Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, I would like to congratulate my colleague, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, for this strong annual report on human rights. As human rights are universal, consistency is key. Human rights cannot be sacrificed for EU interests like trade or migration. And, of course, Parliament should never be silenced because of the own financial interests of some MEPs. If we do not clear the House, human rights are the first to suffer. Human rights have been increasingly under pressure, in particular for women and girls. The huge repression in Afghanistan and Iran already results in the suffering of 55 million women and girls directly affected in their core rights. In Afghanistan, the Taliban have simply erased women and girls from public life and curtailed their mobility, access to schools, universities and jobs. And this human rights crisis adds to the humanitarian crisis, which affects women the most. In Iran, the killing of Jina Mahsa Amini and violent crackdown of protests, illustrate the regime’s longstanding and systemic suppression of women. Young protesters are executed just because they call for freedom. But despite the huge fear of the people, they persist in the fight for their rights and they deserve all our support. And that brings me to the importance of accountability. We must bring the perpetrators to court and impose sanctions that really hurt. And let’s call a spade a spade: IRGT is a terrorist organisation.

Madam President, Council Presidency, Mr Kristersson and Commissioners, the Pact on Migration and Asylum has entered a crucial stage. The Council reached agreement on border control and security pretty rapidly, but it stalls on the question of how to share responsibility. The pact is not a pick-and-choose game, it is a package to ensure all elements, protection standards, equal division of responsibility and security measures. And it’s upon the Swedish Presidency to complete this whole package in time. And the success of the pact hangs upon a strong and effective solidarity mechanism based on common responsibility. This is the key to ending push-back practices and lives lost at sea and the key to ensuring proper asylum procedures. And it’s the key we expect you to use to end the deadlock. And give me one hint. The first-entry rule in the current Dublin Regulation is not fair for the Baltic countries, but it does not work in practice either. But taking common responsibility, which I think we should do, does not mean a common effort to shift it to third countries. This is what happens with prioritising migration in all EU foreign policies. Development aid aims at reducing poverty, not at returning migrants. The idea to refuse tariff preferences to the least developed countries, if they don’t cooperate, is a new low in this tendency of migration deals. I wish the Swedish Government a successful presidency with the right sense of responsibility inside and outside the EU, and a sound moral compass.

Madam President, EU governments, including Greece and Italy, have increasingly criminalised providing support to people in desperate need for help. NGOs and churches carrying out life-saving work face huge obstacles in providing assistance on land and search and rescue at sea. They are treated as criminals. And, colleagues, humanitarian assistance is not a crime, it is an international obligation. This criminalisation is a dangerous tendency in Europe, fuelled by the lack of an adequate response by the Commission and the Council. Criminalisation is not only illegal, but it also deters people from offering life-saving assistance. And I therefore urge you, on behalf of the Greens/EFA Group, to hold a plenary debate titled ‘Criminalisation of humanitarian assistance, including search and rescue’.

Madam President, Council, Commissioner, the freedom and independence of journalists are strong indicators of the quality of democracy and the rule of law. And yet these safeguards are increasingly at risk in the EU. Intimidation, SLAPP cases and surveillance are applied in notorious autocracies like Poland and Hungary, but just as well in other states, including Greece. The Commission has confirmed persistent attacks and threats against journalists in Greece, and this repression has an intentional, chilling effect. Reporters on push—backs and other human rights violations are specifically targeted. The Greek policy of silencing media and civil society has created a hostile environment which is detrimental to the necessary checks and balances of an open society. Impunity at the EU level has fuelled this development, and even with the long—awaited Media Freedom Act, only enforcement of the rules can stop this repression in all our Member States. So I urge the Commission to take legal action, protect our democracies and fundamental freedoms, protect journalists.

Mr President, Commissioner, the situation in Afghanistan continues to be a hell after the Taliban takeover. And since our resolution in April, the lives of Afghans have even turned worse. Women and girls face horrible repression. They are excluded from public life to such an extent that it amounts to gender apartheid. Minorities are brutally attacked. Day by day, flagrant human rights violations take place without any accountability. The humanitarian situation is equally dramatic. Nearly half of the population faces acute food insecurity, and this will only increase. So I call on the EU and the UN to step up humanitarian aid and make engagement with the Taliban conditional on the respect for human rights, but refrain from legitimising this ruthless criminal gang; hold them accountable and extend the sanctions list. Mr President, the human rights defenders, journalists, judges – all who are targeted by the Taliban need our help to leave the country. But the opposite is happening: Afghan refugees are stuck in unsafe transit countries. Many arrivals in Europe are left in limbo despite the reality that they cannot return. So Member States: stop these senseless and inhuman policies. Afghans deserve our help inside and outside the country. Bring them in safety and offer them sustainable protection, don’t leave them alone.

Mr President, dear Council, Commissioners, when persons are in distress at sea, every minute counts. Yet coastal states refuse to fulfil their international obligation to rescue them and disembark them in their ports. They instrumentalise people whose life is at risk in a cynical attempt to push for solidarity. Yes, we urgently need a fair distribution of asylum seekers, we’ve called for that for years, but the lack of it can never be an excuse to play with people’s lives. And how cynical is it that NGOs filling this gap and saving lives are criminalised, whereas the states violating their obligation enjoy impunity. The new action plan doesn’t change that. It repeats what we already know isn’t working. We don’t need more migration deals that lead to the containment of people in hell: look at Libya. Instead, we must prioritise saving lives and upholding the right to seek asylum. And I call on the Commission to act as a real guardian of the Treaty: design a common response to end the brutal death zone; fund and coordinate a state-led search—and—rescue mission; and force Member States to take their responsibility. And none of this, of course, will be successful without fair responsibility—sharing and mandatory relocation. I once again urge Member States to prioritise solidarity and end this deadly race to the bottom.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, Russian aggression has led to a revived appetite to enlargement and rightfully so. Without our neighbouring countries, we will not achieve strategic autonomy and regional stability. But the region has been neglected for too long. Promises have been broken, in particular towards the Western Balkans. Parliament has now made a strong proposal and I thank the rapporteur and my co-shadows. I invite the Council and Commission to take this report as a basis for a renewed approach and I mark three points here. First, put the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights at the core of the enlargement process as they form the foundations of our Union. Make funding conditional and increase assistance for those reforms – and that also means a critical stance on Serbia, as long as President Vučić refuses to condemn Russia and to protect the rights of LGBTIQ people in his country. Second, enhance the EU’s credibility by ensuring that assessments are merit-based and not polluted by bilateral issues. And that means an end to the vetoes on interim decisions. And third, we need to find ways to intensify our cooperation while the accession process is still ongoing. More benefits and more involvement will stimulate the process. It’s time to start delivering our promises for our own stability, but first and foremost – as you also said, Commissioner – because the citizens deserve the required reforms and concrete perspective to accession.

Sir, I cannot comment on this specific incident. What I want to say is that Bulgaria should also respect the Copenhagen criteria. Of course, there is a lot of work on better neighbourly relations. What I said is that you are an EU Member State. You have gone through the accession process yourself. You know how important it is that the merits are being assessed, and the merits only. This is important for Schengen accession, but it’s also important for the accession of North Macedonia tow the EU. You have a responsibility yourself to make sure that the EU is reliable and credible, and that is what you should show to the citizens of the West.

Madam Chair, Commissioner, after the Russian aggression in Ukraine, the EU has finally woken up. Now everyone sees why swift EU integration of the Western Balkans is key for our stability. I warmly welcome the recommendation of the European Commission to grant Bosnia a candidate status. We must actively support the country to work on the necessary reforms, but also to ensure the right Council decision in due time. And, of course, it was high time for a breakthrough in the process with North Macedonia and Albania. Bulgaria must now stick to its promise not to use its veto any longer in this process, and other Member States have the responsibility to keep Bulgaria to its promise. Reliability and credibility should be EU trademarks. Madam President, now it’s high time to translate our nice words into true commitment, not only for geopolitical reasons, but also because the citizens of the Western Balkans deserve this perspective. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Mr President, numerous victims. Refugees from Ukraine deserve our unconditional support, no matter how long, no matter how many. So we warmly welcome the extended application of the Temporary Protection Directive. But the Russian aggression also affects citizens of Russia and Belarus, who don’t choose the side of Putin. Human rights defenders, journalists who speak out are persecuted. Deserters and draft evaders who do not want to fight this cruel war are under a risk as well, as Putin perceives them as traitors. The EU must keep its channels open to protect those who are under threat. The right to asylum is neutral and universal and cannot be ignored just for political reasons. So people who arrive at our borders must be able to apply for asylum and I call upon the Commission to monitor compliance by the Member States. Unlike the authoritarian Kremlin regime, we respect the rule of law, and only by upholding our values, we can win this war.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, today we can finally speak freely about the way Frontex was covering up pushbacks. Despite all attempts to keep it secret, reported violations were disregarded, fundamental rights watchdogs were side-lined, the Parliament lied to. The report not only reveals the misbehaviour of a manager, but also the complete failure of the governance of Frontex. Why did the Member States and Commission allow this misconduct to go on for years? Why didn’t they prevent this deeply rotten culture? This report is not about an incident or a few people, but about the structural human rights crisis at our borders and within Frontex, an agency that must guarantee our values and rights. Lives, protection, human dignity are at stake, we must see that the lessons learned at all levels. It would be a big mistake to pretend that almost all problems are already solved. No, we must work hard on the structure and culture of the agency on transparency and accountability, and to stop any acceptance of pushbacks.

Madam President, it is in the common interest of the EU to have all Member States be the Schengen area. And, therefore, we welcome today’s discussion to overcome the current two-tier system and bring in Member States that are still in the waiting room and, thus, lift the unequal treatment of citizens of the EU. Yet, accession to the Schengen area is not a right, it’s a responsibility as well. It means carrying out the Schengen acquis in full compliance with fundamental rights. And this is where we still have some serious concerns. In the past years there has been mounting evidence of systematic pushbacks and border violence in Bulgaria as well as Romania. Human Rights Watch reports that Bulgarian authorities were beating, robbing, stripping and using police dogs on asylum seekers and migrants as they pushed them back to Turkey. In Romania, uniformed border guards were seen pushing back people to Serbia. Allowing Schengen accession in the face of such reports de facto also means condoning these grave violations of the rights of migrants and refugees. But my group, let me be clear, my group urges for a merit-based, objective decision on a Schengen accession for both countries. So I call upon all Member States to do the same: assess the merits, take the Schengen standards seriously, but don’t mix it up with other more political considerations just only because you can, because you have a veto. And if Bulgaria agrees with this position, it has to act consistently and stop using its veto during the accession process of North Macedonia to the EU. So, President, Schengen can only remain the jewel in the crown if we all live up to the standards of Schengen before, but also after the accession.

I didn’t speak about EPPO. I agree with the previous speaker, so it’s good that he brought this up. There are indeed a few other Member States, and especially while there are so many corruption cases in Hungary, and if Hungary really wants to show it’s working on an independent system and fighting corruption, it would be better to seek cooperation with the EPPO because that would give much more trust than we can have at the moment.

Madam President, Council, Commissioner, the Conditionality Regulation is now put to the test. Is it fit for purpose, are the institutions willing to use it? I urge the Commission to pass this test in assuring that Hungary reverses its deep and systemic rule-of-law flaws and that it ends the corruption and the captured judiciary. As the Commission rightly stated itself, you can’t protect the EU budget without an independent judiciary. The 17 measures cannot solve this rule-of-law crisis, because how can a new integrity body be effective in a dysfunctional system? And how can the improved rules and prosecution be adjudicated fairly by captured courts? Commissioner, we urge you: be strict and steadfast, progress on paper and on limited issues are not enough. We need a systematic change and the Commission to enforce it. Giving in too quickly will render our most precious tool toothless. The rule of law and, therefore, our European values are non-negotiable. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

The whole problem, dear colleague, is actually that the institutions in Hungary are not independent, so their assessment of the situation cannot be taken for granted. I think the rapporteur has reported everything and this is not an own personal judgement alone, this is founded by many independent institutions making clear that Hungary has turned into an autocratic regime with a lack of independence of the judiciary, a lack of independence of media, a lack of academic freedom, and a civil society that does not, cannot, is not able to speak up. There’s a lack of checks and balances and therefore we need to make the maximum use of the tools that we have because autocratic regimes do not fit in the EU.

Madam President, our European values are heavily under attack in Hungary, the rapporteur made that crystal clear, and women, minorities and vulnerable people are the main targets. We get the Media Freedom Act, a defend democracy act, but let’s use the tools that we already have in our toolbox to combat this autocratic regime. Article 7, of course, but also no disbursement of RRF money until all requirements are fulfilled. Use the conditionality mechanism for the total EU budget, including agricultural funds, where abuse and fraud as identified, and also include the Migration and Border Management Fund, as Hungary refuses to implement European Court judgments on asylum. It even proudly registered the numerous pushbacks conducted every year, and it silences the NGOs who speak up against that. So civil society needs stronger support. So, Commissioner, Hungary may promise changes, but I urge you and the Council to stay strong until the independence of the judiciary, freedom of media, academic freedom, anti—corruption legislation and compliance with judgments is fully restored. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Madam President, tomorrow we will listen to the State of the Union. We will hear an emphasis on the European values and the rule of law. Solidarity with war refugees will be praised. But let me do a reality check. Thousands of refugees are pushed back at our borders. Greece, for instance, violates human rights on a daily basis and silences those who speak up. But the Commission and the Council stay silent as well, which almost invites other countries to push back refugees as well: Croatia, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Lithuania, and more. We have entered the stage where our European values have been rendered meaningless at our borders. And the Netherlands and Belgium keep their doors closed for hundreds of asylum seekers; they sleep on the streets, wait endlessly to make their asylum claim. These are two rich countries, which simply failed to organise themselves. It affects the refugees, but also the common asylum policy and mutual trust. The Dutch Government will now resolve these violations by another unlawful measure by keeping family members separated for several years. If our treatment of refugees measures the shape our rule of law is in, it is in a deplorable state. So governments and Commission, stop this race to the bottom. Respect the right to asylum. Share responsibility. Make Europe credible again.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, the Cotonou Agreement has been successful in promoting sustainable development goals, and we therefore strongly support its successor. It also aims to promote human rights, EU values and to operate in a spirit of equality. So these goals all serve the interests of the citizens of ACP countries, except one element that the EU insisted upon, which is the readmission clauses. If an ACP country does not comply with return and readmission of their citizens, EU Member States can suspend the benefits of the Agreement. But if the EU does not deliver in making remittances cheaper or in promoting legal migration, the ACP countries are left with empty hands because that is limited to good intentions. This does not reflect the principle of equal partnership. We need mutual and equally strong commitments. So I urge the Member States to keep their promise to strengthen legal mobility of persons, solidarity in hosting refugees, facilitate remittances: these are all key to cooperation and development.

Mr President, Commissioner, the rapporteur is not here, unfortunately. I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Rangel, for his work and genuine efforts to find compromises, and it has resulted in a strong, unified position of the Parliament. With this report, the Parliament makes very clear that the future of Bosnia is in the EU and it urges for a serious revival of the EU enlargement agenda. The Russian aggression has made this integration process even more urgent, as destabilisation of the region is a real threat. But we are also frank: for Bosnia to advance on its path to the EU, commitment is needed from both sides. Mr Dodik cannot maintain to be in favour of EU accession and at the same time support Putin and try to dismantle the state of Bosnia. HDZ cannot insist on cementing ethnic division through a discriminatory electoral law which undermines the principle of one person, one vote. Leaders need to overcome the past and implement the highly needed reforms transforming Bosnia into the functional, multi-ethnic state that the citizens so much want and deserve.

Madam President, I thank you and the Commissioners. Dear Prime Minister, welcome in our House and I also welcome the Minister of European Affairs. During the eurozone crisis, we have painfully witnessed in Greece how citizens suffer if the EU fails to act in unity and solidarity, and citizens should never any more pay the price of a functioning monetary and economic union. Greece should be able to count on the Union to fully reap the benefits of the green transition. But we also count on Greece to defend the fundaments of the Union: a Europe based on democracy, rule of law, media freedom and non-discrimination. A Europe that respects fundamental rights, including human dignity and the right to apply for asylum. And I wonder is this Europe as well, Prime Minister, if asylum seekers try to enter this Europe through your country, their rights are brutally trampled? They are pushed into the Turkish waters and land. Migrants are even forced to push back other migrants and the border guards – masked men putting lives at risk – enjoy impunity. But those who save lives are convicted. And therefore, I ask you, Mr Mitsotakis, is this Europe? You’re closing down the most humane camps and have forced asylum seekers to live in remote and closed hotspots. You lose thousands of asylum seekers from Syria and Afghanistan in a legal limbo, using the fiction that they could return to Turkey, which they can’t. And the lucky refugees that do get a status have to survive on the streets. Yet, those helping refugees are restricted and criminalised; those who speak up, including media, are silenced. But, Prime Minister, covering up evidence doesn’t help, because the reality is recorded and reported time and time again by all relevant bodies of the UN, Council of Europe, by ombudsmen, NGOs and investigative journalists. And European judges refuse to accept this reality as it violates EU asylum law. That, Mr Mitsotakis, is Europe. And let me be clear: other Member States have put Greece in an unfair position. They breached the principle of solidarity by refusing a common responsibility for asylum seekers. We could be allies in combating these selfish policies and to have geopolitical answers to geopolitical conflicts. But sealing off the borders, deterring and pushing back refugees is not the European answer. And, instead of trying to demonstrate a shield for Europe, I urge you to solve the many problems in your society. People are suffering from it: the 36.8% of young people unemployed; the high level of poverty; the increasing use of fossil fuel riding this global crisis, instead of investments in renewable energy. Use the EU funds to create innovative green and social jobs to transform your country into an inclusive, modern and sustainable state. Prime Minister, we count on Greece to honour the fundamental rights on which true European solidarity can be built, both for the Greek citizens and for the refugees. Because there is no Europe left to protect or to defend if its core values are undermined.

Madam President, Commissioner, the death and injury of migrants at the borders of Melilla doesn’t need easy rhetoric, but honest self-reflection. Access to an asylum procedure is the core of the Refugee Convention. And this is at stake at the fences at the Spanish enclaves, where most migrants from sub-Sahara cannot approach the border—crossing points to ask for asylum. Spain begs Morocco to keep them away, not caring if they are beaten up or dumped in the desert. And the EU strongly supports this practice, without any guarantee that migrants are being protected. The Commissioner puts the blame on the smugglers, but sealing off the borders, not offering legal pathways, makes refugees dependent on smugglers. So who should we blame here? We must put EU values at the centre of border policies and migration deals, enforce access to asylum, condition funding to human rights compliance inside and outside the EU, monitor the human rights situation, and of course start offering legal pathways to refugees.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, the Russian aggression has increased the urgency to pull our neighbouring countries closer to us, to protect them against destructive influence and help them in building democratic and free countries. And the candidate status amplifies our cooperation, if combined with active support. We applaud this step towards Ukraine and Moldova but, at the same time, we need really urgently to give perspective to the citizens of the Western Balkans. North Macedonia and Albania are waiting too long, having fulfilled all the criteria and trust in the EU is now really at stake. Kosovo deserves visa liberalisation and the citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina need a credible promise that they will get candidate status if their political leaders are willing to show commitment and take the necessary steps. We need to offer perspective now. This is needed for geopolitical unity, but also desperately needed to offer the citizens the safeguards of security, economic prospects and European values.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, I would like to congratulate you on a positive partnership agreement reached with three partner countries to regulate labour migration. It shows that it is possible to develop equal partnerships that are mutually beneficial, which are often, to be honest, really missing. Most of the times we see that the EU is using negative incentives ‘less for less’ to force third countries to strengthen border controls and return migrants. However, the regulation of labour migration is the best way to combat irregular migration, the exploitation of migrants and unfair competition. I would only like to urge you to go beyond circular migration. Ensuring that migrants have strong rights from the beginning is not only key to their integration, but also to preventing exploitation. If we create more mobility rights, you can be sure that migrants will return regularly to their countries and invest there, just like we see with the free movement within the EU. Furthermore, it’s important that the Single Permit Directive becomes a basis for strong rights for all migrants residing in the EU, and that intra—EU mobility will be a vital element for the long—term residents residing within the EU. In this way, they can come closer to the position of EU citizens. We welcome all four proposals, as they have the potential to boost migrants’ rights, mobility and integration. We hope that this positive approach will lead to a more rational approach towards migration, which we desperately need.

Madam President, Court of Justice ruling on the retirement ages of judges: not implemented. Court of Justice ruling on a disciplinary chamber: not implemented. Court of Justice ruling on a disciplinary regime for judges: not implemented. Court of Justice ruling on the independence of judges: not implemented. European Court of Human Rights judgment on the right to a fair trial: not implemented. President, last year you spoke the following words in our House, and I quote: ‘our values are guaranteed by our legal order as safeguarded by the judgments of the European Court of Justice and we make sure that they are respected and we will never waver in that determination’. But by transferring EUR 36 million to the Polish Government, you will undermine the Polish rule of law and the European legal order, but also our confidence in your capacity as Guardian of the Treaties. Please do not let this happen.

Mr President, the people of North Macedonia are being let down. They are waiting now for over ten years for the accession talks to start, while having fulfilled the conditions. Until now, the citizens supported brave pro—EU leaders. But times are changing due to the EU’s failure and in a few years’ time, the trust of Macedonian citizens in the EU has decreased to less than 15%. This must be a wake—up call to the EU, and especially Bulgaria, that we must live up to our promises now. Putin’s aggression in Ukraine rings another alarm bell. Russian influence is still rising at our doorstep in the Western Balkans. We can make democracy win from autocracy if we practice what we preach. This moment may be the last opportunity, so I urge the Council: no further delays.