Madam President, first of all, I think it is important and good that we reduce emotions and tension. Politics is put heart, but also tranquility. We will work again from the parliamentary committee to try to build a common, coherent position. And, please, let's not cheat the loner. If the Socialist Group has voted against it, it is because there was a majority on certain issues that some have brought up with amendments with the far right. That is why we had to vote against it. They can't ask the far right to vote to downgrade ambitions and then ask us to approve that. So, let's be consistent.

Madam President, we are asking for a three-minute interruption without leaving the Chamber, since my group needs to make a final consultation in order to determine the final vote. (short suspension of the vote)

Madam President, the other day, when I was following the news coming to me from the Council, I have to tell you that I had contradictory feelings. On the one hand, relief; It was a relief to see that the unity of the twenty-seven was finally maintained, because that is our best weapon to deal with Putin's threat and also to support Ukraine. I was glad that the sixth package of sanctions was adopted, despite the concessions. I was not surprised, honestly, because some who do not know the meaning of the word "solidarity" tried to take a cut out of the crisis. But that was within the expected. What I did not expect is that both the Commission and the Council would forget the internal dimension of this crisis, that they would not have discussed this Parliament's resolution on the social and economic consequences that we had just adopted. Of course we are going to support Ukraine. Of course we must strengthen our collective security. Of course we have a responsibility to avoid a global food crisis. But not wanting to see how this war affects the daily lives of Europeans is a dangerous myopia. Yes, dangerous, because there is nothing more than going out and talking to people. Come on, we don't even need to talk to people. I imagine that any of you go to the supermarket when we can leave this Parliament and see how the shopping basket has become more expensive. And surely they are aware that there are many families, many families in Europe who have real difficulties, who do not have more than fifty euros per week to fill the shopping basket. And that's what we need to talk about; I therefore regret that this issue was not discussed in depth in the Council. We don't know how long this war will last. It is no longer an emergency situation and all our policies must look at this dimension from now on. Actually, we already have the largest influx of refugees, and especially refugees, since World War II. The solidarity shown by citizens, and especially the countries that have a border with Ukraine, is commendable. Now, let's see if governments are up to it, because we need to fund integration policies for all these people. And I think it is time for the Council to sit down and talk about the migration pact, Mr Michel. The climate emergency and the food crisis, to which the Commission itself has referred, seem to indicate that migratory pressure is not likely to be mitigated. So what do we have to do? Work from now on, work and be prepared. Let us seek a dignified, solidarity-based and ambitious solution to the demographic challenge, because the creation of new financial instruments will be the best way to ensure this. If the Member States were to introduce a tax on profits falling out of the sky from electricity in a coordinated manner, as requested by this Parliament, EUR 90 billion could be collected annually. Look at the social policies we could do with that money. Therefore, we have the possibility to act more. I conclude with one proposal, or better, two. The first is to read Parliament's resolution on the social and economic consequences. And the second, that we organize a new social summit, like the one held in Porto last year, to respond to this moment of inflation and social uncertainty that we are experiencing. Ideas are not lacking. We lack courage and conviction that we can do things better.

Mr President, thank you, President von der Leyen, for being here today, in the first person, to show the European Commission's commitment to upholding the rule of law, which it knows is an absolute priority for this Parliament. This is a difficult debate, of course. It is again another consequence of the authoritarian drift in Poland and the degradation of its rule of law. On the one hand, we welcome the fact that the Polish Government has finally admitted that it has to dismantle its disciplinary chamber, that it has to put an end to its arbitrariness and its sanctioning regime, that it has punished judges according to its rulings and that those judges must be rehabilitated. But, on the other hand, we still have to see Morawiecki fulfilling these points. That is why I repeat the message of the Socialist and Democratic Group and that of this Parliament: not one euro from the recovery fund until all the conditions indicated by the Court of Justice of the European Union have been met. Before approving Poland's recovery plan we need to see real changes, other than just make-up measures. I'll be clear: To rehabilitate these judges is not only to review their cases, it is to return them to their positions and fields of specialization. Moreover, the conditions set by the Commission do not address all our concerns. The changes must be profound and must be maintained. The Commission should rigorously verify that there are no reversals or retracements before the payment of the recovery funds. My group will be extremely vigilant in this, including the rule of law conditionality mechanism. The Commission cannot accept the lowering of our levels of democracy either in Poland or in any other Member State. In this war of grave economic and social consequences, we admire the efforts and solidarity of Polish citizens in welcoming refugees. This solidarity cannot be a bargaining chip to give the Government of Poland any special treatment in compliance with the rule of law, because Polish citizenship deserves no less. And neither does the Union.

Madam President, this week we are once again taking an important step in our fight against climate change. Already in 2018, my political family marked a line to equip us with what the European Green Deal would be. We competed in the 2019 elections with this initiative as an absolute priority and, since the beginning of this legislature, our political action has focused on making it a reality. In the first months of the legislature, if you remember, we declared the climate emergency in this Parliament, and in July last year we passed the Climate Law, a binding law that aims to achieve climate neutrality by 2050. I want to highlight the efforts and determination throughout this process of our Vice President, Frans Timmermans. With the Goal 55 package, we will be able to achieve the objectives of the Climate Law and turn them into reality. This requires a profound transformation of our economy. Our industry, agriculture, means of transport are going to have to adapt as quickly as possible to achieve climate neutrality. This transformation will also impact all areas and all citizens. And there is only one way to carry it out, the one that we have always asked for from my group, the one that guarantees that this transformation is socially just: a green transition with a red heart. This is why the measures we propose today are accompanied by mechanisms that counteract costs and offset efforts to make this transition not only happen, but also socially fair and where there is no choice between paying the electricity bill or eating. Therefore, we propose, on the one hand, to create a social climate fund to help the most vulnerable households and, on the other hand, to secure and complete investments in sustainable infrastructure. In this context, the war in Ukraine cannot and should not be an excuse to slow down the green transformation, as some in this House raise. On the contrary: It must be a signal for Europe to stop being dependent on fossil fuels and authoritarian regimes. Finally, this just and green transition cannot remain at our borders. If it did, it wouldn't be efficient for our citizens. The carbon border adjustment mechanism is therefore indispensable to prevent carbon leakage. And at the same time, this carries with it our responsibility to help those least developed countries reduce their carbon footprint. In short, the Goal 55 package establishes the mechanisms to make this transition effective and is the best antidote against populists and denialists. We could use this House to try to attack some for putting their principles on the table, being wrong. I'm not going into that provocation; I'm not going to go into that provocation, because it would be irresponsible. And I understand that here the groups that are working to make this a reality must do so responsibly, trying to reach a majority agreement in this Parliament to make it possible to start negotiations with the Council. Only in that way will we be able to make it a reality. Agreements always mean making assignments. Obviously, it is not the agreement that the socialists would have reached, but it is the fruit of work, of dialogue, of understanding, of how to make politics a responsible exercise. Therefore, this approach of the European People's Party seems to me that all it does is delve into the differences, when what we need at the moment is to be able to work together for the same objective. Dear colleagues, we asked for responsibility in today's vote to show that our vote in the Climate Law was not only a political declaration, but a firm commitment to the citizenry. With this vote we choose to leave a better planet for future generations. With this vote we choose that the green transition is not paid for by those who have the least. With this vote we choose to make history.

Madam President, it is within this Parliament's obligations to be concerned and to work to guarantee human rights and fundamental rights in all parts of the world. We don't care what country it is. And if this Parliament has to raise its voice to tell the US administration to stand up for the rights of its women, then we do so, as we have done with many other countries, by guaranteeing the rights of women inside and outside the European Union. Women's rights are therefore also human rights and this Parliament must speak out on this.

Mr President, Shireen Abu Akleh, a Palestinian-American journalist who worked for Al-Jazeera for 25 years, was killed on 11 May while reporting from Jenin. He was one of the most prominent voices in the Middle East, covering the Arab-Israeli conflict for decades; He was working with a helmet and a vest with the word in very large letters when he was shot in the head where the helmet did not cover him. On behalf of this House and the Socialists and Democrats Group, I would like to convey our deepest condolences to the family and friends of the Palestinian journalist, as well as to all those who appreciated and valued her work. We will miss Shireen and condemn with all our might this cruel murder, but let us not remain in condemnation or weeping: We want to ask for explanations and actions. On the one hand, this House must call for a prompt, international and impartial investigation to clarify all the circumstances in which this heinous act occurred, and, on the other hand, we also call for an investigation with the same determination into the violent acts that occurred at his funeral last weekend, because the images of a coffin on the shoulders of friends and family being attacked by the Israeli security forces with batons and beatings strike our hearts and indignate us: No one should suffer this inhuman treatment at the funeral of a family member or friend, it is contrary to freedom of worship and human dignity. This tragedy is the symptom of a growing frustration and tension on the ground fuelled by the complete absence of progress in the peace process after 74 years of the establishment of the State of Israel and the beginning of the occupation of Palestine. The situation of Palestinians in the West Bank and East Jerusalem is deteriorating every day, mainly due to house demolitions, threats of evictions and continued settlement construction. Nor can we stop thinking about journalists and media workers. In a few weeks I will lead a high-level delegation from our Group of Socialists and Democrats to Israel and Palestine. I conclude by making it clear that the message we have to convey is our absolute condemnation and that we need to move forward in a genuine peace process for Israel and Palestine.

Madam President, I will be allowed to use one minute of this plenary session of Parliament to deliver a message from thousands and millions of voices of Europeans to tell the women of the United States that we are with them, that we cannot take a step back. (Applause) Not a step. (Applause) We need to guarantee our rights and we are with all women in the world, with our eyes, our body, our choices.

Madam President, let us speak without euphemism, ladies and gentlemen: We're at war. The European Union supports Ukraine as an assaulted country with all the means at our disposal: sanctions, arms, aid to refugees and diplomacy. Without the courage of the Ukrainian people and without the support of the European Union and our allies, Ukraine would not have resisted Putin's criminal aggression or thwarted his plans for rapid conquest. A decisive battle is now being fought in the Dombás and progress must be made. The next step must be to cut off gas and oil, as the President of the Commission announced to us today, in line with what this Parliament had already raised, and we must therefore welcome this. In parallel, we must work towards a disconnection strategy that includes the construction of regasification plants and internal interconnections, joint negotiation with alternative suppliers and an urgent acceleration of renewable energies. In this regard, I am totally against what the representative of the European People's Group has said: I believe that, now more than ever, it is necessary to advance in the promotion of policies to combat climate change, because they are the ones that have highlighted the very shortcomings that we have as a European Union. Sinking Putin does not mean abandoning to their fate those countries most affected by their high dependence on Russian gas and oil (we are aware that there are countries much more affected by these decisions). Sinking Putin means resisting, strengthening our resolve and reacting collectively to a crucial moment in Europe's history, without ignoring the asymmetric effects of this crisis, trying to understand that it is therefore necessary to apply the principle of solidarity to all the measures we take. Sinking Putin also means ending a European Union of first- and second-class citizens, incorporating Romania and Bulgaria into the Schengen area and protecting our values. I have had the opportunity to see in person what a country like Romania is doing, putting into practice the fundamental principle of the European Union, solidarity, border management and support for refugees. It is not possible that, on the one hand, we are thanking them for that management and, on the other, we are not able to understand that they have the same right as the other countries, when they meet all the criteria, to be part of the Schengen area. This is another reflection that we should raise and it is, above all, a wake-up call to the Council. Our citizens are aware of the drama they are experiencing and now it is the European Commission that must rise to it in the face of the financial challenge posed by all these measures. Today we need a major, urgent economic plan to curb the rise in poverty, inequality, unemployment and the loss of purchasing power as a result of rampant inflation caused by rising fuel and food prices. It is intolerable that, while the large energy multinationals earn extraordinary income from the profits fallen from the sky, it is the most vulnerable who pay the consequences of this war. That money that is in the pockets of some is at the expense of the suffering of families who today can not pay the electricity bill and see them and wish them to make ends meet by being able to pay all the bills. We must therefore act in that direction. Instead of repeating the mistakes of the past and cutting back in the midst of a crisis, we must extend the escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact to invest in new technologies, social justice, stronger defence and a carbon-free future. If the European Union wants to maintain international leadership in the face of a growing bloc of autocracies, we will have to step up support for the most vulnerable populations who are suffering the consequences of Putin's barbarism, both in Africa and in our immediate neighbourhood. Moldova's future as an independent state and its desire to be part of the free world must count on our financial and military commitment, not just good words. Once again, in our history we are faced with the historic imperative of restoring peace in Europe and building it beyond the confines of our Union. But we cannot accept peace without justice, because it is always the humiliated and offended, as Dostoevsky reminded us, who deserve relief from their suffering, who deserve justice. The only way to achieve a dignified peace is the defeat of Putin and the victory of freedom and democracy in Ukraine, which requires our unity and our sacrifice. We resisted in 2012 to protect the euro, we resisted in 2020 to curb the pandemic and we will resist in 2022 to preserve peace and democracy.

Madam President, almost a year ago, under the leadership of the Portuguese Presidency and our Prime Minister, Antonio Costa, we committed ourselves to this unique project called the Conference on the Future of Europe. I have had the honour of chairing the Working Group on a Stronger Economy, Social Justice and Employment, and its conclusions, with citizens' recommendations at the centre, are very clear. Citizens want a shift towards a more inclusive, more resilient, more sustainable European Union, where the digital and green transition is possible, but with a social dimension. Under a renewed social contract, the proposals focus on reforming the European Union to improve people's well-being and human progress, without depleting resources or destroying our planet. Ladies and gentlemen, it is time to strengthen this Union and turn the proposals into reality. It is time to establish a true social Europe. Citizens demand stronger rights for children and youth, living wages, minimum income, social dialogue and strengthened collective bargaining, accessible housing, day centres and gender equality. Companies should never have been allowed to exploit economic freedom by undermining social protection. That is why the European Pillar of Social Rights must be legally binding and integrated into the Treaties together with the Protocol on Social Progress. It's time to see the faces of the people behind the numbers. We need to reform our tax rules taking into account the impact of COVID and the green and digital transitions. We also need to secure sufficient resources to do so. The Next Generation EU has been an important step, but it is time to move forward in other ways as well. Finally, we must put an end to the tyranny of unanimity in the Council. This weakens our ability to respond quickly globally. It harms our basic democratic principles and the rule of law, as well as our fight against tax evasion. The Conference on the Future of Europe has been a milestone. We have managed to engage citizens to express their views on the future. Let's not let the discussions now remain purely institutional, because that says little to the citizenry. Let me be clear. Changes to the Treaties or to a Convention cannot be considered as an end in themselves, but are the important and necessary tools to improve people's lives. Let's not let them down. Let us work together to show them that this process has been worthwhile.