Speeches

Mr President, the European Parliament – and let me say, the S&D Group in particular – will continue to raise human rights violations within Europe, worldwide and therefore also in Morocco. The conviction and imprisonment of Omar Radi is not an isolated case. He fits into a row of politically motivated convictions targeting human rights activists, journalists and leaders of the Hirak Rif. Sakharov Prize Finalist Nasser Zefzafi – and I have a small part in getting him nominated, together with many colleagues – is still imprisoned in a Moroccan prison today after so many years as a political prisoner. This is because he stood up peacefully for human rights in the Rif and criticized the regime. That is unacceptable. I call on the Commission’s colleagues to discuss the human rights situation and the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Nasser Zefzafi and Omar Radi, at every meeting with the Moroccan authorities. Respect for human rights is a foundation on which EU-Morocco relations are based.

Mr President, Commissioner, the images of the attacks in Dnipro are the most tragic proof of the ruthlessness of the war that Putin is waging against Ukraine and its people. I agree with Guy Verhofstadt's plea on sanctions. Let me add one more, because the sanctions are there today, they work, but they are not enough. It is incomprehensible and unacceptable that the diamond should spring from the dance just a few packages of sanctions! The trade in rough diamonds remains to this day a major source of revenue for the Russian war apparatus – worth USD 4 billion annually. It is time to put that on the tenth package of sanctions, against Alrosa, the main player in the Russian diamond: the CEO on the sanctions list and a complete import ban on all forms of Russian diamonds. And also sit down at the table with the G7 countries to ensure that that package can be introduced worldwide. As an Antwerp citizen, I am particularly proud of the rich history of the diamond in my city and I want it to play a role in the future. But then clean diamond, and therefore no blood diamond from Russia.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, today I see broad support for the Commission’s reforms and proposals. That seems logical, because they are logical proposals. But that is not the case, because five years ago, when the S&D Group put those proposals on the table, there was still laughter. We're not going to impose sanctions, are we? I'm glad that consensus is growing now, because that's just normal. Trade is the most powerful tool we have in our foreign policy and it is only obvious that we demand the efforts we demand from ourselves, and from our industry and our people – in terms of climate, but of course also human rights, labour rights – that we also enforce them in our trade policy. It would be particularly hypocritical if we continued to grant access to our market to countries and trading partners that do not act against child labour. Let me also be very clear: Of course, this is about the trade agreements that are currently being negotiated, about future trade agreements, but also about agreements that are being negotiated and also about those whose ratification process has yet to start. We also have some work to do with Mercosur.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Ukraine is a free and independent country. It is a democracy and it is Putin, and Putin alone, who, with his illegal attack on Ukraine, has brought war back to the European continent. The answer, colleagues, and we agree on that, should be: unity, cooperation and solidarity. And yes, we showed them. On the one hand with the extensive support to Ukraine, but also successive packages of sanctions to ensure that the money tap is turned off for the war that Putin is waging. It is for that reason that I am in favour of including diamonds in those sanctions packages, and I say that as an Antwerper. We need that same unity, cooperation and solidarity in tackling the energy crisis. And here, ladies and gentlemen, there is a slight lack of unity and solidarity in the Council, which is a long way off, but also in the Commission's determination. Dear Commissioner, please, I have heard good things from Ursula von der Leyen this morning. Now is the time for action. Put a ceiling on that price. Make sure there is a disconnection of the electricity and the gas price. This will ensure that the support of the European people for the support to Ukraine remains.

Mr President, many have pointed to the high rate of forced labour in Europe. This shows that it is a long-standing, persistent problem, which is currently receiving extra attention because of the situation of the Uyghurs in China. I agree that the problem in China is even greater. Of course, this is not only about forced labour, but also about an organised regime that oppresses its people. Some people, perhaps rightly, speak of genocide. It is therefore high time to tackle this problem. We as a Parliament can be proud of this. After all, the Commission's work has started on our initiative and we expect it to be a strong instrument. This should not only take into account the size of companies, which is often not relevant, but also the areas where the greatest risks occur. It goes without saying that we must combine a ban on forced labour with due diligence and ensure that this approach is reflected in our trade agreements. Finally, we in the European Union must also take our responsibility to solve this persistent problem once and for all.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, it is time to make a statement if we want to live up to our climate ambitions. And that is what we want, because we voted for the climate law by an overwhelming majority. So now we have to be ambitious about this Fit for 55. The Commission has proposed a coherent package and it is very important that this Parliament supports and – where possible – further strengthens it. You will also not be surprised that, as a social democrat, I also want to work very hard on the socially just transition in each of those packages and components. I am pleased, Commissioner, that we have kept ETS2 on board. There was a lot of opposition. I have defended it vigorously in my own group from the beginning. I believe that what is now before us is an acceptable compromise. We start with the commercial sector and then move on to the households. It is important that there is also a social correction. And as an Antwerper, you will not be surprised that I am also very happy that we are finally involving the maritime sector. For too long they have been able to pollute freely and that time is now definitely over and I think that is very important. The time for free polluting is over, also in the international sector. We need to tell that to our trading partners. Moreover, carbon taxation at the border and ETS should be inextricably linked. Ladies and gentlemen, I call on ourselves to be very courageous tomorrow and to vote as closely as possible to the results of the ENVI committee.

Mr President, High Representative, yes, the summit may have come at the right time, but it has mainly led to a two-way monologue, I think. In another world with a different Chinese leadership, China could play a brilliant role today. It could perhaps be that partner who is putting an end to the war, who is pointing out Russia's responsibilities and who is working for world peace. But that's not true. We all know that China plays a very ambiguous role, misses its real point of view and at the same time starts a campaign at home – in China – to incite the people to support Putin. And we all know that work is being done to avoid sanctions and in this way also to support Russia. Yes, there must be a dialogue – and let Europe keep that dialogue open – but it must be based – as Europe showed at this summit – on what our agenda is: on human rights, on the Green Deal and on protecting what may be left of Taiwan's autonomy. Let our trade agenda also work in that direction.

Mr President, many have, of course, already referred to it: The world has fundamentally changed. Today it is painfully clear how bad our dependence on fossil fuel is. The focus today is of course on Russian gas. But it would be a fundamental mistake to change one dependency into another dependency on the same fossil fuels. Because anyway, fossil fuels are both polluting and expensive, and come from geopolitically unstable regions, but above all from autocratic or downright dictatorial regions. The same applies to the Energy Charter Treaty. This treaty dates back to 1994 and has remained unchanged for thirty years, as if nothing has changed in the world. The Energy Charter Treaty allows fossil fuel companies to undermine the climate policy of governments or to collect billions of fines, and this at the expense of the taxpayer. How cynical can it be? Negotiations to tackle the Energy Charter Treaty have actually been dragging on for four years. I honestly don't see any positive outcome. So we have to start to draw conclusions: if the modernisation of the Energy Charter Treaty fails – and it looks forward to doing so more and more – there is no longer any point in postponing it. Mr. Commissioner, I think you have broad support to get out of there. We must take the bluts with the buil, and we must of course study this carefully. But we will have to draw a clear conclusion. I think we actually arrived at that moment.

Mr President, Commissioner, let me first say that it may be clear in the middle of this debate that a large majority in Parliament does not follow the Commission's interpretation of the application of transparency, that we are looking at it in a completely different way and that it must be clear that we want to see a change in that. And I want to explain the case that is before us, because it shows very well what this is about. We know – in the pandemic – that there is no competence for the Commission in the area of public health, and yet it has acted. This has received the full support of this House. Had it not acted on vaccine purchases, we would have seen vaccine inequality within the European Union, and that would have been particularly bad. The disadvantage of not having that power is that there has been too little parliamentary control over the negotiation of those contracts. And then – and that makes it even more painful – something happened, in particular that the policy is personified. There were a lot of personal contacts, including with Commission President von der Leyen and the CEO of Pfizer. And I have had a very uncomfortable feeling for a long time, because we may not have had vaccine inequality within the European Union, but we have had immense vaccine inequality in the world. And the Pfizers Europe and the big big pharma, also in the United States, have really been able to hide behind the broad back of the European Commission in the patent debate. I have the uncomfortable feeling that things have been promised there that the outside world should not know. But maybe I'm wrong, maybe I'm wrong, and that's why it's so important that all documents, including text messages, are exposed. And you know, a special committee was also approved this week to evaluate what happened during the corona policy: The good things, the less good things. And, I promise you, as a Parliament, we are going to get to the bottom of this story. What was agreed during that negotiation?

Madam President, Prime Minister, dear Kaja, can I also first give my deep respect and appreciation for what you do. You come from a very small country, and in this case a very vulnerable country, and you take sound political leadership in the EU. Thank you very much for that. Collega's, de eerste fase van deze oorlog pakt eigenlijk slecht uit voor Vladimir Poetin. Het Oekraïense volk is moediger dan ooit. De Russische economie heeft het erg moeilijk. Bedrijven, oligarchen, maar ook de Russische bevolking komen op straat en de autocraat staat er dus redelijk alleen voor. Maar we mogen niet denken dat het gemakkelijk gaat worden. Het moeilijke ligt nog voor ons. Poetin gaat in eerste instantie de Oekraïners proberen te verdelen, maar ook de eenheid van de Europese Unie proberen te breken. Het enige antwoord bestaat er dus in samen, in solidariteit, pal te blijven staan door onze navelstreng van gas en olie radicaal door te knippen. We moeten dat doen en we moeten dan solidair zijn onder elkaar, door de Oekraïners te steunen met geld en humanitaire hulp én door aan de Europese bevolking te laten zien dat we dit samen kunnen, hoe moeilijk het ook wordt. Waar Poetin verdeeldheid zaait, zal Europa antwoorden met eenheid, solidariteit en vertrouwen.

Mr President, dear colleagues, today we feel sadness, anger for sure, but also pride – pride in the unity of the European response to Putin’s war crimes. Could you imagine just for one second that we did not have the European Union today? Then we would be divided, and divided we cannot have any response to Putin. But united, as we stand today, we have Ukraine’s back. Mr Zelenskyy, I know you have other things to do, but you know we have your back. We stand with you. We stand with your people in full solidarity, in the fight for peace, freedom and democracy. It is clear Putin will only listen to clear messages, so we need to use this clear language. Therefore, I think it’s important that we stop buying gas from Russia. We need to cut off from that gas. It’s at a high price, but it is doable. If we do not pay the price today, we will be presented with the price tomorrow. President Zelenskyy was right. He said this is the crisis of freedom and democracy. Well, dear colleagues, in Europe let’s take this fight and stand up for our values.

Mr President, when the European Union decided two years ago to organise a European summit with Africa and on Africa, it was in an atmosphere of positivity and optimism. We had a plan. We wanted to show that Africa is our most important partner, and we also wanted to show that we wanted to work with Africa on an equal footing. As we know, that summit has not gone through the pandemic, it has been postponed, and today we are back there. I must honestly admit: Optimism is gone. Of course, this also has to do with the broader geopolitical context, but we must not forget that we have disappointed the African population. A form of cynicism has emerged, because during that pandemic we have to ask ourselves the question: “Did we treat the African population, did we treat the African continent as equal?” They were the first to get an entry ban and the last to receive a vaccine! So yes, great disappointment! The way in which Europe has stopped those patents, the determination shown and the false arguments we have used in doing so have of course not helped. So we know what to do. We need to restore confidence and, of course, invest heavily: there is the European Green Deal, but there are also those patents. We will have to deliver on our promises and act on an equal footing with the African continent!

Mr President, Commissioner, today we are in the fourth wave – the fourth corona wave – and with omikron on our path, we can look forward, and I honestly say that a bit cynically, to a fifth wave, to a sixth wave. And the Commission is happy to say that it is doing well, also internationally, with all exports and donations, but the real truth is that three quarters of the vaccines produced go to the rich countries and 1% go to the poorest countries. That is not only ethically irresponsible and unjust, it is also just European oil. Because if you do not vaccinate, you increase the chance of all kinds of variants. The vaccine makes no distinction between rich and poor. That variant is not that stupid at all. And so Europe and the European Commission must be on the right side of history. They must waiver support in the World Trade Organization. But they also need to support the World Health Organization much better. In other words, instead of protecting our own industry and protecting our own vaccines, we need to protect poor countries much better. That is the challenge and the task.

Mr President, Commissioner, no one wants a diamond on his or her finger with blood on it. Today diamond mining is all too often linked to the financing of rebel groups and civil wars in Africa. The Kimberley Process Certification Scheme was established in 2003 to stop the trade in conflict diamonds. And successfully, because today less than 1% of the trade in rough diamonds is considered a conflict diamond. That is, we must say, an important merit. However, the resolution also quite rightly speaks, as mentioned, about the shortcomings of the Kimberley process and the absolute improvements that are needed. The problem of the diamonds is greatly reduced, it is certainly not solved at all. First and foremost, and it has been mentioned, the scope must be enlarged. The current definition is too narrow. Only rough diamonds used by rebels to fund their fight against legitimate governments are considered conflict diamonds. All human rights violations, whether committed by rebels, the military, mine regulators or governments, should be taken into account. Forced labour and child labour. Secondly, improvements are needed in terms of independent monitoring and enforceability. Digitalization can and will provide a solution. And NGOs are an essential partner in the Kimberley Process. They need better support. Furthermore, there is a real danger of shifting the diamond trade to a hub like Dubai, which is not taking it so closely with the regulations. This creates a large hole, a loophole, in the international system and must be countered. However, and that is, of course, the whole problem in the multilateral system, it is necessary to work by consensus and those 56 members do not all see the same need for thorough reforms. The pressure to reform is lacking today and therefore also the lack of the great success story that the process could be. Reforms are therefore not easy and I count on the Commission to remain committed to making improvements possible. This brings me to what the EU itself could do, because we must not hide behind that unanimity. There are things we can do ourselves, and that's the essence of it. due diligence-story, of taking responsibility in the supply chain of diamonds and not closing our eyes to the violations of human rights. Consumers are demanding this today, and they want to know that a diamond has no blood, that it has an ethical origin, that it is not linked to environmental disasters and that it is therefore not made with forced labour or child labour. Regardless of who did, rebels or others, in this entire production process from mining to polishing, grinding and setting, these rights must be guaranteed. A duty of care throughout that supply chain should ensure that human rights violations are a thing of the past. I cannot stress enough that a broad proposal of due diligence There has to be, and quickly. It is really unacceptable that it has been postponed again, Commissioner, and I really urge you to look into it. Apparently, there is such a thing as a Regular Scrutiny Board that has stopped that. Personally, I wonder where democracy is in this story. So I expect openness from the European Commission and I expect a proposal very soon. The same applies, as this is also linked, to a proposal on forced labour. From the Committee on International Trade, we cannot stress enough that there must also be a system of banning products on our forced labour market. This will strengthen the Kimberley Process and the banning of conflict diamonds.

Mr President, Commissioner, the rich countries have already given more inhabitants a third shot than the poor countries a first. That is not only unjust, but also very stupid because that indeed means that, as Mohammed said, we just have to wait for the next variant. In fact, there is an additional injustice. The vaccine that works best in the world today relies on American and European mRNA technology. We should be proud of that. But what do we see? That the companies that own this technology are not very interested in selling, donating or collaborating with poor countries, but rather selling their products to the rich countries. And so those poor countries have to deal with much less efficient Chinese and other vaccines. That is unacceptable. So it's obvious what we need to do. As a number of Members have already said, we have drafted a resolution on this subject and have long since asked for action to be taken. In addition to donating our surpluses of vaccines, it is necessary that mRNA technology, data and patents are shared with the World Trade Organisation – which we trust, I hope – in order to finally increase production as needed to tackle this pandemic.

Mr President, it is true. After the COP in Glasgow, we can say that the one-and-a-half degree has been kept above water and is still the global ambition. But at the same time, we have to admit that we still have a lot of work to do in terms of the commitments, the measures and the bold policies that should have been agreed. This means – and this is an important message I want to give today – that more than ever we must assume our own responsibilities and that the Fit for 55 package must not only stay afloat, but above all become even more ambitious. I have heard too many questions about this package, including in this House. I don't think we can afford that. For our group, solidarity must be at the heart of policy, and that also means solidarity at the international level in our trade policy and not only leading by example, but also sharing our technology, for example, and ensuring that there is sufficient funding internationally to make that policy a reality. I think that is a very important task that is still ahead of us.

Mr President, we all know that multilateralism is in trouble. We also saw that at the COP in Glasgow. It is difficult to make multilateral agreements and so we need success. Success in terms of sustainability through the fisheries agreement, and success in terms of health. I listened carefully to Mr Simon. Last week it was announced that Pfizer, BioNTech and Moderna together made $34 billion in profits. That's about $93 million a day or $1,000 a second. My question to you, Commissioner, but also to the Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats is very simple: Who do we protect if we cannot support the temporary removal of intellectual property rights? Then who are we protecting? The big profits of the pharmaceutical industry or the interests of the world's population? That is the essence of this issue.

Mr President, I think we all agree that after Trump, we should work with the current Biden administration on a positive agenda for the future. This means not only solving problems, for example in the area of steel and aluminium, but also establishing a positive agenda with issues that are important for our future. The EU-US Trade and Technology Council is therefore very important. We all know that technology such as artificial intelligence can be used for the success of our future and the well-being of our people. However, this technology can also be used for many other purposes. It is therefore essential that democratic societies such as the United States and Europe work together in this area and do not leave it to societies that use the technology in question for espionage or mass surveillance of their populations. This democratic control must also be possible from within the European Parliament. This is of great importance in order to further strengthen support.

Mr President, today we are voting, for the second time in less than a year, on a resolution on the case of Paul Rusesabagina. In the first resolution, last February, the European Parliament denounced his abduction and subsequent torture. We called for an international investigation into his transfer and arrest and for Rwanda to guarantee that Mr Rusesabagina would receive a fair trial. Well colleagues, today we stand here again because he didn’t receive that fair trial. This was confirmed by the Belgian Foreign Ministry, the US State Department and numerous organisations that monitored this trial. Paul Rusesabagina was forced to make confessions under torture and isolation without the presence of a lawyer, and he only received access to his court documents three days before the start of the trial, a document of more than 3 000 pages. His lawyers and family were intimidated and his co—defendants were put under pressure to testify against him. Key witnesses were not cross-examined or put under oath, even though they gave conflicting statements. Therefore, we, the European Parliament, ask for the humanitarian release and repatriation of Paul Rusesabagina. The prison sentence of more than 25 years de facto is a death sentence. Mr Rusesabagina is 62 years old and a cancer survivor, and he needs care. Finally, and maybe most importantly, he’s a Belgian – a European citizen – and a US resident. This means that we are responsible for his fundamental human rights, and we have seen that these rights are being firmly violated by Rwanda. Therefore, we ask the EEAS and the Member States to do everything within their power to get Paul Rusesabagina to safety.

Mr President, first of all a big congratulations to Hilde for this report. She has succeeded in expressing a clear position with a broad majority. That's fantastic. At the same time, we must also admit that we may be a little late with this clear position. For too long, we've been very naive. We have long thought that China would democratize and play by the rules. Nothing is less true. That is why, Commissioner, I want to stress today our own initiatives and everything we do on trade defence, foreign investment and foreign subsidies. We must tackle unfair practices very hard, while at the same time linking them to human rights, the Uyghurs and forced labour. It is my heart, Commissioner, that the initiative on due diligence is taking too long. We need to get started now. Finally, it is also time to send a clear signal to Taiwan that we are behind them and that we want to start negotiations on the investment agreement.

Mr President, the ‘Fit for 55’ package is the first, truly concrete proposal following the Green Deal and the Climate Law. This proposal proposes a clear and coherent package with a view to achieving the objective. I would therefore like to express my thanks to the Commission for this. I would also like to stress that Parliament has a crushing responsibility to support this package, to strengthen it where possible and, above all, to ensure that it strikes a balance between the various sectors and that it is distributed fairly. I will be very enthusiastic about this package. One of the challenges is that the rules for our products must apply to all products, whether they are made on our market or imported. Therefore, the extensions related to the ETS, the maritime narrative and of course the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism are crucial. In doing so, we must also respect our international responsibility. We need to pay extra attention to our vulnerable partners, such as Africa, and we will need to step up our efforts in this area.

Mr President, I think we are all very appalled at what is happening in Hong Kong. There is nothing left of the democratic regime that Hong Kong once was. Under the guise of national security, the rights of the population are increasingly restricted, with the de facto lifting of press freedom as the absolute, sad low. No more democracy. And we in the EU have allowed that to happen. We stood by, we watched and we did nothing. In other words, we have abandoned the people of Hong Kong. We all know that the regime in China is now looking at Taiwan. Are we going to do the same? Are we going to use words, stand up for democracy and human rights, and then do nothing? I propose that the Commission should change its rifle and start negotiating an investment agreement with Taiwan, for example, in order to make it clear to the world that we are not going to abandon the Taiwanese as well.

Mr President, Commissioner, the harsh truth is that if we do nothing, Dr Djalali will die, either from incessant torture, hunger, hardship or from execution by the Iranian regime. And that is unacceptable! Mr Djalali is a citizen of the European Union. He is connected to Belgian, Swedish and Italian society, he is a professor at the Vrije Universiteit Brussel, and his safety is our responsibility. And we must make that very clear to the Iranian regime. Not just a phone call here or there. If Mr Djalali is not transferred to his family in Europe, there must be repercussions. If we do not do that, we are actually saying that it is okay to condemn European citizens to death. The European Parliament therefore expects firm action from the Commission and the Council. And as my fine colleague Hilde said: ‘Free Djalali!’

Mr President, Commissioner, you will not be surprised that respect for labour rights and ILO conventions are essential for my group. It has already been mentioned by many: There is still a lot of work to be done in Bangladesh. Cooperation is ongoing with the ILO and the European Commission. Commissioner, you have already said a number of things about the national action plan. But I think it must be clear to this Parliament, as you will hear from all the interventions, that we want real guarantees for the eradication of child labour, that freedom of association is respected, that not only labour law but also safety regulations are really implemented. And in that respect, we are still a little hungry and waiting for real commitments. It is very important for Parliament to be able to make a proper assessment of this. If we look at the agreement, we have cause for great concern. It is coming to an end and we have no prospect of a permanent and binding alternative. And let it be clear, returning to a system of self-monitoring is out of the question. That didn't work either. The reason why that drama happened is because one has worked with self-monitoring. Finally – and I would like to stress this very strongly – we also need to look at ourselves and our own responsibilities. We have seen that in full covid time Western companies have canceled many orders of products that were already made by all those people. And that has had enormous negative effects. Real, binding due diligence legislation will therefore soon be essential to take our own responsibility.

Mr President, hopefully we all agree that cooperation and solidarity form the basis of the European project. These are exactly the values we need to tackle the pandemic globally. We won't be safe until everyone is safe. How many colleagues have said that? However, the Commission and the Council do not seem to be taking any action in this area and the Council conclusions also appear to lack the necessary measures. The issue was not even raised in President Michel's introduction. Only a fraction of the vaccines we need to tackle the pandemic globally are currently being produced. The IMF and the World Bank have put forward a proposal to create an investment mechanism to effectively increase global production. However, the Council does not have much to say on this issue either. Almost all countries in the world support the abolition of intellectual property rights to ensure that enough vaccines can be produced. However, the Commission is currently blocking negotiations in the World Trade Organisation and is not playing a good role in this. We need more cooperation and less blockage to tackle the pandemic globally.