Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues. Using sport and culture, the terrorist Russia is seeking to further divide the international community. Russia desperately wants to return to the world's most important cultural and sporting events as soon as possible. Potiomkin's long-known strategy, in which the public is bewildered and attempts are made to present it with a false beautiful façade picture, continues. Like many of you, I am ashamed that the International Olympic and Paralympic Committees, some international sports federations, as well as major art events such as the Venice Art Biennale, are flirting with the terrorist state of Russia. Sports organizations and art institutions are openly collaborating with Russia and Belarus, which are continuing their military aggression. I welcome the European Commission's decision to withdraw the planned funding for the Venice Biennale, and I call on the Member States of the European Union to jointly suspend their support for those who are bloodthirsty and are trying to wash their mundura today.

Madam President, Madam Minister, Commissioner, dear colleagues, today marks the 1 525th day since Russia began its full‑scale invasion of Ukraine. Every day is a reminder of the tens of thousands of lives lost and families torn apart by the abduction of children. It is also a reminder of the ruined cities and the irreplaceable historical and cultural treasures lost. After four years of war, our solidarity with the Ukrainian people only grows stronger. I eagerly await the full establishment of a special tribunal, where those responsible for war crimes will be brought to justice. This will happen. I have no doubt about it. I call on the EU and its Member States to complete all preparations for the special tribunal's work as soon as possible and to inaugurate the institution. We must continue to increase pressure in every way on the aggressors – the Russian and Belarusian regimes. I also call on the EU to adopt a decision, as soon as possible, banning those responsible for war crimes from entering the EU for life. Their journey must end in The Hague.

Mr President, colleagues, dear Commissioner, I would like to really thank all my colleagues who have participated constructively in our joint work and in today's discussion. This approach is the way forward in finding the necessary solutions and preparing for EU enlargement. We must recognise that no effort is too great when it comes to informing and involving the public in broad discussions about the future of the European Union, its enlargement and the challenges that lie ahead. A responsible and inclusive discussion must be based on objective criteria and on our vision for the future of our Union. The European Parliament has a particularly important role to play in this area. We are witnessing fundamental events and changing in the European Union and in our neighbourhood, with a clear understanding of the need for further enlargement and deeper integration. With political understanding and a clear strategy for EU enlargement, together, we can manage these processes and deliver what Europeans expect: a secure, strong and growing Europe. Enlargement is our common task, dear colleagues. And I am looking forward to working together with the European Commission and all Member States to achieve a more united Europe. Long live a more united and larger European Union.

Mr President, dear Marta, dear Commissioner, colleagues, history has proved that European unification, which is so necessary today, has been firmly based on EU enlargement. Each stage of EU enlargement has positively contributed to Europe's growth in political and economic power, promoting the prosperity and security of all EU Member States and the EU in general, not to speak about their citizens. The end of the Cold War and the emergence of the Copenhagen criteria laid the foundations for the enlargement policy of recent decades. However, the situation changed when a direct threat to democracy and European sovereignty re-emerged on the continent. Russia's direct military aggression against Ukraine and its hybrid warfare against Europe require us to rethink our unification strategies. Our geostrategic interests require more coordinated, firm and clear responses that leave no room for insecurity or uncertainty. On the other hand, the EU must maintain a high level of normative policy, and rely on legal harmonisation and policy convergence by new members. This is both the EU's strength and its challenge. Without a clear enlargement strategy, the integration process based on legal norms becomes a politically unbearable dialogue. Clearly, the EU must develop an integration model that aligns with its own interests and the expectations of the candidate countries. Any delay is unjustifiable. When rethinking the enlargement model, maintaining a clear start date for negotiations, the regatta principle of healthy competition between candidates and the EU's geostrategic interests are paramount. Everything else – at least for me – is just technicalities. I would like to revisit the advantages of EU enlargement, which are often overlooked in political debates full of uncertainty. Just to illustrate the results of the historical EU 'big bang' enlargement, I would like to mention that trade between my country, Lithuania, and Germany has grown 3.6 times over the last 20 years, while trade between the Czech Republic and the Netherlands has grown fourfold during the same period of time. In both cases, the positive trade balance is on the side of the so-called 'old' EU Member States. I am convinced that the upcoming enlargement will produce similar and even better results. EU enlargement is directly intertwined with internal EU reforms, ensuring the EU's institutional functionality and decision-making efficiency, especially the expanded use of qualified majority voting. Undoubtedly, it is also linked to the internal political and economic reforms of the candidate countries. One cannot be expected without the another. We must do our homework on internal EU reforms and be ready when candidates are prepared for accession. Colleagues, now is the time to apply and demonstrate European values. We must apply them to broader politics, support European solidarity, and foster a free society and common partnership. In the face of global challenges, let us not forget that standing together and growing stronger is an opportunity history has given us – one we must seize. Before turning the floor over to my colleagues, I would like to sincerely thank the shadow rapporteurs and my fellow colleagues for great cooperation in preparing this report.

Madam President, colleagues, I wish to make a proposal to extend paragraph 11 with the following amendment: 'Strongly deplores the Hungarian Government's continued obstruction of EU support for Ukraine, as well as the Slovak Government's announced decision to cut off emergency electricity supplies to Ukraine.'

Madam President, Commissioners, colleagues, the brutal war that Russia launched against Ukraine has been going on for 12 years – spanning a third term of the European Parliament. In its failed attempt to seize Ukraine in three days, Russia suffered a historic defeat: Ukraine stood firm, turned decisively towards the West, and in doing so transformed not only itself, but Europe as well – profoundly and, I hope, irreversibly. Russia's atrocious crimes against a sovereign neighbour, against humanity and international law cannot be erased, not even by a so-called peace agreement. To war crimes committed in Bucha, Irpin and elsewhere the principle of immunity cannot be applied. Understanding, solidarity and steadfast support for Ukraine defined today's Europe. They affirm our core principles not merely in words, but in action. This is the response of European civilisation to autocracy and imperial aggression. Let us not waver. Let us not falter. Let us not lose hope. At the same time, the Hungarian Government's open threats towards Ukraine and its obstruction of EU policy stand in stark contradiction to European values. It is unjustifiable and unacceptable. The memory of Soviet tanks rolling through Budapest in 1956 reminds us of what Russia sought to impose on Kyiv four years ago. Historical blindness carries grave consequences. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Türkiye remains an important partner of the European Union and a candidate country, even though negotiations and integration have been suspended. Nevertheless, Türkiye must adhere to the fundamental principles enshrined in the European Convention of Human Rights, which guarantees the rights of journalists and religious communities. Türkiye has yet to implement the Venice Commission's recommendations on the legal recognition of religious communities other than Muslim ones. Restrictions on media freedoms in Türkiye raises serious concern, including the revocation of press accreditation and residence permits for foreign journalists and their expulsion from the country. I appeal to the Turkish authorities to release Iranian journalist Kaveh Taheri and permit him to remain in Türkiye. Open and critical dialogue between the European Union and Türkiye is essential. I hope that through goodwill we will find common solutions that fulfil the expectations of our partnership.

Mr President, the radical mullahs' regime in Iran continues to oppress its own citizens, creating unbearable living conditions and spreading violence. The regime is guilty of ruthless discrimination against women, the systematic persecution of religious communities, restrictions on freedom of speech and access to the internet, torture, and the widespread use of the death penalty. These are Tehran's true policies. Those responsible for the regime's repression must face the punishment they deserve. They cannot be unpunished. For now, this must come from outside. The European Union must increase its use of sanctions and other restrictions and measures. Colleagues, we have to stop listening to mullahs, and listen better to people, because the future of Iran lies in the hands of its people. And I believe it will be a future based on freedom, democracy and self-determination. Free Iran.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, realising it would not be able to break the spirits of the Ukrainian people with weapons, Russia resorted to tormenting them with cold and darkness. By destroying Ukraine's energy infrastructure, Russia is committing crimes equivalent to genocide and crimes against humanity, which must be judged by the Special Tribunal. In recent months, the Kyiv, Donetsk, Dnipro, Zaporizhzhia, Kharkiv, Sumy, Chernihiv, Odesa and Mykolaiv regions were left without, or with very limited, access to power – often just two hours a day with temperatures well below -15°C. This constitutes a humanitarian crisis – human suffering on a national scale. At the same time, we must acknowledge that, as partners, we, the European Union, have failed to provide Ukraine with the necessary support to protect its skies. Each Russian missile or drone that hits its target serves as a reminder of the broken promises. Despite the hardships, Ukrainians remain united and resourceful in their fight. The dedication of Ukrainian energy sector workers in restoring energy supplies is commendable. However, all this requires significant financial and technical resources. Let us provide Ukraine with our support for as long as it is needed.

Madam President, colleagues, attacks on Ukraine's energy infrastructure by Russia constitute not only a violation of international law, but a deliberate strategy to undermine civilian resilience, destabilise the region and weaponise energy as a tool of coercion. These continuous attacks, at a time when Ukrainian and Russian delegations are meeting to talk peace possibilities, clearly show that Russia is not interested in peace, but is determined to exterminate the Ukrainian nation by executing 'Kholodomor': genocide through cold weather. In the face of the acute humanitarian situation, Ukraine needs continued and increased EU humanitarian assistance, as well as scaled‑up and institutionalised energy assistance. That is why the Renew Europe Group wishes to propose a Commission statement on 'the European response to the attacks on the Ukrainian energy system, causing a humanitarian crisis'.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, honourable colleagues, as a Member who works extensively on Ukraine, nothing matters more to me than ensuring that those responsible for genocide against the Ukrainian people – including Ukrainian children – are held accountable. That is why I strongly support the work of the International Criminal Court and the establishment of a special tribunal on this issue. Justice must prevail because when justice becomes revenge, it loses its meaning. The death penalty still remains in more than one third of the world's countries. It is a cruel, inhuman and degrading punishment that is incompatible with international human rights law. Today, most executions are carried out by states that systematically – I emphasise, systematically – violate human rights and deny fair trials, such as China, Iran and Saudi Arabia. Just to illustrate, last year, more than 2 200 people were executed in Iran, double the number in 2024. Among those executed were at least 64 women and 6 juvenile offenders. Let's be clear: death sentences are used to silence political opponents, journalists, human rights defenders and protesters. Dear colleagues, nothing can justify the taking of human life. An eye for an eye for an eye only makes us blind, and justice that kills is no justice at all. I therefore urge the Commission and the Member States to adopt a firm, human rights-based approach towards the more than 70 countries that still retain the death penalty in books, and to continue raising this issue of death sentences and executions in all international forums.

Mr. Gražuli, do not confuse the European Parliament, the Lithuanian public broadcaster. You are able to engage demagogically in unnecessary and meaningless discussions. You are already an unbeatable master. What the governors do in Lithuania with the public broadcaster, I think we all see, independent experts confirm. Therefore, if you have brilliant suggestions on how to change the procedures of the European Parliament, please do so. But somehow we do not see those constructive proposals from your side.

Thank you, colleague, for indeed a very current question. You know that the Lithuanian economy is already in the fifth or sixth year of economic growth. There is no fiscal reason to, you know, limit the budget of the public broadcaster. The reason is a political one: you freeze financing, you put some ceilings, you give a very clear political message. So that's why I would call it a kind of political revenge against those who broadcast and support democracy in the country.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues. This cold winter, tens of thousands of people gathered for mass protests near the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania. Their sole aim was to protect the Lithuanian public broadcaster, Lithuanian Radio and Television, from imminent political capture. The protesters held banners that proclaimed ‘Away from free speech’. Despite a strong public reaction, the Lithuanian government, which consists of the Social Democrats and the radical right, does not retreat from the scandalous amendments, and continues to push for the adoption of the amendments as a matter of extreme urgency, even during the night meetings. Independent experts clearly stated that the amendments to the law regarding the public broadcaster are contrary to both the Lithuanian Constitution and the European Media Freedom Act. The European Commission has already warned Lithuania's rulers about the impending damage to democracy and the possible consequences. Today, the strong support of the European Parliament is more necessary than ever, so that the Lithuanian public broadcaster remains independent, politically uncontrollable and so that Lithuania does not turn away from the path of democracy by the mistakes of the Orban or Fico governments. I do not lose hope that the ruling coalition of Lithuania, having heard and understood the opinion of the European Parliament, will not ignore and abandon the very disastrous intentions.

Mr President, colleagues, in light of the significantly deteriorating security environment, the European Union has no alternative but to increase its defence capacity and effective deterrence policy. While I am very pleased to see the numerous political commitments made to boost European defence capacity, I am still looking forward to their full and timely implementation. In the face of existing and emerging security threats, it is of the utmost importance to develop modern warfare capacities, using innovative technologies and AI solutions, and to support future technological developments. In 2025, we observed, at least from my point of view, two positive trends. Firstly, we are cooperating with and learning from Ukraine more. Secondly, I would like to emphasise the so-needed and increasingly effective activities of the fully-fledged Security and Defence Committee of this Parliament.

Mr President, dear High Representative, colleagues, for five decades, Iran has been ruled by religious fanaticism. During this time, the Mullahs' regime has engaged in the endless repression of internal opponents and Iranians demanding change. It has also supported international terrorism and partnered with totalitarian regimes. Ayatollah Khamenei's vision for Iran has resulted in endless death sentences, a crackdown on women's rights, a deteriorating quality of life, and internal isolation. Ayatollah's Iran offers no future. The EU has been unjustifiably slow to adopt a firm political stance on Iran. The Iranian people must feel the impact of economic sanctions as soon as possible. Those responsible for the repression must be persecuted and punished. The Iranian people, not Mullahs, nor the former Shah family, have the right for political change and self-determination.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, I thank all of you who expressed your supportive views concerning the military mobility report and more. I expect that this report, to be voted on tomorrow, will receive cross-party, cross-group support. We need unanimity. We need a strong will and understanding of what we do. Indeed, now is the time not only for reports, but for the implementation of reports, for concrete actions in place and continuous actions generally. That's why I am expecting legislative acts concerning military mobility to come as soon as possible and to be debated in an efficient way. Colleagues, let's not live in denial – threats exist and they have a major impact on our lives. There is no need to remind you, but I will do it again and again: the security of the European Union is a departure point leading towards stability, economic development and achieving climate goals. No security, no stability, no achievement. Again, I would probably revert attempts to contradict investments into military mobility against social, economic and infrastructure projects we all need. It's wrong. It's populism, and it doesn't lead to any improvement. Colleagues, each centimetre of the European Union must be supported and granted with great security means. To bring military capabilities, personnel and supplies is a means to ensuring this goal.

Mr President, Commissioner honourable colleagues, ensuring a safe and stable future for Europe and its citizens requires concrete solutions. We must do everything possible today rather than leaving it until tomorrow. The geostrategic situation determines where, when and to what extent military capabilities must be deployed. Military mobility is not just about moving our troops and assets. It is essential for deterring, suppressing and containing hostile military actions that arise in various parts of the European Union, and for maintaining and restoring the security balance. It is no coincidence that the god of war, Mars, is always depicted in a military chariot ready for action. The concept of the 'military Schengen', as highlighted, in our military mobility report must be realised to allow European military forces to move freely across national borders, ensuring speed and guaranteeing digital document verification and compliance with uniform transport standards. Europeans trust the Schengen rules, and our military must have the same guarantee. No infrastructure obstacles should prevent the transportation of military equipment and supplies along Europe's four priority military mobility corridors. The quality and capacity of this infrastructure is essential for Europe to be able to withstand any arising threats. Increasing our transport capacity in the air, on water and on land requires special attention. The dual nature of these capabilities, which are used for both civil and military purposes, depends on collaboration between the private and public sectors, attracting necessary investments and adopting the latest technical solutions. Let us not forget that strengthening the foundations of military mobility also improves the quality of civil infrastructure, which is essential for supporting our economies. Therefore, we must learn the lessons of the current EU multiannual budget, secure the necessary additional funding and ensure the full implementation of investment projects. Railways and seaports play a special role in military mobility, providing the opportunity for a large‑scale coordinated deployment of troops, ammunition and other supplies. Therefore, the maintenance and upgrading of railways and seaport infrastructure must be a priority. We must ensure full connectivity within the Union, which also benefits the movement of goods and passengers while reducing our climate impact. The necessary funds for upgrading dual‑use infrastructure and ensuring military mobility – estimated at hundreds of billions of euros – must be mobilised as quickly as possible. This should be done not only through the MFF but also by seeking favourable loans. Growing military threats are currently concentrated on the EU's eastern borders. The defence spending on Member States bordering Russia or Belarus already well exceeds the EU average. EU support and attention must be focused on where the greatest threats to Europe's security are. Dear colleagues, to conclude, I would like to take this opportunity to thank my colleagues in the Security and Defence Committee – shadow rapporteurs – for their excellent cooperation and indeed my colleagues in the Transport and Tourism Committee – especially co‑rapporteur Roberts Zīle and the author of the military mobility report – for the expertise and teamwork in preparing this report. I believe this report is a step forward for a more secure Europe.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the Russian leadership aims to destroy and subjugate Ukraine, removing it from the political map of Europe. The Kremlin is pursuing these aims through military aggression and by imposing preconditions in various negotiations. No other alternatives are seen from Moscow. We must understand that Russia's aggressive intentions also affect the European security architecture, seeking to create great security zones which are unacceptable and definitely dangerous. A peace agreement must not only end the war against Ukraine, but also put an end to Russia's hybrid war against EU countries and their partners. This undeclared hybrid war must end with Russia making a clear commitment and accepting accountability for its actions. Justice demands that all Russian and allied leaders and officials who initiated and enabled the war against Ukraine and its people be held accountable. This must serve as a lesson for the future. The war in Ukraine has affected the whole of Europe. We have all experienced the hardships of war and we continue to witness Russia's ongoing war crimes against humanity every day. While the financial, humanitarian and military aid provided is crucial, I really regret that the European Union has missed the opportunity to demonstrate its role as a global player by not forcing Russia, the aggressor state, to sit down at the negotiations table. History is not yet over. Let us strengthen Europe's and Ukraine's security, because Europe will never be safe without a defended and victorious Ukraine.

Mr President, Commissioner, Council representative, colleagues, the de facto leader of the terrorist Russian state, Vladimir Putin, has stated that wherever a Russian soldier sets foot, it becomes Russian territory. Indeed, Russian imperialism has become the enemy of civilised Europe. Russia continues to demand Ukrainian capitulation as a condition for any negotiations. For years, we have witnessed the occupation of Ukrainian territories and war crimes, including referendums held in temporarily occupied territories, followed by their illegal incorporation into the Russian constitution. This is Russian – or more precisely Soviet – logic and plan for the subjugation of neighbouring nations. We must do everything we can to ensure that President Zelenskyy's peace plan is not dismissed, and that the 'rule of the strong' is not imposed again. The outcome of this war determines Europe's future security architecture. Europe must play a full role in peace negotiations on Ukraine because it's our common future that is being decided right now.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, Europe must finally move beyond the frozen stage of consideration regarding the use of Russia's state assets in the West. For four years, we have been going around in circles on this issue, neglecting our legal, political and moral obligation to support Ukraine. Europe, just do it! Having crossed the Rubicon of international law and humanity, Russia must compensate Ukraine and Ukrainians for their losses. In this regard, the decision made by the European Court of Human Rights in July this year should be welcomed, as it provides a legal basis for compensating Ukrainians for the damage and consequences caused by the aggressor. The idea of a reparation loan for Ukraine, which is currently under consideration, will ensure the country's financial stability amid unprecedented military pressure in general. It is crucial to hold Russia accountable and ensure that it pays a high price for its bloody aggression. I have to admit, I am deeply disappointed by the Trump administration's announced decision to abstain from participating in the Ukrainian reparation loan, thereby weakening Western unity and decreasing pressure on Russia. Dear colleagues, Ukraine is not for sale. Ukraine's future is to be decided by its people. And again, Russia must pay, compensate and accept legitimate terms.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, significant geopolitical shifts and security threats in Europe and around the world must be harnessed to unify Europe, strengthen the European project and bolster the European Union's standing as a geopolitical actor. Our shared vision for Europe encompasses political unity, securing of the continent, economic growth and a competitive single market. This requires a willingness and readiness to enlarge, and the determination to implement internal EU reforms. Europe can no longer afford to delay making the necessary decisions. We must identify the optimal time to implement needed internal reforms, so that, by integrating new members, we can collectively become stronger and more effective. This year must see the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, turning our promises into action. This will practically illustrate our response to building a secure and united Europe.