What Iratxe spoke about.

Madam President, can we afford a blocked Europe when Putin escalates his war against Ukraine and launches incursions into European territory? Can we stand still when Trump has declared a trade war against our workers? Can we remain silent in the face of the genocide that Netanyahu commits against the Palestinian people? Or can we close our eyes as millions of families wait for our response to problems like housing or wages? The answer is simple: we can't. But I want to make some clear messages also in this debate, Mrs von der Leyen: the European Commission cannot stand on those who become the crutch of those who deny the climate change that kills our citizens and ravages our territories, those who deny the sexist violence that costs the lives of thousands of women every year and those who take away the right to abortion, those who applaud Netanyahu's genocidal plan while exterminating the Palestinian people or those who turn housing into a speculative business for vulture funds. That is not the Europe we need. That is the Europe we need to overthrow. Mrs Aubry, I tell the Left Group that we share the same position on Gaza. We condemn the genocide and demand an immediate end to Netanyahu's impunity. But there is something that differentiates us socialists from you: You have renounced negotiation as a way to achieve results and, instead of continuing to push for concrete measures in the face of genocide, you propose a motion that you know will fail and that could only go ahead with the votes of the extreme right. I think it is important to take that into account, but, also, Mrs von der Leyen, we have to be aware that each of us, on an individual level, are nothing. You are not Europe. Of course, I am not Europe either, nor is this building, nor is the Berlaymont. Not even the Council or the prime ministers. Europe is all citizens, and that is why I demand today that we listen to the voices of hundreds of thousands of European citizens who have taken to the streets in Amsterdam, in Berlin, in Madrid, in Milan, across Europe, calling for an end to genocide. Let's hear those voices. Without the role of the Social Democratic Group, the Commission would never have made such important commitments as the suspension of the trade part of the EU-Israel Association Agreement and the sanctions against the Netanyahu government, the refusal to give in to Trump in defence of our digital sovereignty, the presentation of a European affordable housing plan or the commitment to maintain climate neutrality. Faced with the empty cry of the extreme right and a left that long ago gave up negotiating, our response is clear: dialogue, negotiation and commitment bear fruit to improve the lives of citizens. That is why, Mrs von der Leyen, my warning is also clear: They have to choose between their anti-European enemies or their European allies. And let's be clear: Our support is not unconditional, it's up to you. You will only have our support if you keep the agreed promises. We want to see their promises in the programme of work that the Commission is due to present in November, because social democracy will not accept that Europe be chained to fanaticism, injustice or lies. Our Europe is one of peace in the face of war, justice in the face of genocide, solidarity in the face of selfishness, dignity in the face of speculation and equality in the face of discrimination. That is the Europe we will never let fall. That is the Europe we Social Democrats defend.

Madam President, as I hope that this debate will in some way be useful for European citizens, I will ignore and make no further reference to the figure of Mr Weber and I will focus on what President von der Leyen's proposals have been. I have to tell you that, from the S&D Group, we will be vigilant, critical and constructive. You have taken up many of the proposals that this group put forward today, but they cannot simply remain in an announcement so that today this debate ends in a good climate, but must be the Commission's real agenda for the coming months: We want a timetable, we want legislative proposals, we want a budget - something that little has been said today - we really want the political will to build. This Europe has been built with the cooperation of pro-European forces and with the prominence of social democracy. We will not excuse ourselves from our responsibility, but we will do so without being held hostage by those who want to rob us of our values, our ideals and our proposals. Responsibly, we'll keep working.

Madam President, Mrs von der Leyen, I am sorry, I am very sorry. I have to tell you that it has become clear here today who your greatest enemy is: Mr Weber, the European People's Party. You have made every effort today to try to bring here a programme of work where all the pro-European political forces would feel represented. You have made that effort, but you know today who is responsible for that pro-European alliance and that platform not working in this Parliament. It has name and surname, it is called Manfred Weber, it is called European People's Party. Madam President, today we have heard you call for urgency and unity. But the words that resonate in the streets of Europe are other: Where is Europe? Because the urgency and unity we need cannot be at the expense of the ambition or interests of European citizens. Where was Europe when the pact with Trump was signed, which is unfair? Accepting 15% of tariffs without any retaliation is unacceptable. Promising to the United States purchases of gas and oil for hundreds of billions of euros – and also investment in defence, without powers to do so – is an abuse of power. You went to Scotland to bury on a golf course the Draghi and Letta reports and our strategic autonomy. I remind you where you should invest: here in Europe, €800 billion a year in common debt to finance the green transition, the digital transformation, defence and the European social model. Our position is clear: We'll amend the agreement. We will demand that American producers meet the same standards we call for in the Union, because farmers cannot be the losers of their pact with Trump. And if Trump continues his trade war with respect to our digital laws, we must activate the anti-coercive instrument. Mrs von der Leyen, where is Europe when Gaza dies every day? More than 64,000 Palestinians killed, 2 million displaced, houses, hospitals and schools razed. Famine used as a weapon of war. Machine-gunned children looking for food. I would also have liked it here today if we could have invited Hind Rajab, a Palestinian girl known thanks to journalists – many of whom have been murdered – and the world of cinema. A girl who was killed when she went to get food. And behind this girl is Salma, there is Brahim, there is Mohammed, there are thousands and thousands of children whose voices we will not hear again, whom we will not be able to invite here, who have died because of the massacre of the Government of Israel. We've waited too long. We received your proposals and that presentation of proposals to break with the Agreement. We call for it to be a total breach of the Agreement, but we accept those first steps, which come too late and have cost many lives. We have to keep working and showing our faces. And in front of that tourist resort that Trump and Netanyahu intend to do, the "Gaza Facility" must be launched. Because if Gaza dies, the soul of Europe dies. Let's stop the genocide. Genocide must be stopped. Where was Europe also regarding Ukraine? You have announced, with regard to Ukraine, that you are going to ask Russia for some funds. Activate, once and for all, the 200 billion Russian assets frozen in order to be able to contribute to the reconstruction of Ukraine. And where was Europe in the fight against climate change? This summer, part of Europe has burned. Let's strengthen our commitment to climate neutrality. Mr Weber, you say that we must stop in order to promote employment. Where are we going to put industries, where are we going to put companies, where are our freelancers going to work, if our territory is being devastated by the effects of the fight against climate change? We need a European affordable housing plan, paid scholarships for young people, a quality employment package and achievements for women. And all these challenges need and demand a sufficient budget. Mrs von der Leyen, Mr Weber, the responsibility is not to abdicate our values and interests. The responsibility is not to agree and not to seek allies in the extreme right that wants to destroy Europe. Social democracy has always been building Europe and will continue to do so responsibly, but without giving up being part of the decision-making process.

Madam President, within the framework of the structure of the plenary session, each group has the freedom – determined within the reflection of its group – to present the topical debate as an initiative that falls under the responsibility of each of the groups. We are a political group that has obviously always respected freedom of expression, and we will continue to do so, but we also respect the fundamental rights and values of the European Union. Rule 169 and Rule 40(1) of Parliament's Rules of Procedure make it clear that European values and principles must be respected in plenary debates, and the topical debate presented in this case this week by Patriots is totally contrary to those European values and principles. To criminalize the immigrant population is to incite hatred. In addition, because it is a lie and because you start talking about the danger of immigrants against our women and our children, and you end up asking for the boats that save immigrants to be thrown down. It is totally unacceptable for this institution to allow such discussions.

Madam President, Prime Minister Frederiksen, welcome to the European Parliament. Your presence here is not just that of a Head of Government; is that of a courageous, pro-European leader committed to social justice, a leader who has shown that she can govern from a firm standpoint, with conviction and responsibility. Under the slogan "A strong Europe in a changing world", Denmark assumes its eighth Presidency at a time when history is watching us. Global balances change, external threats intensify, and internal ghosts return that we thought were overcome. But Europe has only one possible path: more unity, more solidarity and more democratic ambition. That is why we support this Presidency's prioritisation of a secure, competitive and green Europe. Because we understand competitiveness not as a race of inequalities, but as the ability to build economies that innovate without excluding, that lead without polluting, that protect employment without sacrificing social justice. And we know that there is no social justice possible if we do not guarantee a right as basic as that of housing. That is why we also believe that it should be a priority during this time. Europe also needs a budget that meets the challenges. We want a fair financial framework, with own resources and a stronger, autonomous and people-centred European Social Fund Plus. We say it loud and clear: there is no European defence or strategic autonomy if we do not guarantee territorial cohesion and social cohesion. It is possible to cover everything, it is possible to do everything: advancing the new challenges by also defending the Europe we know today. Mrs Frederiksen, we welcome your push for the Equal Treatment Directive. Even if it has been withdrawn, you have decided not to give up. Because equality is not shelved. Because the fight against discrimination is not postponed. Because building a Europe without racism, homophobia and machismo is a democratic urgency. It is also urgent to raise our voices outside our borders. In Ukraine, with the confiscation of Russian frozen assets in the face of the Putin massacre and, in Palestine, with the suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel in the face of the Netanyahu genocide. Mrs Frederiksen, Denmark's history in Europe is the history of a country that has been able to defend its convictions with courage. A country that has not needed to raise its voice to make itself heard. A country that has understood that sovereignty is not lost in our Union: It is shared, multiplied, transformed into a collective force. Let us recall the words of Jens Otto Krag, the Danish Prime Minister who signed the Accession Treaty, in his speech in Brussels: My wish is that the Communities pursue their internal policies in a progressive spirit of social conscience. That desire is also ours and, with your Presidency, Mrs Frederiksen, we will have a real opportunity to make it possible.

Madam President, Mrs von der Leyen, I am sorry to tell you that, every time Mr Weber makes statements on this motion of censure, he puts you in more trouble, but, in any case, as president of the Social Democratic Group I want to make it clear, from the outset, that this motion led by the extreme right will not have the vote in favour of my group, not because we defend the whole course of the Commission, but because we are not going to give away a single vote to those like Orbán, Le Pen or Abascal who want to destroy the European Union. This motion is not an act of scrutiny, it is a reactionary act at the heart of the European project. And, in the face of that assault, there is no doubt, we will be where we have always been: defending Europe, its values, its dignity, freedom, justice. Mr Weber, at least I find it paradoxical that you have spent a year devoting your efforts to convincing the European groups that the ECR Group is a pro-European group and today a Member of the ECR Group has taken the floor to defend the motion of censure against the European Commission. How can Europe be built with those who deny climate change, with those who attack the 2030 Agenda, with those who despise science, with those who relegate women to silence or advocate Nazism, with those who dismantle public services or ally with Putin and Netanyahu to destroy international law and annihilate Ukraine and Gaza? The far right does not want a better Europe, it wants there to be no Europe. And in social democracy, on the other hand, we have managed to build the European Union, stone by stone, and, in the face of its hatred, its denialism and its authoritarianism, we will continue to defend Europe: Europe that protects, cares for and liberates. Mr. Weber, let me be very clear: This motion is also the direct result of the failure of its strategy in the European Parliament. They hold pro-European groups accountable as they negotiate policies with the far right. I'm sorry, that's not possible. We have to keep working. Wasn't it you who voted with the far right to block the Ethics Body? Wasn't it you who joined the radicals to dismantle the European Green Deal, to launch a witch hunt against environmental NGOs, to eliminate the right to the Child Guarantee? Is it not your group that uses the Committee on Petitions to attack governments that are not in your political group, such as Spain or Slovenia? You really need to reflect on this issue. And you, Mrs. von der Leyen, do not look the other way. Why did you announce your intention to withdraw the Ecological Affirmations Directive a day after the European People's Party and far-right groups demanded it by letter? Who do you owe your support to? Where was the compromise given by the pro-European majority? Ladies and gentlemen of the People's Party, today I demand a clear answer: With whom do they want to rule? With whom do they want to destroy Europe or with whom do we fight every day to build it? Respect the agreement of the legislature. Respect the word given. And, if you betray it again, be clear that social democracy will lead a resistance. We won't give in an inch. Because in the face of hatred, in the face of lies and in the face of destruction, our response will be more Europe, not less. More democracy, not less. More justice, not less.

Madam President, the last red line crossed by the Orbán government is not an isolated event, or even a national eccentricity, it is a European shame. The Prohibition of the Pride March is not only a cowardly attack against part of its citizens, it is the umpteenth manifestation of an authoritarian regime that has turned power into an instrument of fear, censorship and hatred. A government that spies with facial recognition on those who defend human rights, that fines those who exercise their freedom of assembly, that manipulates the idea of child protection to impose an ideology of intolerance. A government that turns the different into an enemy. That, ladies and gentlemen, is repression. And I will warn one issue to the European Commission, which I thank for the commitment it is maintaining on this issue, but the rule of law cannot really be defended by withdrawing the Equal Treatment Directive. We need policy coherence. We need the Commission to seek interim measures from the Court of Justice to suspend the outrageous Child Protection Act. We need to push, once and for all, for Article 7, to keep frozen the European funds that a liberal government does not deserve to manage and we need its Commissioners to be in Budapest on 28 June, which is where citizens need them. Because it's not just about Hungary, it's about citizens. Every time civil rights fall back in one Member State, the whole Union falls back. Every time an LGTBI person is silenced, our democracy loses a voice. That is why today we proudly say: To defend the rights of the LGTBI+ community is to defend freedom, equality and human dignity. And to our Hungarian friends we say, you are not alone. We see you, we hear you! And on 28 June we will march with you in Budapest, side by side, proud and loud. Ten years ago we lost the great politician and activist Pedro Zerolo. He taught us that equality is not given away, it is conquered, enjoyed, defended and, above all, he taught us that pride is not hidden, pride is celebrated. Let us celebrate pride with rebellion, with hope and conviction. Because Europe will only be Europe when there is never someone who has to hide who he loves in order to feel safe.

Madam President, while I was preparing this speech this afternoon, I received an alert on my mobile: at least 59 Palestinian civilians killed at a food distribution point. Can anyone get used to this being the news we've received every day in recent weeks? We can determine all the humanitarian aid we want from the European Commission: Meanwhile, thousands of trucks are waiting in Rafah to access Gaza. It has been decided to lock more than two million Gazans in less than four hundred square kilometers, starve them and, from time to time, open food distribution points to take advantage of and kill them with bullets. This is what is happening and this is what we have to talk about, because life in Gaza has been razed to the ground. There are corpses of children under the rubble, there are bodies wrapped in blankets, there are devastated schools, mothers breastfeeding their children among ruins. More than 55,000 civilians have been killed. 94% of hospitals are destroyed. The population lives overcrowded, without water, without medicines, without food. What else needs to happen before we recognise that the Netanyahu government systematically violates Article 2 of the EU-Israel Association Agreement? What is the threshold of horror that must be overcome if the Commission and the Council are to act with the dignity and firmness that Europe must represent? The revision of the Agreement is not sufficient: The immediate suspension of any political and trade agreement is a matter of consistency with our own values. How long will President von der Leyen continue to look the other way to a government that has turned the violation of international law into doctrine? Mrs Kallas, the European Union cannot continue to be paralysed or held to double standards. It is necessary to prohibit the supply of weapons to Israel, to freeze the assets of those responsible for the illegal occupation and to cooperate with the International Criminal Court. If Netanyahu steps on European soil, member states have to comply with international legality. It's not about hostility, it's about principles. It's about humanity. And, precisely because of humanity, it must also be clear that the people of Israel are not Netanyahu's genocidal government. As thousands of citizens clamor for the release of hostages and an end to extermination, Netanyahu continues to hijack national politics. What greater betrayal can there be to the people of Israel than to have financed Hamas with thirty million dollars a month since 2018? Ladies and gentlemen, recognizing the Palestinian state is not a concession, it is to affirm that peace is built with justice, and without two states living in peace, the war will not end. Faced with the dangerous escalation between Israel and Iran, the European Union cannot just watch from the barrier. Our diplomacy must act urgently to stop the spiral of attacks. Ladies and gentlemen, it is up to us to be on the side of those who fight for peace, for freedom and for justice. Let us remember the words of the Israeli writer David Grossman: It is worth fighting for Israel. For our Palestinian friends, I wish for an independent life, and I wish that, seventy years from now, our Palestinian and Israeli grandchildren and great-grandchildren will be here and sing their national anthems, and in Hebrew and Arabic they will sing the same verse together: "to be a free nation in our land".

Madam President, 'to wipe Gaza off the face of the Earth', 'there are 2 million Nazis in Gaza', 'the army must behave in a vengeful and cruel manner', 'to drop an atomic bomb on the Strip'. Ladies and gentlemen, these are not phrases from isolated fanatics: These are statements by members of Netanyahu's government and the ideological basis that demonstrates what is happening in Gaza today. And are there still those who are surprised that the world is beginning to call what is happening in Gaza genocide? How is silence possible? How is it possible to be silent in the face of an extermination and ethnic cleansing that is broadcast live, day by day? How is it possible that President von der Leyen has not yet denounced these facts? Our response to the Russian invasion was forceful, swift and exemplary. And now? What is the value of international legality if it is only applied when appropriate? Do we want the European Union to go down in history by repeating the mistakes of the past, such as what happened in Rwanda or Srebrenica? Yesterday the European Union decided to revise the Association Agreement with Israel, but that decision had to be taken a long time ago. Spanish President Pedro Sanchez and then-Prime Minister of Ireland Leo Varadkar wrote a letter on 14 February 2024 calling for an urgent review, and there was no response. Did 53,000 people have to die and it took 14 months to make this decision? Yesterday the UN warned that 14,000 babies could die in the next 48 hours if they do not receive humanitarian aid, and more than half of that time has already passed; Thousands of children may have already died. Ladies and gentlemen, no more euphemisms, we must speak clearly and act forcefully. The revision is not enough: The Association Agreement must be suspended, an arms embargo must be imposed, trade with illegal settlements must be prohibited. Our denunciation is not against the people of Israel, on the contrary: Our cry of alarm is born in their defense, because the people of Israel are not Netanyahu. In front of his government there are courageous voices, such as that of Yair Golan, leader of the Democrats, who yesterday reminded Netanyahu that "Israel is walking towards becoming a pariah state, as South Africa was" and also that "a sensible state does not kill babies as if it were a hobby." It is with leaders like Golan, it is with Israel that it does not remain silent, with Israel that defends human rights, with Israel that wants the liberation of hostages with whom we must build a just and lasting peace that recognizes the two States, the State of Israel and the State of Palestine. A few words from the recently deceased José Mujica should resonate in this Chamber, but above all in our consciences: Power doesn't change people, it just reveals who they really are. That is why we must act, because if we do politics without humanity what we demonstrate is not leadership, but indifference. And the European Union cannot be indifferent, it cannot be silent. As a European, I don't want to be ashamed that I wasn't on the right side of history.

Mr President, dear Commissioner Šefčovič, Donald Trump and his vision of the world are a direct threat not only to international trade, but also to the values that underpin our democracies. Its trade war against the European Union, with unjustified tariffs, threats to our industries and permanent blackmail, is the most obvious manifestation of authoritarian economic nationalism that despises international law and cooperation between equals. Trump and his far-right partners – inside and outside the European Union – do not believe in a rule-driven world, but in the law of the strongest. Faced with his onslaught, we cannot and must not hesitate. We are here to firmly defend the European model, a model based on social justice, the welfare state and an economy that puts people at the centre. The European Union must respond forcefully. Our response must be deployed on several fronts: the protection of our workers, consumers and businesses; upholding the rules-based international order, with a strong and reformed World Trade Organisation; and the negotiation against Trump from a position of firmness, without giving in to any kind of blackmail. We have the tools, but we must use them when necessary if this threat continues. We must adopt sanctions and levies on big tech companies that break our rules and exclude US companies from European public procurement if this threat and blackmail continues. At the same time, we must strengthen the internal market, boost domestic demand and support industry and the regions most affected by this trade war with a direct aid scheme. Let's not forget that the world is bigger than Trump. 80% of our exports go to other markets. Let us strengthen the agreements with Canada, Japan and Mexico. Let's move forward in Mercosur, India and with our partners in sub-Saharan Africa. We diversify our value chain and make the European Union a leading global power in fair and sustainable trade. But there is one issue that is fundamental, and that is that there are elements that are not negotiable: the rule of law is non-negotiable. European legislation is non-negotiable, because we are a unique model in the world. That's made us different. That's made us strong. And we cannot accept blackmail that will allow Europe to change and modify the legislation in what we have advanced so much: in the welfare state, in terms of equality, also in terms of sustainability issues. The European Union cannot be held hostage to electoral calculations or political lukewarmness. The challenge we face is existential. It is a matter of deciding whether we want to be a strong, sovereign global actor with a voice of our own or whether we resign ourselves to being mere spectators subjected to the whims of a billionaire demagogue who despises everything that the European project represents. Ladies and gentlemen, this is a transformative moment. This is the time to raise our voices, to proudly defend the European project and to demonstrate that, in the face of chaos, the European Union is the hope of a just, democratic and sustainable order.

Madam President, only one question: I would like to ask, please, the services to give the group leaders and the groups all the information, very clearly, about this from the beginning, because if we have information that, for example, this debate will be for the May II plenary, and we decide as a group to support it in May II, it's so difficult now to take a decision about this time. Only to clarify, we as the S&D Group wanted this debate for May II.

Madam President, President von der Leyen, President Costa, 'here Europe is made or it dies'. These words are not from our founders, but from the thousands of citizens who demonstrated on the streets of Rome on March 15: young and old, workers and students, who know that the European Union is their best hope for the future. It is our duty to listen to their voices and act with the courage they demand of us, because our Union is under siege: from the east, Putin’s military offensive against Ukraine; from the west, Trump's trade offensive and tariffs; and, from within, the offensive against our values of Putin's and Trump's allies, such as Orbán's Hungary. The submission to Trump of the false patriots of the far right endangers millions of jobs and the purchasing power of our citizens. If we do not remedy it, its betrayal of Europe will have consequences for farmers, for industries, for consumers. But we won't allow it. We will defend our workers and companies in the automotive, agri-food, steel and aluminium sectors with all our commercial power. And we should not hesitate to use the anti-coercive instrument if necessary. A united and prosperous Europe, free and at peace, is also defended in Ukraine. A partial ceasefire cannot mean the rehabilitation of Putin, a war criminal. Our military and financial support must continue until Russia withdraws from all Ukrainian territory. I continue to call for a legislative proposal by the European Commission to be able to confiscate the 200 billion frozen Russian assets. And if we defend international law in Ukraine, we must also do so in Gaza. There can be no double standards. After more than 50,000 dead, 110,000 wounded, almost 15,000 missing and 1.5 million refugees, what else needs to happen for Europe to propose the suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel? Ladies and gentlemen, the European Union must take charge of its destiny, including in the field of defence. The 150 billion in loans is not enough. We need a defence plan financed by common debt and under no circumstances allowing defence investment to be made at the expense of the welfare state. Because the best antidote to the rise of the far right is that. The only way to get rid of Trump and Putin is with a stronger and more competitive economy. But we cannot boost competitiveness by sacrificing the green transition. The Green Deal must be complied with and, Mr Weber, the Socialists and Democrats Group knows perfectly well what it has to do to work coherently and with a pro-European unity. Therefore, you will know who you listen to, including your far right, to make your alliances and your proposals. We know where we stand. We must also stand up to the autocrats allied with Putin and Trump. Within the European Union, Orbán has run every line with his new law banning the Pride celebration in Hungary. To all democrats across Europe, I want to send a message: let us take to the streets of Budapest this year to celebrate Pride and defend European values. The LGBTQ community is not alone. We stand with you because there is no place for discrimination or hate in our Union, and as long as Orbán continues attacking fundamental rights, we will block EU funds to his government. Members, there was another motto in Rome that we must remember today: our true ways are true, when we forget our fortune. Our fortune is democracy, peace and social justice. We will not allow them to be taken from us. We will defend them with all the determination that our citizens expect from us. That is where Europe is made, and together we will make Europe!

Madam President, today, once again, we can look back and acknowledge that our founders were right: Europe is forged in crises. From the rubble of World War II to the pandemic to the fall of the Berlin Wall, each challenge has made us stronger, more united and more aware of our role in the world. The coming to power of Donald Trump and his shameful approach to the war criminal Vladimir Putin have made it clear that we cannot depend on third parties to ensure our security. This crisis presents us with an unprecedented opportunity: take a leap forward in building a true European Defence Union. The rearmament plan to mobilise EUR 800 billion is a positive step; But let's not fool ourselves, it's just the first step. The suspension of the tax rules to release 650 billion does not guarantee that this figure will be reached, since not all countries have the same fiscal muscle; and the 150 billion in loans backed by EU debt must be the embryo of a new instrument, the successor to Next Generation EU. We cannot allow national solutions to fragment our defence and increase costs. We need more common debt, more solidarity and more strategic vision and, at the same time, ensure that this investment in defence is not made at the expense of social spending and the welfare state, which are the essence of the European project. Because, if we sacrifice our social model, we will be feeding the breeding ground of the far right and undermining the foundations of our democracy. Madam President, colleagues, the construction of a genuine common defence and our support for Ukraine are two sides of the same coin. For three years now, a democratic nation has been suffering the brutal aggression of Vladimir Putin, an aggression driven by imperialist paranoia, motivated with lies, aimed at stopping Ukraine's integration into our democratic and prosperous Europe. We cannot and will not allow Ukraine's sacrifice to be in vain. A sacrifice that has already cost thousands of lives, with hundreds of thousands injured and thousands displaced. The European people have a long memory. Neither Trump nor Putin will make us forget the bombing of civilians, the massacres in Bucha, Mariupol and Zaporizhzhia, or the bravery of families who have felt their loved ones to the frontlines only to lose everything. But let me be clear, we cannot resign ourselves to helping Ukraine only to resist. We must help Ukraine to win this war. To achieve this, we need bold and decisive action. Mrs van der Leyen, we are waiting for your legal proposal to confiscate the EUR 200 billion in frozen Russian assets to rebuild and arm Ukraine. We cannot continue to tie Ukraine's hands while Russia bombs its people. Colleagues, if we let Kiev fall to Putin, autocrats will have won a decisive battle against democracy, a battle that will define the 21st century. As Churchill said to Chamberlain, "You were given the choice between war and dishonour. You chose dishonour and you will have war. Let us not repeat that mistake. Let us stand with Ukraine. Let us defend our values and let us ensure that democracy prevails.

Madam President, dear colleagues, today marks five years since the start of COVID-19. We remember those who died and honour their memory. Faced with a difficult challenge, the European Union worked together in a way we hadn't seen before. We bought vaccines together. We made a digital certificate to help travel safely. We created NextGenerationEU to help our economies recover. This initiative showed that the EU acted together to protect its citizens. Now we face new challenges, like the threat of war. Let us not forget how we handled COVID-19. We need to be bold and stay united. By learning from that time we can build a more resilient and cohesive Europe. This will help us face any future crisis with determination and unity.

Madam President, Commissioner Šefčovič, the Commission's work programme is not just a technical document: is the reflection of the values that unite us and the source of principles that define the European project. This program cannot afford a setback in social advances in the face of discourses that, instead of building, seek to destroy the European dream. Ladies and gentlemen, following the Madrid summit of false patriots, we have witnessed the extreme right, with its simplistic and dangerous rhetoric, trying to resurrect slogans from the past. His Trumpist motto "Make Europe Great Again" is not an aspiration to greatness, it is a cry for the destruction of Europe. How can Europe be great when they seek to deny women the full exercise of their rights? How can Europe be great when they attack immigrants, who are indispensable for the maintenance of our labour markets and our pension systems? How can Europe be great when they propose that big fortunes do not pay taxes? How can Europe be great when they deny climate change even though science claims it is a real threat caused by human activity? It is the same extreme right that aspires to hijack the digital transition, favoring tycoons and corporations that defend only their business interests. It is also the far right that exalts Trump at the same time that he imposes 25% tariffs on European steel and aluminum: explain it to workers in Europe. Ladies and gentlemen of the far right, your motto is not 'Make Europe Great Again'. His only motto is "Let's Destroy Europe Again". And to those who have only one project of hatred, the European Commission has a great responsibility to give a global and ambitious response, a response that cannot be focused exclusively on a competitive compass, ignoring the causes of social discontent. We want a social compass from the European Commission to lift 95 million Europeans out of poverty, to end job insecurity, to tackle rising housing prices. Ladies and gentlemen, it is not enough to measure success through economic indicators; European competitiveness will only be real if it translates into a decent life for people. Europe will only be competitive if we guarantee quality jobs that guarantee new rights for the working class. Europe will only be competitive if we guarantee decent wages. Europe will only be competitive with an affordable housing scheme that allows for a decent life without households having to spend 40% of their income on housing. And we will only be competitive if we increase the European budget and create a permanent investment instrument to advance the European Green Deal, the digital transformation, social protection and European industry. Ladies and gentlemen, the problem of Europe's competitiveness cannot be regulation, it cannot be the work we have all done to build the European social model. If the European Commission wants to count on us to cut red tape and simplify, the Socialists and Democrats Group will be on its side, of course; if the European Commission wants to deregulate and destroy a path travelled over many decades, over many years, do not count on the Socialists and Democrats Group. Today we have the opportunity to reaffirm our commitment to a Europe that is truly great, not in cold numbers or in demagogic discourses, but in the quality of life of its citizens, in social justice, in solidarity, in innovation and in progress.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we are at a turning point for the global economy. The president of the United States intimidates his major trading partners, including Mexico, Colombia, Canada and China, with unjustified tariffs, and threatens to extend this senseless trade war to the European Union. Ladies and gentlemen, let us not be mistaken: Trade has been one of the greatest sources of prosperity of our era. According to the World Bank, since 1990 trade has boosted global incomes by 24% and lifted more than a billion people out of poverty. Protectionism threatens to destroy this progress. And in the face of Trump's destructive drift, what solution does the far right of false patriots have? They will kneel before Trump as his protectionist delirium drives up prices and jeopardizes millions of jobs in sectors such as steel, aluminum, automobiles and agriculture. Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot stand idly by. Let us respond firmly and with a strategic vision to protect the working classes. We are the European Union: We are a regulatory power, a market power and we are the largest trading power in the world. Let us strengthen our single market, because a more integrated Union will be our best defence against external attacks. By removing internal barriers and reducing dependence on unstable markets, our companies will be able to compete more robustly. Let's diversify our trade agreements: Instead of isolating ourselves or relying on a single partner, let's accelerate negotiations with emerging markets and strategic blocs in Latin America, Africa and Asia. Let us be firm in defending our most affected sectors. If Washington hits us with illegal tariffs, let's respond with tariffs on strategic sectors for the U.S. economy. Let us use the Compliance Regulation, let us use safeguard rights and let us deploy the Regulation against coercion to close our market to your goods and services. Madam President, the US president thinks that international trade is a game that can only have one winner. But history shows us that trade is a source of shared wealth and that protectionism only leads to blockages and confrontation. Trump has chosen the wrong path, the path that took Europe from the Great Depression to the Second World War. 100 years later, trade wars have presented a major challenge but also a major opportunity. An opportunity to show that Europe is stronger when it is united. An opportunity to defend the rules-based trade system that has brought prosperity and stability to millions of people, and an opportunity to continue our fight for a fairer and more equal world.

Madam President, Prime Minister Tusk, welcome to the European Parliament. Today begins a new chapter for Europe under the Polish Presidency in the Council, a Presidency which, under your leadership, must have the potential to be a moral and political compass in the times of unprecedented challenges that we have. Mr Tusk, the history of Poland is the history of resistance: is the spirit of those who fought for their freedom in the darkest moments; is the courage of the Polish people during the Nazi occupation; is the uprising of the Warsaw ghetto and the courage of Solidarność, that movement that showed the world that the strength of people united can change the course of history. This is the spirit of resistance that we need today and that we want to address today from the European Union. But it will allow me to make some reflections, because I have listened very carefully to your speech and there is an important part where I agree, but there are some elements where we disagree politically, of course, and I think that is something healthy and important. I fully share the reflection on security. I share the view that Europe needs to make progress on security in the various areas to which you referred. Security cannot be solely and exclusively the security of military defence against the threats of wars that Europe has on all its borders. Of course, it is fundamental and it is important, and I agree that we also need to invest in that European defence, but security is also that a European pensioner gets up in the morning without the anguish of knowing if they will cut off his gas because he has not been able to pay it because his pension is insufficient. Security is that women in Europe can have abortions without the danger that some governments will put them in jail for exercising their rights. Security is that a mother knows that her child, regardless of economic power, will be able to go to a public university. Security is that a gay couple in Europe can walk their streets without fear of insults and attacks. That's security, too. Europe must also take that into account, because our Union will survive if we continue to implement the Green Deal, the only instrument capable of securing our planet. Security is that young people do not have the concern of whether to have children or not because they do not know what planet they are going to leave to live. Our Union will survive if we lead a digital transition in the service of truth, because disinformation and manipulation cannot have a place in our societies. Our Union will survive if we regulate migration flows responsibly and in solidarity as well. Our Union will only survive if we strengthen our defence industry and speak with one voice in devastating wars like Ukraine and the Middle East. I have one last regulatory reflection that I do not agree with, Mr Tusk. Simplification to facilitate the implementation of the decisions we have taken? Of course. But not deregulation, because it means reversing all the progress we have made by working together and together. Mr Tusk, the Polish anthem, as you have rightly mentioned, expresses words as beautiful as they are true: Poland will not die as long as we live. I now want to tell you that the European Union will not die as long as the democratic and pro-European forces live and work together.

Madam President, Mr Costa, welcome to Parliament. It is an honour to welcome you today in your first appearance before this House as President of the European Council. His presence here symbolizes his commitment to the European integration project, a project he has always defended with passion, conviction and results. Your leadership will be crucial at a time when we need unity, determination and vision more than ever. Ladies and gentlemen, this Parliament is the heart of European democracy. And we cannot ignore that our democracy is under threat. Faced with democratic forces, there are forces that seek to divide us, weaken us and retreat in the advances that we have achieved with so much effort. These forces are fueled by the agendas of hatred, lies, cuts in freedoms, such as those represented by the far-right international. We want to continue deepening the strategic relationship with the United States and a transatlantic bond that unites us and in which we believe. The United States is an essential ally to face the challenges of the new time. But the return of Trump poses obvious challenges to us, and our Union cannot only resign itself to reacting, but must reaffirm itself more strongly in who we are and what we stand for. Our Union is based on a set of principles and values that are not subject to political change, as in other parts of the world. Trump is the symptom of the impoverishment of the middle classes, who have seen their purchasing power deteriorate and their right to basic issues such as housing shut down. Let us not forget this reality, because it also persists on our continent. That is why we must act decisively to strengthen the social pillar with living wages, with minimum incomes that protect the most vulnerable and with an ambitious investment of at least EUR 50 billion per year in public housing. Faced with climate denialism and the commitment to fossil fuels, which are a direct threat to the planet and human life, let us advance in the implementation of the Green Deal, not only because it is the only solution to combat the climate crisis, but because it is key to our energy independence, our security and our global competitiveness. Faced with the attacks of digital oligarchs on democracies, we defend a digital transition at the service of citizenship and human progress. Let us firmly enforce the Digital Services Act, fining and restricting the activity of these non-compliant oligarchs. Democracy is not negotiated; Democracy defends itself. In the face of inhumane treatment and mass deportations of immigrants, let us demonstrate that solidarity and humanity are compatible with an orderly regulation of migratory flows. A well-managed migration policy is the best guarantee to maintain our welfare state, unique in the world, and to preserve our fundamental values. Faced with the expansionist cravings of some and the announcements of tariff retaliation and its threats to our security, let us strengthen our trade ties with our allies and foster an autonomous European defence industry. Faced with the situation in Ukraine and the Middle East, let us speak with one voice and without double standards. There is no better way to defend a just peace in Ukraine than by authorizing the use of long-range weapons against military targets on Russian territory. There is no better way to ensure a just peace than by allocating Russia's 200 billion frozen assets to reconstruction and armament in Ukraine. And there is no better way to promote a just and lasting peace in the Middle East than by defending the two-state solution to the Abraham Accords, which only brought more hatred and destruction. Ladies and gentlemen, we are commemorating the centenary of the birth of Mario Soares, a man who dedicated his life to the European project. The words he spoke at the College of Europe in 1977 should be our guide today: "As a Portuguese and as a European, I am confident that the Europe that we all want will not accept to be a simple club of rich countries, but a true community, widely open to the outside world and fundamentally solidarity between the parties that, by mandate of geography or history, necessarily compose it". Let us remember those words and make our guide to the work that, together, lies ahead.

Madam President, we are at a crucial moment for the defence of our democracies. What just a while ago seemed like an opportunity to connect people, to strengthen our societies, what should be a tool for progress, today has become a dangerous weapon in the hands of those who seek to divide and undermine our institutions. Election interference and manipulated algorithms on social media are a direct threat to our European values. In recent months we have seen how Elon Musk and his social network X have become the main megaphone of the far right with their support for Trump and Weidel through hoaxes and hate messages. We have also witnessed Zuckerberg's decision to remove fact-checking programs on Meta in an act of complicity with lying and manipulation. In this situation, Mrs Virkkunen, we must ask ourselves where the European Commission's answer lies. Where are the hard-hitting measures to curb the abuses of digital oligarchs? The Commission's initial silence in the face of the threat at the first moments of this attack is not acceptable. Inaction is not neutrality, it is complicity. That is also why, of course, we welcome the measures announced by the Commission last week to ask X for more information in order to be able to complete the investigation that is open, but we have to continue. From the European Union we must be an example of firmness and leadership. Citizens expect clear actions. It is not enough to legislate, we must ensure the effective implementation of our rules. Our message to Zuckerberg and those who think social media is above democracy is clear: They're not untouchable. Mr Musk must understand that democracy is not the luxury they can buy, but it is the essence of our coexistence. It is time to implement the Digital Services Act, a law that provides us with clear tools, including significant fines. At the same time, we need to boost European social media and we urgently need to adopt the Artificial Intelligence Liability Directive. If in 2022 the Council banned the activities of Sputnik and Russia Today in the European Union, we cannot fall into double standards. We have no alternative but to stop social networks that do not comply with the law. But, in addition to executing and regulating, we must remind the digital oligarchy why we are the European Union. We are the European Union because we defend freedom of expression in its true sense, as a pillar of our democracies, not as a playground for manipulation and hatred. We are the European Union because we believe in the transformative power of truth and democracy. We are the European Union because freedom of expression does not mean freedom to misinform, freedom to lie. Freedom of expression cannot justify the lies that destroy societies or the hoaxes that fuel divisions. History has shown us time and again the dangers of propaganda and manipulation. Not so long ago it happened and it can happen again now. Ladies and gentlemen, we have the instruments. We have a responsibility to protect our democracies. Truth is not negotiable. Let's make digital tycoons understand the words of the great Spanish poet Antonio Machado: The truth is what it is and remains the truth, even if you think the other way around.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, last week I had the opportunity to travel to Ukraine for the second time. My visit had a clear objective: reaffirm our support to President Zelenskyy and his government and assess Ukraine’s urgent needs in its defence against Putin’s criminal regime. Ladies and gentlemen, we know that Ukraine is going through one of the most difficult times since February 2022. Russia savagely hits civilian infrastructure to subject the Ukrainian people to cold and darkness, and resorts to the use of weapons with nuclear potential. North Korean forces support Russia in the Kursk region and Iranian missiles and drones terrorize civilians and strike cities relentlessly. But, despite Ukraine's suffering on the battlefield, the Ukrainian authorities are not contemplating a ceasefire. The message conveyed to me by President Zelenskyy, the Prime Minister and other members of the Government is resounding: They don't want help negotiating, they want us to help them achieve peace through a position of strength that forces Putin to negotiate. They want help to win the war, because they are convinced that they will win the war, because they know what they are fighting for. They are fighting for peace, for security and for the prosperity of their children. Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot go down in history as Chamberlain. To abandon Ukraine to its fate would be to fall into the same mistake that the British prime minister made in 1938 in handing over Czechoslovakia to Hitler. Those who think that sacrificing Ukraine can safeguard world peace make a mistake. Because Putin, like Hitler, will not stop. And if Putin triumphs in Ukraine, what fate awaits Moldova or Georgia? How far will Putin's acts of interference and sabotage go? Russia's war against Ukraine is not an isolated crisis, it is the prelude to a global struggle between authoritarian regimes and democracies. And we can no longer hide in the U.S. security umbrella. The time has come for the European Union. The time has come to assume our destiny and do what is necessary so that the peace that Trump seeks is not a capitulation, so that authoritarian cruelty does not triumph and threatens the present and the future of our democracies. President Zelenskyy and his government want us to live up to our commitments. Ukraine urgently needs more air defenses, more ammunition, more long-range weapons. They need us to execute the 15th package of sanctions. And it also needs us to seize the €200 billion in Russian frozen assets to rebuild the country and further develop its defence industry. Ladies and gentlemen, last November we commemorated the 35th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall. That moment marked the end of the Cold War and the birth of a new world order. That hope for a world based on cooperation, multilateralism, peace and prosperity vanished with Russia's cruel invasion of Ukraine. But thirty-five years later, I've also seen what I could never imagine. In Kiev I have seen a courageous Ukraine, I have seen a Ukraine candidate to join the European Union, I have seen a Ukraine firmly committed to European values. And believe me, ladies and gentlemen, if we are brave our history will not end like Chamberlain's in World War II; our history, the history of Ukraine and the European Union, will end up as members of the same family.

Madam President, it's only for one minute to tell you that we received information about the situation with one of the finalists for the Sakharov Prize, Mr Ibadoghlu, and we received the information that he was in very bad circumstances: they cut the internet. I would ask the President of Parliament to make contact with the authorities and try to guarantee that he will be safe, and we are taking into account his situation.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, I am sure - I have no doubt - that today you have read the message of this House perfectly. You have perfectly read the message that those of us who want to build Europe with you and your College of Commissioners want to convey to you. Obviously, the European Parliament represents citizen sovereignty, a diverse Europe, a Europe with differences, but a Europe that is aware that it has to work together. Clearly, negotiation has not been easy. Obviously, you will not have the support of 100% of this House, not even of my group. But in this house there is a majority that can make progress in building the Europe we need: the Europe of equality, the Europe of solidarity, the Europe of the defence of human rights, the green Europe, the feminist Europe, the Europe that wants to respond to the problems of citizenship. There are those who have put many problems in this negotiation, who have tried to destabilise the European Union by putting their partisan interests above the interests of Europe. But be clear about one thing: the message is clear, here there is a majority among popular, liberal, social democrats and greens who want to work together. Today may not be all the positive votes, but there is a commitment that tomorrow we will start working for the common good. Nothing ends today, everything begins today and you have with you and the entire College of Commissioners a Social Democratic Group that will be responsible, that will set the agenda, that will defend the values of the Union and that will continue to work for the good of all European citizens.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, the new Commission will begin its mandate at a decisive moment for the future of the European project, at a time when the progress of our citizens, the survival of the planet, the competitiveness of our companies, our defence capabilities and the leadership we want in the world are at stake. Challenges of enormous magnitude that we will have to face at a time when the extreme right wants to scrap the European project, Trump threatens to break the transatlantic link, China has shattered trade rules and the world is torn between the law of the strong or the rules of international law, as a result of Putin's devastating war against Ukraine and Netanyahu's massacre in Gaza and Lebanon. And, in this context of risk, there are those who have undermined the prestige of the institution and exposed the Union to a crisis of governance. The yes of the Social Democratic family is a yes to moving forward. It is a yes to the new College of Commissioners responsible, a constructive yes, a yes to European stability, but be clear that it is not a blank cheque. Mrs von der Leyen, Mr Weber, the pro-European forces that have built the Union since its foundation have an agreement. And the agreements are fulfilled. Be faithful to the pro-European tradition and reaffirm your commitment to the pro-European majority. I insist, we will not accept a double game. Because you cannot build Europe with those who want to destroy it. Because it is immoral to build Europe with those who promote an agenda of suppression of conquered rights, with those who deny climate change and reverse equality, environmental or social justice policies. Because it is impossible to build Europe with those who reject the integration process and want to reduce it to a simple internal market, without common policies and without progress on defence and external policies. Faced with the narrative of fear and nationalist instinct, we Europeanist forces have an obligation to defend the principles on which the European Union was built. Let us remind the citizens why we are pro-Europeans. We are pro-European because we share the values of democracy, the rule of law, gender equality and the protection of minorities. We are pro-European because we want our states to assert their sovereignty to defend our common interests, in the face of challenges such as climate change, digital transformation or tax evasion. We are Europeanists because we believe that our social market economy is the best source of progress, a unique social model in the world that guarantees education, health or pensions to all people; a social model that has yet to be built. And there is no better way to defeat far-right populism than to guarantee living wages and affordable housing. We are pro-Europeans because our long history of hatred, fear of the other and cruel wars has taught us that conflicts must be resolved peacefully wherever possible. And we are pro-European because history shows us that, after every crisis, our union comes out more integrated and united. Yes, we Social Democrats are pro-Europeans. And with Teresa Ribera's leadership in the green transition, Roxana Mînzatu's commitment to quality jobs, Dan Jørgensen's commitment to the fight against energy poverty and access to housing, and Glenn Micallef's involvement in the future of young people, we will be more so in the future. The history of Europe has a social democratic stamp and let no one think that we are going to resign ourselves. We will remain firm, with our heads held high and our values intact to face the new challenges. Ladies and gentlemen, the European Union is the most successful integration process in the history of the planet. Together, we have achieved stability and progress for a territory where 27 States and 450 million people live together. And today, beyond our ideological differences, we must continue advancing towards a common goal: building a united Europe, a prosperous Europe, a Europe at peace.

Madam President, President Zelenskyy, welcome to the European Parliament. Thank you very much for joining us at such a difficult time for Ukraine. Despite the distance, it is a pleasure and a great honour to have your presence in our common home, in the home of European democracy. Today marks a thousand days since Russia's invasion of Ukraine, but it is also four thousand days since the aggression began in 2014. Mr Zelensky, this year we are commemorating the 10th anniversary of the Revolution of Dignity (hidnist) and we are aware of the terrible price they are still paying to defend it. President Zelenskyy and the Ukrainian people do not need great applause or ovations, nor solemn words about their courage and resistance, which we already know. Ukraine needs weapons, because wars are not only won with the power of the word, wars are also won with ammunition, with tanks and with air defenses. Let's be honest with President Zelenskyy. If tomorrow the European Union were attacked by Putin, would we ask ourselves if it is legitimate to hit the enemy from where they hit us? Would we ask ourselves if it is legitimate to use the aggressor's frozen assets to arm and rebuild ourselves? With every red line we impose on ourselves, the Ukrainian people pay for it in human lives and destruction. President Zelenskyy, you succeeded in awakening European memory. You reminded us of the worst horrors of the 20th century, from the bombing of Guernica to the Berlin Wall to the Holocaust. Now the Bucha massacre, the siege of Mariupol or the battle of Kharkov show that the worst nightmares of the last century have returned to the 21st century. And the worst enemy of wars is indifference, the indifference of those who think that tragedy does not affect them. Our support for Ukraine is not just a moral obligation to the attacked, international law and a just peace. There is no better guarantee for the security of the European continent than the victory of Ukraine. Because if Ukraine falls, Putin's nationalist, authoritarian and criminal regime will not stop. Ladies and gentlemen, it is not only a matter of helping Ukraine for as long as it takes, but of supporting Ukraine with whatever it takes. We overcome the defeatist message of those who think that Ukraine cannot win the war. Russia has lost many other wars in history and in the past there were already powers that gave up against others less powerful. Mr Zelensky, today I would like to reaffirm my words on Ukraine at the first plenary session of this parliamentary term. Weeks will pass, months or years will pass; it will cost blood, sweat or tears, but the Ukrainian people will win the war; Because history has taught us that in every war two battles are always fought. One is the battle of ideas, and Ukraine has already won it, because the Ukrainian people have chosen democracy over those who repudiate it; the Ukrainian people have chosen freedom and openness vis-à-vis those who fear them; the Ukrainian people have chosen to be independent from those who still dream of old empires. And the other battle? The other battle takes place on the battlefield. And if we in the European Union have always said that you are fighting for your freedom and also for ours, we have an obligation to provide Ukraine with all political, military, financial and humanitarian aid until the final victory. Mr. Zelenski, I was born in a Spain where a cruel dictator still kidnapped the present and the future of the Spanish people. For my generation, the European project was a beacon of freedom, progress and social justice. I wanted to be in the European Union as you wanted to be in Maidan ten years ago; how they want to be in the European Union today. We will accompany them until their aspirations to be a free and sovereign country that decides its own destiny in the European family become reality. We will be by your side until the blue and yellow of Ukrainian flags wave along with the blue and yellow of European flags. Mui Yevropa! Slava Ukraini!