Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, today's debate is not only about İmamoğlu. It's about all the people, the journalists, the researchers, the women, the civil society organisations, and the minorities under attack. It's also about the way Europe deals with rising autocrats and dictators – from Hungary to Türkiye, from the United States to Russia. Think about the message we are sending to those who defend the values that we stand for, as we let them slip into the hands of autocratic regimes, while wheeling and dealing with the oppressors on migration, on critical raw materials, on defence? If we fail to act, to be clear on whose side we are on, if we fail to defend democracies, the rule of law and human rights, then ask yourselves, colleagues, when the time comes, who will defend you?

Mr President, Europe was, is and always will be a peace project. But choosing peace and freedom means taking our security into our own hands. That is why the Commission's and the Council's proposals are an important first step. However, a new European peace architecture includes many more 27 Member States that are investing additionally. It also requires coordination and strategy. Safety is so much more than just bullets and tanks. It is also about infrastructure, technology and reducing our dependence. Think of energy, raw materials for example also medicines. Security also does not mean cutting costs, but rather investing further. Yes, in defence, but also in sustainability, infrastructure and social policy. After all, our social model is unique in the world and that is what makes Europe so different from what Putin and Trump stand for. This is what the Ukrainians are fighting for: peace, freedom and security. That's what we need to protect now, more than ever.

Madam President, colleagues, let me thank M Warborn for his short history lesson. Of course, we agree very much with the fact that geopolitics has changed dramatically in the last five-to-ten years and the EU-Mercosur agreement is, in that light, important. For the S&D, it is important also that, in the next coming months, we will fully scrutinise this deal up to the very detail. We need to make sure that this deal works not just for our economy, but for the environment and for the workers on both sides of the world. We hear the sincere concerns, Commissioner, from the unions, from the environmental NGOs and from the farmers. It is important, as you mentioned, that the Paris Agreement is now an essential element. But many questions, Commissioner, on deforestation, remain. And we need answers on these. Let it be clear: this Mercosur agreement cannot water down the EU Deforestation Regulation. So we need answers. The S&D will be a fair partner in this process, but we need answers to make sure that the impact of the agreement on climate, workers' rights and European farmers is clear.

Mr President, Commissioner, we have all known this for a long time. We've been dependent and naive for too long. Depending on imported raw materials, imported gas and oil from Russia and imported security. We have also been naive – naive, I hope – thinking that we could afford to be and remain dependent. Today, more than ever, that time is over. We have to stand on our own feet. This ambition should be reflected in the Commission's work programme and initiatives. International trade – which you have the power to do – is a very strong lever for this. So yes, we are open to trade, but in our opinion it must be based on human rights, on workers' rights and on sustainability. All of this must also be enforceable. This is the benchmark for us. We must also eradicate poverty, both within the European Union with the Social Compass and, of course, in the rest of the world. We will have to develop a strategy to effectively fill the gap that USAID is dropping. Unfortunately, the Global Gateway is too much of a black box. We expect much more parliamentary scrutiny and transparency from the Commission. Finally, something about enlargement. We must reunite with the countries of the Western Balkans, Moldova and, of course, Ukraine in the long run. You can count on a strong S&D Group that is committed to the necessary reforms to also work on that enlargement.

Mr President, it is almost unimaginable, but it is indeed three years. Three years of continuous Russian aggression against Ukraine. Three years of deliberate attacks on towns and villages and critical infrastructure, with at least 12 000 civilian casualties and 20 000 kidnapped and deported children. The numbers are terrible. But fortunately, it is also three years of unity and a strong European response, a strong European condemnation of this illegal and brutal war. Three years of European solidarity and support for Ukraine and – on this we are very united in this Parliament – we will continue to give this support, as long as it takes. The future of Ukraine is European, that much is clear. And so, after three years of war, we have to start thinking about rebuilding and strengthening democracy in Ukraine, even though the war is not yet over. Fair and free elections are probably not yet for tomorrow, but we must prepare them, so that after the war we are really ready to make Ukraine a free, open and progressive country, a Ukraine with strong democratic institutions and a strong rule of law, and ready with our help, so that Ukraine finds its way to European membership.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues. I think everybody knows that you don't stop a bully by giving him what he wants. He will only bully you more. Trump's tariffs are a blatant attack on multilateralism, on basic WTO principles and on the transatlantic partnership. No, we are not interested in a trade war. Trade wars only hurt people and businesses, and they push prices up and purchasing power down. So of course we're open for dialogue, but let it be clear: when tariffs hit us, we must take immediate retaliatory action. So, Mr Commissioner, it is important that we take countermeasures both within the WTO and with our trade defences. And let it also be crystal clear: we will not respond to blackmail, and we will not change European legislation to please the United States, because giving Trump what he wants will hurt Europe and European citizens, and it will only leave him wanting more.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, it goes without saying that Donald Trump's second term will put a lot of pressure on transatlantic relations. The impact on our economy, international trade and geopolitics will be enormous. But there's no point in us staring blindly at Trump or Elon Musk. We must not make the mistake of making our actions depend solely on their actions. More than ever, we must stand on our own feet, invest in our own security, stand behind Ukraine and invest in our economy, our industry and our prosperity. But not by shutting us off from the rest of the world. On the contrary. Where Trump and Putin choose confrontation, we must dare to choose cooperation more than ever. For example, with South America and the countries of the Indo-Pacific, through diplomacy, dialogue and international trade. For more than ever, we must start from our own values, our own strength. And that means working together where possible, but also drawing clear boundaries where it needs to be done. Just think of the terrible claim that is now being made in Greenland – ¡No pasarán!, we have to say – the fight against fake news or import tariffs. That is a red line for us, because, and probably to the great regret of the extreme right in this hemisphere, the future of Europe is neither American, nor Russian, nor Chinese. The future of Europe is European and it is best that we take that fate into our own hands.

Madam President, Mr Commissioner, in the world of Trump, Putin, Xi Jinping, the G20 in Rio was presented with a very clear choice: work together for a safer, fairer, rule‑based world, or let inequalities and conflict grow furthermore. For the S&D, the answer is crystal clear – we need a strong, rules‑based international community to fight global inequalities, climate change and rising aggression. That is why the so‑long‑called 'billionaire tax' is so important. Wealth is more concentrated than ever, and it's time for the super‑rich to contribute to the fair share. We can invest then in housing, education, healthcare for everybody in the world. Dear colleagues, there is still a long work ahead of us. Today, only 70 % of the SDG targets are on track and some are even backward. This should alarm us, and it means that we especially in the EU must step up our efforts to achieve the SDGs by 2030. So, colleagues, let me be crystal clear – the time of doubt is over. We must act decisively. And as you said, Commissioner, the declaration was what we could get. But it remains words, and what we need is action: enforce fair taxation, fight climate change and make the world a much more just world for everybody.

I do the opposite, because I think we all agree that the impact of the elections in the United States will be huge when it comes to Europe. And my example of Elon Musk is, I think, a very good example. There is no problem. They can, of course, install a department for efficiency. But if you can buy yourself into a job like that, it will have huge impact, also on what will happen on AI in the in the European Union, what will happen on privacy of data in the European Union, what will happen with social media in the European Union. And there we need to be ready and for that we need a united Europe.

Madam President, dear colleagues, what a world we live in today. Even before the new term started, the outlook of the Trump administration paints a dark picture – a dark picture for multilateralism and for international trade, putting hardliners and hawks in key positions, outlining just a single clear message: America first. What better example is there than the choice to appoint Musk of all people to be at the helm of a new department for government efficiency, giving Musk the knife to cut and undermine government services where he wants to exploit them privately. This sort of efficiency is nothing less than privatisation, deregulation and the imposition of checks and balances. That would be an unprecedented concentration of power with tech giants and the private sector in that power, and the erosion of democratic control. But I agree with you, Mr Borrell. Let's not waste time on what we cannot influence, but let's focus on what we can do.

Madam President, I would like to thank Commissioner Dalli for her introduction. The S&D Group welcomes the outcome of the G20 ministerial meeting attended by Commissioner Urpilainen. The fight against hunger and extreme poverty worldwide should remain an absolute priority for the EU, especially since Russia's illegal war of aggression against Ukraine, which had severe negative effects on food security and poverty around the world, and this on top of the still ongoing negative effects of the Covid‑19 pandemic and poverty. Against that backdrop, I absolutely welcome the new Global Alliance Against Hunger and Poverty launched by Brazil and the G20. It's crucial that the EU officially joins this alliance as soon as possible. Moreover, the EU should lead the fight against inequalities and double its efforts to implement the SDGs ahead of the 2030 deadline. We need to keep the SDGs high on the political agenda and not allow the political momentum to achieve them to be lost. At this moment, only 10% of the countries worldwide are on track to achieve the SDGs targets on reducing inequalities. This is very alarming and should be a wake up call for us to step up our efforts and invest more. The EU's first inequality marker showed that 59% of all new projects funded from the international partnership budget have a substantial focus on reducing inequalities. This is a huge success of Commissioner Urpilainen. We are glad that the new Commission will continue – well, we hope – to have a Commissioner responsible for international partnership, so that the focus on international partnership and fighting inequality is not lost. I thank you very much for all the work you have done, Commissioner Dalli, and and I call upon the Commissioner‑designate SIkela to continue the excellent work done by Commissioner Urpilainen.

Mr President, almost half of us have quite rightly recalled the figures: 40,000 innocent victims, more than 30,000 of whom are children, young people and women. Behind these anonymous figures are human lives and families. Since the beginning of the conflict, a large majority of Parliament has always supported these innocent victims, on both sides. We continue to do so with our call for an immediate, unconditional, permanent ceasefire and our call for faster delivery of humanitarian aid. However, action is also needed. We always say that we don't work with two sizes and two weights. I hope that the Commission agrees. We had a debate on Ukraine this morning and are quite proud of the considerable unity we have shown both in Parliament and in the Council when it comes to Ukraine. A year after the illegal invasion of Ukraine, there are rightly ten packages of sanctions from the European Union ready. Soon, this conflict will also exist for a year. However, no package of sanctions has been adopted against the far-right Netanyahu government. It is high time that we deed add to the floor and invoke the human rights clause of the Association Agreement in order to immediately suspend it and proceed with the adoption of several packages of sanctions. Let's stop supplying weapons to a regime that targets innocent people. Let's finally take action and show our teeth.

Dear colleague, it wasn't really a question, but let me assure you that this Parliament, up until the beginning of this illegal war against Ukraine, has been quite united to make sure that we both military, but also in infrastructure and financially support the people of Ukraine, who clearly stated they want to be part of a free Europe and not to be part in the future of a Russian Federation where there is no democracy and no freedom of speech.

Mr President, I am sure everyone remembers as yesterday how defeated and horrified we were on Thursday morning, 24 February 2022, when war broke out again on European soil. In the aftermath of that day, we stand united and united behind Ukraine. We will never accept that a people chooses freedom and democracy and that they are simply taken away from them. We do not tolerate this in Europe. Our continued support to Ukraine is therefore essential. We must continue to give Putin the signal that fighting on is pointless. In this context, military, infrastructural and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine is crucial. In my words there is a lot of conviction, but also uncertainty. More and more, it seems that we are heading towards a frozen conflict. Is Europe ready to deal with such a long-term security threat at Europe's borders and in Ukraine? In addition, we must ask ourselves whether, even in a worst-case scenario, we are ready to continue and increase support for Ukraine, for example if Trump is elected President of the United States. The discussion on the frozen Russian assets is essential in this context. We must deliver on our commitments to Ukraine. After all, these will be desperately needed to fill the gap if American support falls away. This requires not only unity, but also a clear strategy. In French there is the saying "les extrêmes se touchent". In Parliament, the extreme right and the extreme left stand united behind Putin. Unity in Parliament is under threat and we must do something about it. Against a strategy that every year condemns us to the blackmail and political poker of Orbán and his associates, against it ... (the President interrupted the speaker) ... we clearly say no. "United, we stand and divided, we will fall..

Mr President, Commissioner, when I saw the Energy Charter Treaty in the Committee on International Trade at the beginning of this legislature, I was quite surprised. How could it be that we were members of such a club with old methods such as ISDS, of which we had clearly said: “We don’t want that kind of private dispute resolution anymore.” But even worse: It was the beginning of the Green Deal legislature. There was one way forward. This ensured that we would be zero-emission by 2050 and that the energy sector would focus on renewable energy, energy efficiency, etc. This agreement was and is completely at odds with that. At the time, I thought we had to get out, but we had the Commission working on a possible modernisation. That has not led to anything, so I am very pleased that we will have that important vote at the end of this legislature tomorrow. And then I assume that the Council is working very quickly to withdraw from the Energy Charter Treaty. Because that hangs like a sword of Damocles above us, the Member States and our energy sector. Let's get this over with now.

Mr President, colleagues, 34 000 lives have already been claimed by the horrific war in Gaza, including 12 000 children, and thousands more are at risk of starvation as Israel continues to block humanitarian aid. And the horror goes on. The lack of action, including from Europe, is unacceptable. What signal do we give to the families of the more than 280 dead who were found in a mass grave last weekend, to the young girl who has to drink water from a downspout or to the families of the aid workers and the journalists who lost their lives while trying to save lives? What do we say to these people? We need to take action. And that, of course, means an immediate, permanent and unconditional ceasefire. But we have something else we can use: Our economic power. It is high time we put the Association Agreement on the table, suspend it and make sure it really becomes a lever to force Israel to do what it has to do: Stop this war.

Mr President, Commissioner, rapporteur, this late in the evening, and it seems like a terribly boring, difficult, technical, legal subject that makes you fall asleep. But actually, nothing less is true. We have experienced a pandemic in this legislature, and I am pleased, Commissioner Breton, that you are sitting here, because I have always - and I say really everywhere I go - had a lot of appreciation for the work you did during that pandemic to ensure that not only the vaccines were there, but also that production was really scaled up to the high level we needed. I always think of it as one of the most important successes. At the same time, we made a very big mistake during that pandemic. Namely: There is not enough solidarity with the rest of the world. You know that I do not agree with the way we dealt with Trips waiver from the committee. I am happy with what is going on here, namely the compulsory licences. This is the first lesson we learned from the pandemic. There is a shortcoming. I will support the proposal tomorrow, but I also want us to support the INTA rapporteur, Mr Scholz, and the S&D fully supports him, to ensure that, if necessary, if we are in a pandemic again, if we need additional production again in the rest of the world, we can also use those compulsory licences at European level to implement. We need to connect the two: we need to make sure that we have compulsory licences at the European level – and I think we will have to do that more and more where it is urgently needed – but we also really need exports, and we need to link the two. So my plea is very simple: support the rapporteur tomorrow, but also support the rapporteur from INTA, with the INTA amendments, for which people are now more competent to ensure exports in a good way than the people from the Committee on International Trade? ‒to ensure that this file allows us to carry out where necessary.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the question is: When will child labour become acceptable? When is the exploitation of workers to be defended? When is this the case when it comes to polluting rivers? Well, apparently the answer to that question today is: ‘Or, when it comes to European companies’ or ‘If it brings us anything’. That's incomprehensible. Some political parties, and unfortunately there are some among the liberals, which I find very regrettable, or among the EPP, which we know, or among the far-right parties, which obviously pay that price in order to be able to rise a little in the polls. Is that the price they want to pay today? Because that means that companies today look away from child labour, human rights violations and environmental pollution for the profit. Dear colleagues of the Council, dear European governments, the correct answer to my initial question is of course: That is never acceptable. The Due Diligence Directive is the way to address this. In other words: Take your responsibility.

Mr President, Commissioner, as we know, the World Trade Organisation, like many other multilateral organisations, is not in the best condition. We have had a reasonably successful MC12, but – in Dutch there is the saying ‘one swallow does not make spring’ – the World Trade Organisation has not yet put it where it should be. I know that there are many references to reforms of the internal system, but I think we need fundamental reforms. Let me give you two examples: 1) Attention to the needs and voice of developing countries in the World Trade Organisation is currently underestimated and needs to be improved. What happened in the pandemic with the discussion on TRIPS and intellectual property rights was not good. So we still need to make an effort to make progress. 2) A second fundamental reform is, of course, the link between climate and trade: not just with a few words and here and there a fine statement, but a fundamental reform of the World Trade Organization system to ensure that we really put the climate at the top of the agenda.

Protecting Presidents, peace and security in the European Union does not stop at the borders of our Member States, nor does it stop at our external borders. The agreement and support package approved in the Council is therefore crucial, as is broad support in this Parliament. Putin cannot win the war. Especially at a time when things are getting more and more difficult in the United States, it is important that Europe is unanimous in its support for the Ukrainian people. You also made time in the Council – and rightly so – to talk to and about the agricultural sector – I think that is very important – a sector that is clearly in crisis. But at the same time, I would like to send a clear message to my colleagues from the EPP and, in the wake of that, the far right – or is it the other way around today: The far right, and in the wake of that, the EPP? — not to make the Green Deal and the Nature Restoration Act a bogeyman in this story. There is no future for agriculture if there is no strong climate policy and biodiversity. The problem today is the common agricultural policy, which is not only at odds with climate policy and biodiversity, but has actually brought the sector into these deep problems today. If there is anything we need to do together here on the way to the next legislature, it is that common agricultural policy is finally fundamentally reforming.

– Mr President, Prime Minister. Europe is at a crossroads – you have already referred to this yourself – and it will be the Belgian Presidency that will shape this. For us it is clear: It will be about a Europe that protects, strengthens prosperity and defends freedom, democracy and human rights. Europe must and will be social. That is why the discussion on the revision of the fiscal rules, the so-called economic governance, is so crucial. There can be no return to a policy of saving, saving and saving. Mr. Botenga, you've been misinformed. If there is now one Member State that is very firm on the position that we have taken in the European Parliament in the meantime, in particular room for investment, including social investment, public services and a sustainable transition, it is Belgium. And there is a very important task for you, Prime Minister, to turn the Council's barren position into a better one. My colleague Lamberts has already referred to it: There cannot be a pause button in that transition, Mr Prime Minister, that was a bit of a faux pas. It really is a false choice. It is not about either nature, or farmers, or an ambitious climate policy or our industry. They go hand in hand. What is important, however, is that we in Europe actually do not yet have public funds. A kind of European Investment Fund to set the bar for all Member States and ensure two important things: a genuine industrial policy that keeps industry in Europe; and ensure that everyone is involved in this transition, including those who today do not have the means to renovate their homes or buy an electric car. This is where we need to improve public transport. Last point – very important, our responsibility: geopolitics. Ukraine. If one man – or one woman – stay behind Ukraine and live up to our promises. Prime Minister, it will be very important to show the same courage and the same unity when it comes to the conflict between Israel and Hamas. And I know that the Belgian position in that area is good. Let us ensure that an immediate ceasefire and access to much more humanitarian aid becomes an absolute spearhead of this Belgian Presidency. I wish you a lot of courage and all our support.

Mr President, next February will be two years since Russia's illegal war against Ukraine began. And more than ever, it is important that we in the Council continue to stand collectively behind Ukraine. Everyone here – as you can see – is extremely concerned about the growing lack of support in the United States, but also within our own Council. And I think it is very important that we put the obstruction policy of Orbán out of play and make an agreement without him. The Council must continue to give clear support to Ukraine and sanctions remain an interesting way to do so. And I really hope that the twelfth package of sanctions will also include the luxury product diamond. To help Ukraine and make our transition a reality, we will really need fiscal space. So not only the MFF, but also the fiscal space of the Member States will be extremely important. For us, S&D, there can be no question of "saving, saving, saving" again. As far as the economic governance package is concerned, I therefore hope that you will also have a frank and good conversation about it: fiscal space to meet the challenges of the future.

Mr President, Commissioner, High Representative, the world is changing very quickly. The geopolitical challenges are greater than ever and it goes without saying that we need to adapt both economic policy and trade policy to them. So we need to become more assertive, more autonomous and take action. The communication about economic security therefore comes as called and it is extremely important that we have them. But now that communication needs to be translated into initiatives and legislation. You referred to it, Commissioner: FDI screening – and I hope that the new initiative will be more binding, more enforceable and therefore more effective – and therefore also an initiative on outbound investments. Secondly, I would like to stress absolutely how essential and important it is in the economic strategy to properly protect and keep our critical infrastructure, for example our ports, in our own hands. Ports are not only a logistics hub, a gateway, they are also a crucial link in the sustainable supply chains needed for the green transition. The careless buying off of ports, for example by China, should no longer happen.

Mr President, it is a bit of an open door, but today's geopolitical challenges are enormous: the war in Ukraine; the conflict between Hamas and Israel, which violates all humanitarian rules; China, which has been violating international trade rules for more than a decade. And at such a time, it is extremely important that we draw the map of multilateralism from within the European Union. In all areas. Yes, on trade, yes, on climate, but also on human rights and international security. Those things go together. You cannot choose selectively. And then Taiwan is very important and a very good example. The EU and Taiwan are two hands on one belly. We are what we call like—minded countries, both in terms of democracy and the economy. And that is why it is so important that we take a clear position there. A real deal, like a resilient supply chain—agreement or trade agreement, but also fighting for their place in the World Health Organisation. That is Parliament's clear question to the Commission.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, in the last 10 years, the European Union has come a long way since it has been brutally awakened by the notions of war, the pandemic, and great power politics have also not disappeared. And this has led us to deeply reflect about security, about dependencies and about no longer being naive in the new world. And I think that’s a good thing. And I want to remind you of what Mrs Ursula von der Leyen said in the beginning of this term. She said: ‘we want multilateralism, we want fair trade, we want to defend the rules-based order because we know it is better for all of us’. And she continued: ‘if we are going to do it the European way, we must first rediscover our unity. If we are united on the inside, nobody will divide us on the outside’. We did that in the response to the Ukrainian war. We didn’t do that the last couple of days in our response to the terrorist attacks by Hamas on Israel. And I think that is really a disgrace. And I think it’s really very important that we adjust the way we organise our foreign policy.