What Petras spoke about.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, I thank all of you who expressed your supportive views concerning the military mobility report and more. I expect that this report, to be voted on tomorrow, will receive cross-party, cross-group support. We need unanimity. We need a strong will and understanding of what we do. Indeed, now is the time not only for reports, but for the implementation of reports, for concrete actions in place and continuous actions generally. That's why I am expecting legislative acts concerning military mobility to come as soon as possible and to be debated in an efficient way. Colleagues, let's not live in denial – threats exist and they have a major impact on our lives. There is no need to remind you, but I will do it again and again: the security of the European Union is a departure point leading towards stability, economic development and achieving climate goals. No security, no stability, no achievement. Again, I would probably revert attempts to contradict investments into military mobility against social, economic and infrastructure projects we all need. It's wrong. It's populism, and it doesn't lead to any improvement. Colleagues, each centimetre of the European Union must be supported and granted with great security means. To bring military capabilities, personnel and supplies is a means to ensuring this goal.

Mr President, Commissioner honourable colleagues, ensuring a safe and stable future for Europe and its citizens requires concrete solutions. We must do everything possible today rather than leaving it until tomorrow. The geostrategic situation determines where, when and to what extent military capabilities must be deployed. Military mobility is not just about moving our troops and assets. It is essential for deterring, suppressing and containing hostile military actions that arise in various parts of the European Union, and for maintaining and restoring the security balance. It is no coincidence that the god of war, Mars, is always depicted in a military chariot ready for action. The concept of the 'military Schengen', as highlighted, in our military mobility report must be realised to allow European military forces to move freely across national borders, ensuring speed and guaranteeing digital document verification and compliance with uniform transport standards. Europeans trust the Schengen rules, and our military must have the same guarantee. No infrastructure obstacles should prevent the transportation of military equipment and supplies along Europe's four priority military mobility corridors. The quality and capacity of this infrastructure is essential for Europe to be able to withstand any arising threats. Increasing our transport capacity in the air, on water and on land requires special attention. The dual nature of these capabilities, which are used for both civil and military purposes, depends on collaboration between the private and public sectors, attracting necessary investments and adopting the latest technical solutions. Let us not forget that strengthening the foundations of military mobility also improves the quality of civil infrastructure, which is essential for supporting our economies. Therefore, we must learn the lessons of the current EU multiannual budget, secure the necessary additional funding and ensure the full implementation of investment projects. Railways and seaports play a special role in military mobility, providing the opportunity for a large‑scale coordinated deployment of troops, ammunition and other supplies. Therefore, the maintenance and upgrading of railways and seaport infrastructure must be a priority. We must ensure full connectivity within the Union, which also benefits the movement of goods and passengers while reducing our climate impact. The necessary funds for upgrading dual‑use infrastructure and ensuring military mobility – estimated at hundreds of billions of euros – must be mobilised as quickly as possible. This should be done not only through the MFF but also by seeking favourable loans. Growing military threats are currently concentrated on the EU's eastern borders. The defence spending on Member States bordering Russia or Belarus already well exceeds the EU average. EU support and attention must be focused on where the greatest threats to Europe's security are. Dear colleagues, to conclude, I would like to take this opportunity to thank my colleagues in the Security and Defence Committee – shadow rapporteurs – for their excellent cooperation and indeed my colleagues in the Transport and Tourism Committee – especially co‑rapporteur Roberts Zīle and the author of the military mobility report – for the expertise and teamwork in preparing this report. I believe this report is a step forward for a more secure Europe.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the Russian leadership aims to destroy and subjugate Ukraine, removing it from the political map of Europe. The Kremlin is pursuing these aims through military aggression and by imposing preconditions in various negotiations. No other alternatives are seen from Moscow. We must understand that Russia's aggressive intentions also affect the European security architecture, seeking to create great security zones which are unacceptable and definitely dangerous. A peace agreement must not only end the war against Ukraine, but also put an end to Russia's hybrid war against EU countries and their partners. This undeclared hybrid war must end with Russia making a clear commitment and accepting accountability for its actions. Justice demands that all Russian and allied leaders and officials who initiated and enabled the war against Ukraine and its people be held accountable. This must serve as a lesson for the future. The war in Ukraine has affected the whole of Europe. We have all experienced the hardships of war and we continue to witness Russia's ongoing war crimes against humanity every day. While the financial, humanitarian and military aid provided is crucial, I really regret that the European Union has missed the opportunity to demonstrate its role as a global player by not forcing Russia, the aggressor state, to sit down at the negotiations table. History is not yet over. Let us strengthen Europe's and Ukraine's security, because Europe will never be safe without a defended and victorious Ukraine.

Mr President, Commissioner, Council representative, colleagues, the de facto leader of the terrorist Russian state, Vladimir Putin, has stated that wherever a Russian soldier sets foot, it becomes Russian territory. Indeed, Russian imperialism has become the enemy of civilised Europe. Russia continues to demand Ukrainian capitulation as a condition for any negotiations. For years, we have witnessed the occupation of Ukrainian territories and war crimes, including referendums held in temporarily occupied territories, followed by their illegal incorporation into the Russian constitution. This is Russian – or more precisely Soviet – logic and plan for the subjugation of neighbouring nations. We must do everything we can to ensure that President Zelenskyy's peace plan is not dismissed, and that the 'rule of the strong' is not imposed again. The outcome of this war determines Europe's future security architecture. Europe must play a full role in peace negotiations on Ukraine because it's our common future that is being decided right now.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, Europe must finally move beyond the frozen stage of consideration regarding the use of Russia's state assets in the West. For four years, we have been going around in circles on this issue, neglecting our legal, political and moral obligation to support Ukraine. Europe, just do it! Having crossed the Rubicon of international law and humanity, Russia must compensate Ukraine and Ukrainians for their losses. In this regard, the decision made by the European Court of Human Rights in July this year should be welcomed, as it provides a legal basis for compensating Ukrainians for the damage and consequences caused by the aggressor. The idea of a reparation loan for Ukraine, which is currently under consideration, will ensure the country's financial stability amid unprecedented military pressure in general. It is crucial to hold Russia accountable and ensure that it pays a high price for its bloody aggression. I have to admit, I am deeply disappointed by the Trump administration's announced decision to abstain from participating in the Ukrainian reparation loan, thereby weakening Western unity and decreasing pressure on Russia. Dear colleagues, Ukraine is not for sale. Ukraine's future is to be decided by its people. And again, Russia must pay, compensate and accept legitimate terms.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, significant geopolitical shifts and security threats in Europe and around the world must be harnessed to unify Europe, strengthen the European project and bolster the European Union's standing as a geopolitical actor. Our shared vision for Europe encompasses political unity, securing of the continent, economic growth and a competitive single market. This requires a willingness and readiness to enlarge, and the determination to implement internal EU reforms. Europe can no longer afford to delay making the necessary decisions. We must identify the optimal time to implement needed internal reforms, so that, by integrating new members, we can collectively become stronger and more effective. This year must see the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, turning our promises into action. This will practically illustrate our response to building a secure and united Europe.

Madam President, colleagues, on behalf of Renew Europe, I would like to propose an oral amendment to paragraph one. The aim is to include two Member States, namely Lithuania and Latvia, among the countries to which we express full solidarity. This is to correct a technical mistake, not a political one. I read the text of paragraph one with the amendment. I quote: 'Expresses its full solidarity with Moldova as well as with Denmark, Sweden, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Finland, Romania, Estonia and all other Member States exposed to Russia’s direct threats, military provocations and acts of hybrid warfare; considers that the deliberate disruption, by Russian agents, of the EU’s air traffic, targeting Europe’s military critical services and infrastructure, and of the functioning of the political institutions of the EU and the Member States using UAVs is escalatory, risks miscalculation, endangers lives, constitutes a serious violation of applicable international norms and poses a serious threat to EU citizens and to peace and security in Europe'.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, colleagues, the Tehran regime has deceived the West, including the European Union, by misleading and pretending to be a partner in negotiations regarding its nuclear program. Last month, Khamenei acknowledged that the uranium enrichment activities began 30 years ago. We must remember that without the initial revelations of the MEK and NCRI, the regime would likely have continued with the nuclear weapons programme and have had those weapons by now. The Iranian people are tired of the mullahs' regime, which has become an agent of religious fanaticism, the suppression of women, the persecution and killing of opponents, and international terrorism. We must increase political and economic pressure on Tehran. We must cut the regime from the modern technologies and innovations that are used for oppression. Let's agree that only regime change can bring stability to Iran and the region. Let us support the constructive opposition in Iran and their tireless efforts to fight the oppressive regime.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, colleagues, Europe cannot allow itself to become a testing ground for Russian hybrid attacks, drones and provocations that undermine our security and economy and spread fear and terror among our population. We must not surrender our democratic space to those who encroach upon it. We must act decisively and in unity. Let's recognise that we are lagging far behind in developing reliable defences against drones. We must make the most of Ukraine's experience and establish an anti-drone system through joint coordinated action now. We should not concern ourselves with questions about whose drones are disrupting European airspace and endangering aviation. If these drones are not ours, we must treat them as hostile and immediately destroy them. In order to effectively integrate drones and anti-drone technology into European security and defence, I call on European institutions to establish a regulatory framework that defines safety standards for civil aviation and critical infrastructure in the context of these new technologies.

Madam President, dear colleagues, let me move the following oral amendment based on factual events and happenings: 'Welcomes the European Court of Human Rights judgment of 9 July 2025 in the case of Ukraine and the Netherlands v. Russia, which held Russia responsible for widespread and flagrant human rights abuses in Ukraine – including the downing of MH17, torture, the use of rape as a weapon of war, summary executions, unlawful and arbitrary detentions, and the organised removal and adoption of children in Russia.'

Madam President, dear Kaja, dear Marta, dear colleagues, Russia's unprovoked and illegal aggression against Ukraine, which has been ongoing for 42 months, has undermined the foundations of European security. To stop Russia, we must create a security and defence mechanism which is stronger than its militaristic ambitions. To deter the aggressor, Europe has no choice but to extend the European security system to Ukrainian territory and strengthen its defence forces. Applying Newton's principle of physics – energy cannot be created or destroyed – security guarantees will be effective if they are genuine and sufficient. A secure sky over Ukraine, the deployment of EU Member States' military forces on its territory, and further military assistance to Ukraine are only part of the security guarantees that can truly deliver. Russia must pay military reparations to Ukraine. I warmly welcome the 9 July decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the case of Ukraine and the Netherlands v. Russia, which found Russia guilty of systematic violations in Ukraine, including the downing of MH17. This court decision provides the legal basis for using Russia's frozen assets to compensate the Ukrainian people for immense damages and losses. Security and justice are integral parts of European life. Let us extend them to the people of Ukraine now.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Ryan Cornelius, a British national, was convicted of alleged financial crimes in 2008 and is set to remain in captivity in the United Arab Emirates until 2038. In total he will serve 30 years. Given his dire and unattended health situation, it is unlikely that he will live that long. In 2022, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded that Mr Cornelius' detention is unlawful, contravening multiple articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and recommended his immediate release, along with compensation and other reparations. By keeping Mr Cornelius and his seized assets in captivity, the UAE is confirming that its courts have rightly been accused of bias and of breaching legal procedures and international laws. Imprisoning Mr Cornelius and causing hardship for his family seriously damages the UAE's international image and sets a negative precedent for negotiations on the strategic agreement with the European Union. Free Ryan Cornelius!

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, history has shown us the value of European unification and the importance of preparing EU institutions to address emerging challenges. Although managing a union of 30 or more members may seem challenging, these are the same concerns we had 20 years ago, prior to the big bang enlargement. However, improving the EU's institutional functioning and political processes cannot be postponed or made dependent on enlargement, budgeting or other issues. Colleagues, I find today's debate, with the extreme focus on enlargement only, a bit misleading. It's too narrow. Let's look broader, face all the challenges we have. We must look into a long, be ready to face any future challenges to the security and prosperity of our citizens in the long term, when our bold actions will bear fruit, and seize the opportunity to improve the efficiency of EU decision-making and policy implementation. So let's look at the broader picture.

Madam President, dear Kaja – I wish you a happy birthday, and I wish you strength, dear colleagues, clearly the forthcoming NATO summit in The Hague will not be a mere celebratory meeting. It must address issues of collective security of the utmost importance. We must ensure the safety and unconditional security of our societies and population. Security comes at a price, but peace is priceless. Although NATO's decision in 2014 to increase defence spending to 2 % is not yet fully implemented by a third of members, it is insufficient today. A new benchmark of 5 % for defence spending is urgently needed in order to bolster allies' defence capabilities. NATO is a defence and security alliance that poses no threat to peaceful neighbours. But we cannot submit to Russia's provocations, such as calls for NATO forces to withdraw from the Baltic states or demands regarding Ukraine's surrender. Russia and its allies and enablers are creating security chaos and challenges. That's why we are far from all the provocations we might see. And NATO's response must be proportionate and pre‑emptive. Clearly, NATO members in Europe must make a significant defence commitment and do so immediately. All EU Member States must be creators of security, but not only consumers. My main anticipation and call for the NATO summit in The Hague is that it will demonstrate our unity and set ambitious actions to ensure our security and deter any further provocations by Russia or its followers.

Mr President, Minister, Madam Commissioner, autocratic Russia is waging an aggressive war to destroy Ukraine's sovereignty and the whole Ukrainian nation. As well as committing unspeakable war crimes and ecocide, Russia is illegally detaining and deporting Ukrainian civilians, including children. The appearance of those who have been returned from Russian captivity best reflects what Ukrainians are experiencing. They look as if they have been through hell, reliving the horrors of the Holodomor, Nazi and Soviet concentration camps altogether at the same time. The whereabouts of less than 2 000 Ukrainian civilians in Russian captivity have been identified. I am a guardian of one of them, Dmytro Khyliuk, a civilian journalist who was captured in his own garden near Kyiv in March 2022. He remains a Russian hostage to this day, imprisoned in Correctional Colony No. 7 near Moscow, today's Russian capital, without any contact with the outside world. His father, Vasyl, has recently been diagnosed with stage four cancer and his only wish is to hear his son's voice once again. Russia must be held accountable to the war crimes it has committed and continues to commit. To bring Russia to the negotiation table, dear colleagues, we need all possible means, including international pressure, additional sanctions and unambiguous political signals. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, there are many aspects to Russia's open aggression against Ukraine and Ukrainians. Unfortunately, one of them is the theft and forced deportation of Ukrainian children to the aggressor country or temporarily occupied territory. Russia is trying to inflict as much damage as possible on Ukraine, its people and all future generations. Kidnapping children is a way of influencing their identity, Russifying them and subordinating them to another Russian mission. There are many examples of Ukrainian youth receiving military training in Russia, preparing them to be used in a war against their own country, which only confirms Russia's aggressive policy of preparing for future wars. The abduction, indoctrination and forced adoption of children is a continuation of Russian war crimes, which must be punished accordingly.

Mr President, Madam President, Minister, dear colleagues, Russia's illegal, unprovoked, unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine is an existential threat to the whole of Europe. Solidarity with the candidate country, Ukraine, and ensuring our own security requires systematic action by us. The main aim is to preserve our and Ukraine's sovereignty, to end the war and to create a stable post‑war situation on our continent. Europe must stick to its plan for Ukraine's victory and peace, which is based on conditions set by the Ukrainian side and not on the ambitions of Russia, China or any other country. The unity of the West is very important factor here. We must ensure Ukraine's position by providing security guarantees and membership of Western political and defence organisations, and by strengthening Ukraine. By guaranteeing Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty we will ensure the integrity of Europe's borders. Together, we must develop Ukraine's economic potential, rebuild better what has been destroyed and integrate Ukraine into the EU's internal market. Dear colleagues, any post‑war transition must remain linked to the maintenance of essential political and economic sanctions against Russia. This has to be the last war Russia wages against its neighbours. Peace is impossible without justice, which is why the investigation of war crimes and prosecution of those responsible, and the return of all abducted Ukrainian children, imprisoned civilians and prisoners of war, must be fully implemented. Knowing all this, history sometimes repeats itself, and I find no better time to quote the first phrase of the Schuman Declaration: 'World peace cannot be safeguarded without the making of creative efforts proportionate to the dangers which threaten it'.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, the Iranian mullahs' regime continues to carry out executions to maintain its close grip on power and stifle dissent. In fact, the number of executions in Iran has doubled in the past year. In the climate of fear and severe repression, attempts are being made to silence the opposition, the rights of women and minorities continue to be trampled on, and hostage diplomacy is being carried out using EU citizens. Members of the No Death Penalty Tuesdays abolitionist campaign, Behrouz Ehsani and Mehdi Hassani, have been sentenced to death without due process and on false charges. We have missed an opportunity to take appropriate action against the Iranian regime, as a result of which the Iranian Revolutionary Guard continues to operate as a terrorist organisation and UN Human Rights Council representatives are unable to carry out the necessary investigations. I call on the European External Action Service to take all the appropriate actions to stop the brutalities carried out in Iran.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, dear colleagues, more than ever before, Europeans have clearly and highly rightly made the EU's foreign and security policy an existential priority, making it a central theme in the last European Parliament elections. We must respect this and respond without undue delay. Let us not forget that those who have challenged our way of life have not changed and intend to continue their destructive actions. Above all, the European Union must strengthen its foreign policy, security and defence instruments and its financial capacity to implement them. It is clear that the sanctions imposed must be implemented at the level of the Union and have real leverage on third countries that violate United Nations or EU values. Ensuring the security of our citizens cannot be subject to any reservations and therefore Member States must agree on how to coordinate national military planning and procurement in a realistic and more coordinated way, optimising the total cost of defence.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, dear colleagues, the open war against sovereign Ukraine and Ukrainians, conceived and declared by the Russian leadership and waged by the Russian military, is lasting 1133 days. During this long nightmare, the crime of aggression and war crimes have taken the most brutal forms, from the deportation of civilians and theft of children, to the torture and rape of civilians, the execution of prisoners of war, the destruction of Ukraine's civil infrastructure, and other incomprehensible crimes. Bucha itself became a symbol of infinite cruelty. We must say firmly that Russia will not escape a new Nuremberg Tribunal. This applies equally to the Russian political leadership, which makes the decisions, and to the militaries, which carry out the criminal acts. The special tribunal must take place regardless of any ceasefire or other negotiations. Impunity must be a thing of the past. I hope the European Union will take a strong stance and will follow the principle that we have to name and punish the perpetrators, protect the interests of victims and ensure a victory for humanity.

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the freezing and use of the Russian assets is as inevitable as a paradigm of Fyodor Dostoevsky’s novel Crime and Punishment. Russia's illegal, unprovoked and unjustified war of aggression against Ukraine, and the losses and damage caused to Ukraine and its people, are among the necessary reparations of the Russian side. International law supports this obligation. Humanity demands it. The state assets of Russia located abroad must be used directly for the needs of Ukraine to restore its urban and civil infrastructure, environment and property lost by the people. The use of interest from frozen Russian assets is good, but it's not enough to compensate for the losses suffered by Ukraine. Russian assets must be frozen and used either to directly compensate for the needs of Ukraine and reconstruction, or to become a guarantee when issuing state bonds or taking out the necessary loans. I call upon the Member States to find and agree on a comprehensive legal approach.

Mr President, thank you, it is indeed a special day. Commissioner Kubilius, Minister, dear colleagues, I must repeat myself, what I have written in my speech, sorry for certain repetitions. Exactly 35 years ago on this day, Lithuania declared the restoration of its independence. We knew about the evil Soviet Empire from our own painful experience, but we had no illusions about the better future of Russia. Now, we must not only change our thinking and policies, but also defend Europe and our fellow Europeans. We must ensure European security, which is measured by the weakest link in its defence. Therefore, we must act together, not selectively. We must act now, not tomorrow. Standardisation of weapons and military equipment, mobilisation of financial resources for their innovation, and speedy production and further development of military mobility and capabilities – these are the most important things now. For the European defence community should involve our partners from the very beginning, especially candidate countries like Ukraine. Close cooperation in this area will undoubtedly benefit all participant countries and, most importantly, our citizens.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister. Some countries in the European Union are confronted with natural fatalities, while others are confronted with the fatalities of Russia. And this is sometimes a much more terrible and destructive force, and it must be acknowledged. Russia’s open military aggression against Ukraine has not only changed the geopolitical situation in Europe, but has also led to economic challenges for the regions of the European Union bordering and adjacent to autocratic and war-seeking states. The countries of the European Union bordering Russia and Belarus are facing critical challenges, not only for security reasons. Sometimes we make good decisions in this area. I will mention as an example the energy synchronisation between the Baltic States and Europe that took place this weekend. This is indeed an example of how and in which direction we can go, but it is necessary to respond in a timely and appropriate manner to economic challenges, to promote regional infrastructure projects and other investments. Here too, the European Commission can take the floor.