Speeches

Madam President, the Qatar and the Morocco scandal has shocked our societies and shaken the confidence of citizens in the Democratic Institute of the EU. If directly elected politicians appear not to be resistant to external attempts to buy their votes, buy their influence and their political activities, our credibility is heavily under attack, because it not only ruins the reputation of the MEPs concerned or that of every single Member among us, people's trust in the EU as a whole, as you rightly said, may be affected as well, unless we are determined to learn from these scandals and to resolve all weak spots in our systems. Transparency and public oversight are imperative for a functioning democracy. We welcome the first steps proposed by the president, but we need additional, substantial measures. A reform of the transparency register, which also discloses lobbying activities, including their foreign funding. Stronger obligations for Members to declare their assets and to register every side job, gifts and travels paid by external actors. Introduce much stronger protection for staff members and APAs, so that they can safely share their observations of unlawful behaviour. Establish an impartial ethics body fully competent to investigate allegations of corruption in all EU institutions and agencies. But the rules alone will not solve it. Compliance with them must be much better monitored and enforced. An oversight mechanism where complaints can be filed should not only be composed by ourselves. Advice from external experts is key to prevent favouritism and to give oversight more credibility. Sanctions for non-compliance must be determined enough to enforce the norms. Integrity cannot be taken for granted, and even the suspicion of non-integrity is toxic for an effectively functioning democracy. It is first and foremost for this democracy that we need to restore the trust and to subject ourselves to these rules, oversight and accountability.

Madam President, dear Commissioner – there is no one from the Council – since our last resolution on Afghanistan, both the human rights and the humanitarian situation have dramatically worsened by new radical measures taken by the Taliban against women and girls. Girls from the age of 12 were already banned from schools, deprived of their future, their dreams and their ambitions. But women have now been banned from universities. Women and girls are systematically erased from public life, and female aid workers are banned as well, which affects 28 million people in desperate need of aid. Especially because women are only allowed to receive aid from female workers, this ban will push people over the cliff. Let us not be misled, this is not just a way to pressure the West into negotiations, this is simply how the Taliban view society and the role of women. ‘I feel like I am in prison, treated like an animal that has no goal. This is not a life. I am dead and yet alive’, says a young female aid worker. Commissioner, I agree with you, we must prioritise the well-being and the rights of Afghan women, children and men left behind in this horror and we can do so much more. Step-up the funding of aid organisations, they cannot resolve all the humanitarian aid at the moment. Use diplomacy to convince partner countries to join the sanctions and isolate the Taliban internationally, and offer sustainable protection to Afghan women and girls who are on our territories. The EU Asylum Agency has concluded that they are entitled to asylum, but many of them are still in a legal limbo and suffer from uncertainty. Commission, follow up this instruction from our agency and enforce their right to protection. Words of solidarity and grief mean nothing without concrete support.

Mr President, we are generously hosting refugees from Ukraine, and rightly so. But the EU seems to forget that a refugee is a refugee, no matter the country of origin. And most asylum seekers in Europe, they come from Syria, Afghanistan, Iraq, Turkey. Those refugees are pushed back at Europe’s borders or face huge obstacles in asking for asylum and getting a proper reception. And what is the EU answer to these protection gaps? More walls, more drones, more returns, more funding to Libyan detention centres and to autocratic regimes like Egypt, Turkey and Morocco; deterrents and shifting responsibility instead of respecting the rights of all refugees. But there is no space for selective morality. So I urge the Commission and the Council: care for our credibility, care for our values.

Madam President, Commissioner, for the first time in 25 years, the human rights situation in Morocco is on the Parliament’s agenda. Omar Radi and many other journalists critical of the regime face smear campaigns, arbitrary detention and are convicted in dodgy trials. Peaceful Hirak al—Rif protesters and diaspora activists are systematically harassed and intimidated. Sakharov Prize finalist Nasser Zefzafi is still in prison. With intimidation, blackmail, instrumentalisation of migrants and even bribery of MEPs, Rabat tries to silence critics and cover up the domestic human rights situation – successfully, until now. Let this be a moment of reflection, not only for this Parliament, but also for the Commission and the Member States to critically assess their priorities within their relationship with Morocco. Human rights are universal. If we want to be credible, we cannot be silenced by regimes just because we prioritise our own interests.

– You just said that the Turkish authorities do not cooperate with Greece. We all know that this EU-Turkey deal is not working at the moment because Erdogan has not taken back any migrants since March 2020. Yet the Greek Government declares asylum requests inadmissible if people have traveled from Turkey into the EU – because of the reasoning that they can go back to Turkey as a safe third country. In the Asylum Procedures Directive, it's made clear that this cannot be applied. It cannot be held against an asylum seeker if the country does not take someone back. So why, then, if the Greek authorities know very well that Turkey doesn't take people back, are those people still not being examined on their merits?

Mr President, Commissioner, checking someone's pulse before checking his passport is not a crime – on the contrary. Yet Greek authorities made it one, cynically prosecuting 24 humanitarian aid workers for saving lives at sea. Helping refugees to settle is not a crime. Yet Italian Mayor Lucano faces a sentence of 13 years behind bars for it. A Greek registration law hinders NGOs from doing their work. The new Italian decree obstructs rescue activities by humanitarian organisations, and these governments fail to fulfill their national obligations themselves, but they sanction those who fill the gaps. Commissioner, your silence leaves humanitarian workers out in the cold and encourages states to impose further restrictions. So I urge you: say out loud that this criminalisation violates EU law, enforce your guidelines on the Facilitation Directive and propose a reform to strip any ambiguity and, of course, force Member States to rescue and assist people in distress or desperate need for help. We must protect those who protect others. We must protect the rule of law. We must protect humanity.

Mr President, Commissioner, I would like to congratulate my colleague, Isabel Wiseler-Lima, for this strong annual report on human rights. As human rights are universal, consistency is key. Human rights cannot be sacrificed for EU interests like trade or migration. And, of course, Parliament should never be silenced because of the own financial interests of some MEPs. If we do not clear the House, human rights are the first to suffer. Human rights have been increasingly under pressure, in particular for women and girls. The huge repression in Afghanistan and Iran already results in the suffering of 55 million women and girls directly affected in their core rights. In Afghanistan, the Taliban have simply erased women and girls from public life and curtailed their mobility, access to schools, universities and jobs. And this human rights crisis adds to the humanitarian crisis, which affects women the most. In Iran, the killing of Jina Mahsa Amini and violent crackdown of protests, illustrate the regime’s longstanding and systemic suppression of women. Young protesters are executed just because they call for freedom. But despite the huge fear of the people, they persist in the fight for their rights and they deserve all our support. And that brings me to the importance of accountability. We must bring the perpetrators to court and impose sanctions that really hurt. And let’s call a spade a spade: IRGT is a terrorist organisation.

Madam President, Council Presidency, Mr Kristersson and Commissioners, the Pact on Migration and Asylum has entered a crucial stage. The Council reached agreement on border control and security pretty rapidly, but it stalls on the question of how to share responsibility. The pact is not a pick-and-choose game, it is a package to ensure all elements, protection standards, equal division of responsibility and security measures. And it’s upon the Swedish Presidency to complete this whole package in time. And the success of the pact hangs upon a strong and effective solidarity mechanism based on common responsibility. This is the key to ending push-back practices and lives lost at sea and the key to ensuring proper asylum procedures. And it’s the key we expect you to use to end the deadlock. And give me one hint. The first-entry rule in the current Dublin Regulation is not fair for the Baltic countries, but it does not work in practice either. But taking common responsibility, which I think we should do, does not mean a common effort to shift it to third countries. This is what happens with prioritising migration in all EU foreign policies. Development aid aims at reducing poverty, not at returning migrants. The idea to refuse tariff preferences to the least developed countries, if they don’t cooperate, is a new low in this tendency of migration deals. I wish the Swedish Government a successful presidency with the right sense of responsibility inside and outside the EU, and a sound moral compass.

Madam President, EU governments, including Greece and Italy, have increasingly criminalised providing support to people in desperate need for help. NGOs and churches carrying out life-saving work face huge obstacles in providing assistance on land and search and rescue at sea. They are treated as criminals. And, colleagues, humanitarian assistance is not a crime, it is an international obligation. This criminalisation is a dangerous tendency in Europe, fuelled by the lack of an adequate response by the Commission and the Council. Criminalisation is not only illegal, but it also deters people from offering life-saving assistance. And I therefore urge you, on behalf of the Greens/EFA Group, to hold a plenary debate titled ‘Criminalisation of humanitarian assistance, including search and rescue’.

Madam President, Council, Commissioner, the freedom and independence of journalists are strong indicators of the quality of democracy and the rule of law. And yet these safeguards are increasingly at risk in the EU. Intimidation, SLAPP cases and surveillance are applied in notorious autocracies like Poland and Hungary, but just as well in other states, including Greece. The Commission has confirmed persistent attacks and threats against journalists in Greece, and this repression has an intentional, chilling effect. Reporters on push—backs and other human rights violations are specifically targeted. The Greek policy of silencing media and civil society has created a hostile environment which is detrimental to the necessary checks and balances of an open society. Impunity at the EU level has fuelled this development, and even with the long—awaited Media Freedom Act, only enforcement of the rules can stop this repression in all our Member States. So I urge the Commission to take legal action, protect our democracies and fundamental freedoms, protect journalists.

Mr President, Commissioner, the situation in Afghanistan continues to be a hell after the Taliban takeover. And since our resolution in April, the lives of Afghans have even turned worse. Women and girls face horrible repression. They are excluded from public life to such an extent that it amounts to gender apartheid. Minorities are brutally attacked. Day by day, flagrant human rights violations take place without any accountability. The humanitarian situation is equally dramatic. Nearly half of the population faces acute food insecurity, and this will only increase. So I call on the EU and the UN to step up humanitarian aid and make engagement with the Taliban conditional on the respect for human rights, but refrain from legitimising this ruthless criminal gang; hold them accountable and extend the sanctions list. Mr President, the human rights defenders, journalists, judges – all who are targeted by the Taliban need our help to leave the country. But the opposite is happening: Afghan refugees are stuck in unsafe transit countries. Many arrivals in Europe are left in limbo despite the reality that they cannot return. So Member States: stop these senseless and inhuman policies. Afghans deserve our help inside and outside the country. Bring them in safety and offer them sustainable protection, don’t leave them alone.

Mr President, dear Council, Commissioners, when persons are in distress at sea, every minute counts. Yet coastal states refuse to fulfil their international obligation to rescue them and disembark them in their ports. They instrumentalise people whose life is at risk in a cynical attempt to push for solidarity. Yes, we urgently need a fair distribution of asylum seekers, we’ve called for that for years, but the lack of it can never be an excuse to play with people’s lives. And how cynical is it that NGOs filling this gap and saving lives are criminalised, whereas the states violating their obligation enjoy impunity. The new action plan doesn’t change that. It repeats what we already know isn’t working. We don’t need more migration deals that lead to the containment of people in hell: look at Libya. Instead, we must prioritise saving lives and upholding the right to seek asylum. And I call on the Commission to act as a real guardian of the Treaty: design a common response to end the brutal death zone; fund and coordinate a state-led search—and—rescue mission; and force Member States to take their responsibility. And none of this, of course, will be successful without fair responsibility—sharing and mandatory relocation. I once again urge Member States to prioritise solidarity and end this deadly race to the bottom.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, Russian aggression has led to a revived appetite to enlargement and rightfully so. Without our neighbouring countries, we will not achieve strategic autonomy and regional stability. But the region has been neglected for too long. Promises have been broken, in particular towards the Western Balkans. Parliament has now made a strong proposal and I thank the rapporteur and my co-shadows. I invite the Council and Commission to take this report as a basis for a renewed approach and I mark three points here. First, put the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights at the core of the enlargement process as they form the foundations of our Union. Make funding conditional and increase assistance for those reforms – and that also means a critical stance on Serbia, as long as President Vučić refuses to condemn Russia and to protect the rights of LGBTIQ people in his country. Second, enhance the EU’s credibility by ensuring that assessments are merit-based and not polluted by bilateral issues. And that means an end to the vetoes on interim decisions. And third, we need to find ways to intensify our cooperation while the accession process is still ongoing. More benefits and more involvement will stimulate the process. It’s time to start delivering our promises for our own stability, but first and foremost – as you also said, Commissioner – because the citizens deserve the required reforms and concrete perspective to accession.

Sir, I cannot comment on this specific incident. What I want to say is that Bulgaria should also respect the Copenhagen criteria. Of course, there is a lot of work on better neighbourly relations. What I said is that you are an EU Member State. You have gone through the accession process yourself. You know how important it is that the merits are being assessed, and the merits only. This is important for Schengen accession, but it’s also important for the accession of North Macedonia tow the EU. You have a responsibility yourself to make sure that the EU is reliable and credible, and that is what you should show to the citizens of the West.

Madam Chair, Commissioner, after the Russian aggression in Ukraine, the EU has finally woken up. Now everyone sees why swift EU integration of the Western Balkans is key for our stability. I warmly welcome the recommendation of the European Commission to grant Bosnia a candidate status. We must actively support the country to work on the necessary reforms, but also to ensure the right Council decision in due time. And, of course, it was high time for a breakthrough in the process with North Macedonia and Albania. Bulgaria must now stick to its promise not to use its veto any longer in this process, and other Member States have the responsibility to keep Bulgaria to its promise. Reliability and credibility should be EU trademarks. Madam President, now it’s high time to translate our nice words into true commitment, not only for geopolitical reasons, but also because the citizens of the Western Balkans deserve this perspective. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Mr President, numerous victims. Refugees from Ukraine deserve our unconditional support, no matter how long, no matter how many. So we warmly welcome the extended application of the Temporary Protection Directive. But the Russian aggression also affects citizens of Russia and Belarus, who don’t choose the side of Putin. Human rights defenders, journalists who speak out are persecuted. Deserters and draft evaders who do not want to fight this cruel war are under a risk as well, as Putin perceives them as traitors. The EU must keep its channels open to protect those who are under threat. The right to asylum is neutral and universal and cannot be ignored just for political reasons. So people who arrive at our borders must be able to apply for asylum and I call upon the Commission to monitor compliance by the Member States. Unlike the authoritarian Kremlin regime, we respect the rule of law, and only by upholding our values, we can win this war.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, today we can finally speak freely about the way Frontex was covering up pushbacks. Despite all attempts to keep it secret, reported violations were disregarded, fundamental rights watchdogs were side-lined, the Parliament lied to. The report not only reveals the misbehaviour of a manager, but also the complete failure of the governance of Frontex. Why did the Member States and Commission allow this misconduct to go on for years? Why didn’t they prevent this deeply rotten culture? This report is not about an incident or a few people, but about the structural human rights crisis at our borders and within Frontex, an agency that must guarantee our values and rights. Lives, protection, human dignity are at stake, we must see that the lessons learned at all levels. It would be a big mistake to pretend that almost all problems are already solved. No, we must work hard on the structure and culture of the agency on transparency and accountability, and to stop any acceptance of pushbacks.

Madam President, it is in the common interest of the EU to have all Member States be the Schengen area. And, therefore, we welcome today’s discussion to overcome the current two-tier system and bring in Member States that are still in the waiting room and, thus, lift the unequal treatment of citizens of the EU. Yet, accession to the Schengen area is not a right, it’s a responsibility as well. It means carrying out the Schengen acquis in full compliance with fundamental rights. And this is where we still have some serious concerns. In the past years there has been mounting evidence of systematic pushbacks and border violence in Bulgaria as well as Romania. Human Rights Watch reports that Bulgarian authorities were beating, robbing, stripping and using police dogs on asylum seekers and migrants as they pushed them back to Turkey. In Romania, uniformed border guards were seen pushing back people to Serbia. Allowing Schengen accession in the face of such reports de facto also means condoning these grave violations of the rights of migrants and refugees. But my group, let me be clear, my group urges for a merit-based, objective decision on a Schengen accession for both countries. So I call upon all Member States to do the same: assess the merits, take the Schengen standards seriously, but don’t mix it up with other more political considerations just only because you can, because you have a veto. And if Bulgaria agrees with this position, it has to act consistently and stop using its veto during the accession process of North Macedonia to the EU. So, President, Schengen can only remain the jewel in the crown if we all live up to the standards of Schengen before, but also after the accession.

I didn’t speak about EPPO. I agree with the previous speaker, so it’s good that he brought this up. There are indeed a few other Member States, and especially while there are so many corruption cases in Hungary, and if Hungary really wants to show it’s working on an independent system and fighting corruption, it would be better to seek cooperation with the EPPO because that would give much more trust than we can have at the moment.

Madam President, Council, Commissioner, the Conditionality Regulation is now put to the test. Is it fit for purpose, are the institutions willing to use it? I urge the Commission to pass this test in assuring that Hungary reverses its deep and systemic rule-of-law flaws and that it ends the corruption and the captured judiciary. As the Commission rightly stated itself, you can’t protect the EU budget without an independent judiciary. The 17 measures cannot solve this rule-of-law crisis, because how can a new integrity body be effective in a dysfunctional system? And how can the improved rules and prosecution be adjudicated fairly by captured courts? Commissioner, we urge you: be strict and steadfast, progress on paper and on limited issues are not enough. We need a systematic change and the Commission to enforce it. Giving in too quickly will render our most precious tool toothless. The rule of law and, therefore, our European values are non-negotiable. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

The whole problem, dear colleague, is actually that the institutions in Hungary are not independent, so their assessment of the situation cannot be taken for granted. I think the rapporteur has reported everything and this is not an own personal judgement alone, this is founded by many independent institutions making clear that Hungary has turned into an autocratic regime with a lack of independence of the judiciary, a lack of independence of media, a lack of academic freedom, and a civil society that does not, cannot, is not able to speak up. There’s a lack of checks and balances and therefore we need to make the maximum use of the tools that we have because autocratic regimes do not fit in the EU.

Madam President, our European values are heavily under attack in Hungary, the rapporteur made that crystal clear, and women, minorities and vulnerable people are the main targets. We get the Media Freedom Act, a defend democracy act, but let’s use the tools that we already have in our toolbox to combat this autocratic regime. Article 7, of course, but also no disbursement of RRF money until all requirements are fulfilled. Use the conditionality mechanism for the total EU budget, including agricultural funds, where abuse and fraud as identified, and also include the Migration and Border Management Fund, as Hungary refuses to implement European Court judgments on asylum. It even proudly registered the numerous pushbacks conducted every year, and it silences the NGOs who speak up against that. So civil society needs stronger support. So, Commissioner, Hungary may promise changes, but I urge you and the Council to stay strong until the independence of the judiciary, freedom of media, academic freedom, anti—corruption legislation and compliance with judgments is fully restored. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Madam President, tomorrow we will listen to the State of the Union. We will hear an emphasis on the European values and the rule of law. Solidarity with war refugees will be praised. But let me do a reality check. Thousands of refugees are pushed back at our borders. Greece, for instance, violates human rights on a daily basis and silences those who speak up. But the Commission and the Council stay silent as well, which almost invites other countries to push back refugees as well: Croatia, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, Lithuania, and more. We have entered the stage where our European values have been rendered meaningless at our borders. And the Netherlands and Belgium keep their doors closed for hundreds of asylum seekers; they sleep on the streets, wait endlessly to make their asylum claim. These are two rich countries, which simply failed to organise themselves. It affects the refugees, but also the common asylum policy and mutual trust. The Dutch Government will now resolve these violations by another unlawful measure by keeping family members separated for several years. If our treatment of refugees measures the shape our rule of law is in, it is in a deplorable state. So governments and Commission, stop this race to the bottom. Respect the right to asylum. Share responsibility. Make Europe credible again.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, the Cotonou Agreement has been successful in promoting sustainable development goals, and we therefore strongly support its successor. It also aims to promote human rights, EU values and to operate in a spirit of equality. So these goals all serve the interests of the citizens of ACP countries, except one element that the EU insisted upon, which is the readmission clauses. If an ACP country does not comply with return and readmission of their citizens, EU Member States can suspend the benefits of the Agreement. But if the EU does not deliver in making remittances cheaper or in promoting legal migration, the ACP countries are left with empty hands because that is limited to good intentions. This does not reflect the principle of equal partnership. We need mutual and equally strong commitments. So I urge the Member States to keep their promise to strengthen legal mobility of persons, solidarity in hosting refugees, facilitate remittances: these are all key to cooperation and development.

Mr President, Commissioner, the rapporteur is not here, unfortunately. I would like to thank the rapporteur, Mr Rangel, for his work and genuine efforts to find compromises, and it has resulted in a strong, unified position of the Parliament. With this report, the Parliament makes very clear that the future of Bosnia is in the EU and it urges for a serious revival of the EU enlargement agenda. The Russian aggression has made this integration process even more urgent, as destabilisation of the region is a real threat. But we are also frank: for Bosnia to advance on its path to the EU, commitment is needed from both sides. Mr Dodik cannot maintain to be in favour of EU accession and at the same time support Putin and try to dismantle the state of Bosnia. HDZ cannot insist on cementing ethnic division through a discriminatory electoral law which undermines the principle of one person, one vote. Leaders need to overcome the past and implement the highly needed reforms transforming Bosnia into the functional, multi-ethnic state that the citizens so much want and deserve.