Speeches

–Lady President, the European Union needs trade agreements because its economy is a major exporter of goods and services. It is vital to be able to continue exporting to the world to maintain our industries and create jobs. In addition, while the population is growing in the rest of the world, in Europe we have a shrinking demographic. We cannot do without foreign markets. We also have to import materials where we are loss-making. I am thinking of energy or certain critical matters. We need to make sure that we have suppliers who provide us with these goods. To this end, we must diversify our supplies and not rely only on certain countries in terms of essential materials, as we know well from the case of Russia and energy. We need free trade agreements, which also help fight inflation - a serious problem that we have again in Europe - because they lower costs. Protectionism, on the other hand, has economic costs for entrepreneurs and industries. Europe cannot become protectionist. We need agreements that open mutually beneficial markets for us and that do not forget those more sensitive products that must be the object of attention and defense. The European Union has several pending trade agreements: with Mercosur, Mexico or Australia. In the remaining months, the Spanish Presidency should make every effort to conclude them. In conclusion, I always say that it is a pity that no free trade agreement was reached with the United States, the so-called TTIP. This agreement would have saved us today, among other things, the difficulties posed by the so-called Inflation Reduction Act.

Mr President, Mr Mandl, we are in an extraordinary situation in Europe because of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. We must continue to support Ukraine. And I welcome the fact that Switzerland has condemned Russia's behaviour at the United Nations and joined the sanctions packages we have adopted. Ukraine urgently needs more weapons and more war material. Switzerland should lift its limitations on the re-export to Ukraine of war material manufactured there. I would also like to refer to the need to update the legal-institutional instruments of our relationship with Switzerland, based today on a very large number of agreements – more than a hundred – which are very old. We need a framework agreement, as has already been said, that allows a more structured and agile management of the relationship, and that includes a dispute settlement mechanism. Switzerland should not oppose this institutional modernisation which would facilitate the relationship with the European Union. The European Union is its first trading partner and receives more than 50% of Switzerland's exports. Its legislation needs to be more swiftly aligned with EU legislation and obstacles in economic and trade relations need to be avoided. We will all benefit if the institutional framework is modernized and if the relationship is updated. I hope that the Swiss Government will become aware of this after the October elections.

Mr President, I would like to know this: What reaction did they have in these contacts you had last week about that idea of risk reduction? Could it be a little more precise? And, here, President von der Leyen, a few days ago, in the debate on the state of the Union, announced to us the opening of an investigation against Chinese subsidies to Chinese electric vehicles. I would like to know if there has been any reaction from your Chinese interlocutors against that investigation into the possible dumping.

Mr President, Mr Dombrovskis, cooperation with China to address global challenges is essential. In addition, this country is a very important trading partner. We cannot ignore China, but we also have to be aware that China is increasingly behaving like a competitor and a rival. I agree with the approach of President von der Leyen, who also endorsed the G7: We need to reduce the risks in our relations with China. This is not about decoupling, which would be impossible. Our objectives must be to correct the very serious and growing imbalance in our trade relations, to protect the export of advanced technologies, and to reduce our excessive dependencies on supply chains and critical raw materials. And China also has to play fair so that our companies do not continue to suffer from a lack of reciprocity, transparency or equality in the playing field. Mr. Dombrovskis, you were in China a few days ago. How do you think the Western G7 and European Union thesis on risk reduction has been received in China? What reactions have you seen in your contacts with the Chinese authorities?

Mr President, Commissioner, it is good news for me to open negotiations on an agreement on critical or fundamental minerals between the European Union and the United States. This agreement seems necessary so that our exports of electric vehicles to the United States are not harmed by the Inflation Reduction Act enacted last year, as already stated. In this way, the European automotive industry, which has a very strong export vocation, will be able to benefit from the clean vehicle subsidies granted by the United States and compete on the US market on an equal footing with the United States and other third countries: Chile, Korea and Japan. We cannot lose competitiveness in this industry that is so important for Europe. I have had occasion to stress several times in this Chamber that, in my opinion, it was a pity not to have reached a free trade agreement with the United States at the Obama stage, when the work of the so-called TTIP was already well advanced. If we had succeeded, it is possible that the situation now would have been much easier and we would not even have needed this agreement. I'm finishing up, Commissioner, what's the point? timingWhat schedule are we talking about? I believe that the negotiations on this agreement must be concluded and concluded as soon as possible. We have to be aware of the moment we are living in and not waste much time because the administration in Washington may change next year and become the new administration much more indifferent towards the European Union.

Mr President, Mr Borrell, there were many expectations for the summit after more than eight years, but we have to ask ourselves whether the results have really been up to par. I am referring to three important points. First, the absence of a firm commitment to close the pending agreements with the region, specifically with Mexico and Mercosur. The brief mention of Mercosur in the final communiqué is disappointing. Secondly, I welcome the mentions of commitments to democracy, free elections and human rights. But we all know that it would be surprising if the governments of Cuba, Nicaragua or Venezuela changed their behavior. I reiterate here my displeasure at the presence at the summit of Venezuelan Vice-President Delcy Rodríguez, sanctioned by the European Union. By the way, shortly after the disqualification of such a qualified opposition candidate as María Corina Machado was announced. Finally, the increase in insecurity and drug trafficking in Latin America, which also has repercussions on this side of the Atlantic, is very worrying. Well, we have to make a real qualitative leap in cooperation with Latin America against this scourge, against drug trafficking. And I'm afraid the joint statement doesn't reflect that. It's more of a continuationist. In short, the most important thing about this summit, in my view, is the fact that it has already taken place, that it has been held. But the results seem limited to me for a region like Latin America, where the Chinese presence is growing.

Mr President, Mr Borrell, the situation in the Sahel is very worrying, of course: very serious political instability, precarious economic and social situation, very serious security deficiencies, impact of climate change, fragility – almost non-existent – of public institutions... The recent coup d'état is in addition to those that have already taken place in Mali, Sudan - to which I refer later - Guinea, Chad, Burkina Faso. It seems that we have only Mauritania left as a friend of the West or the European Union there. At the beginning of your term of office, Mr Borrell, I remember when you were on the Foreign Affairs Committee, saying and repeating today, that the instability of the Sahel directly affects Europe and made the Sahel a high priority for the region. He rightly claimed, then, that we needed more engagement. Now it is clear that you have to rethink what to do, or we all have to rethink it. I do not know if there is much time, because in the meantime Russia is very active, as you said before, and China itself. How are your contacts with ECOWAS? Can you tell us more about your recent contacts with ECOWAS? Because, in relation to Niger, they had a more military intervention attitude at first; Now they are more in the line of leaving time for diplomacy. And then how are your contacts with the United States going? Are they talking to them about the Niger crisis? Do they also seem to privilege diplomatic channels?

Mr President, Tunisia is a very important neighbour, an advanced partner of the Union. We must accompany the Tunisian people in the difficult and complex political, economic and social situation they are going through. Since 2011 we have been supporting change in the country. The memorandum recently signed with your authorities I understand corresponds to this basic position. We cannot ignore Tunisia at this time. We cannot marginalize the country. We cannot, in the end, forget the southern shore of the Mediterranean. In addition, in recent months the problem of migration has worsened and is affecting European countries. We need to help Tunisia control migration flows and fight more effectively against the mafias that traffic in human beings. But, logically, the relationship with Tunisia must be guided by international law and also by respect for human rights, which must include the treatment of migrants. I hope that the memorandum will also serve to speed up those economic and social reforms which, unfortunately, have been totally forgotten in Tunisia in the last decade. And finally, a word of solidarity with other Maghreb countries, with Morocco and with Libya, which in recent days are going through very serious difficulties due to major environmental disasters.

Madam President, I join the condemnation for the totally unjust disqualification of María Corina Machado and other Venezuelan leaders. The situation of dictatorship in Venezuela is a source of permanent frustration. The disqualifications cited, the recent one by María Corina, show that the Maduro regime has no will to reform or to listen to the recommendations and warnings of the international community. Latin American countries have to contribute to solving the situation in Venezuela, but Europeans also have to push for progress. The coming months will be key for the country. What is the Spanish Presidency doing about this? For example, are they demanding the release of political prisoners? The persecuted democratic opposition must be strongly supported. We can't leave her. And I end with a final word on next week's EU-CELAC summit. I find it humiliating, like many others, that Vice-President Delcy Rodríguez, sanctioned by the European Union with a ban on entry and transit into the territory of the Union, is planning to attend this summit on behalf of Venezuela. The Maduro regime thus shows its most challenging and provocative face.

Mr President, I am concerned, as has already been said, about the attitude that a number of African countries are taking in the face of Russian aggression against Ukraine. Only half, practically, have voted in favour of United Nations resolutions condemning aggression. Many remain on the sidelines, as if the war were not with them and it was only a matter between Europeans. There has only been one recent initiative by some African leaders who have traveled to Russia and Ukraine. War should not be indifferent to them. Russia violates basic principles: territorial integrity and non-use of force. It is very serious that Russia should return to imperialism and colonialism in the 19th century. Since the European Union-Africa Summit in February 2022, it seems to me that we have not resolutely boosted our relationship with the continent. Russia – Lavrov in particular – has done so. The Russia-Africa Summit takes place later this month in St. Petersburg. I know Mr. Borrell was in Niger last week. On top of that, what are we doing from the European Union to talk to Africans about Russia's war? Have we told you about the risks involved in the Wagner Group?

Madam President, restrictive measures have become one of the most important instruments of the Union's foreign policy. We see it now in the case of Russia and Belarus. We see it also with Iran, Nicaragua and Venezuela. Sanctions, of course, are not only to be adopted, but also – and above all – to be implemented. Member States need to monitor sanctions compliance more closely and strengthen their enforcement services. The Commission should also do so. I would like to recall the regrettable events that occurred in my country in January 2020, when the Spanish Government ignored the ban on entry and transit into European territory that weighed – and weighed – on Delcy Rodríguez, vice-president of Nicolás Maduro’s regime. The duty to immobilize any assets or assets in its possession was also ignored. These facts have not been sufficiently clarified, nor have responsibilities been purged. For all these reasons, I welcome the fact that we have this debate today and that steps are being taken to strengthen compliance with sanctions, such as adding the violation of restrictive measures to the list of EU crimes. Finally, I believe that the role of the European Public Prosecutor's Office should also be expanded.

Madam President, the institutional relationship between the European Union and Cuba underwent a major shift with the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement in 2016. However, after six years, the result has been disappointing, especially in terms of respect for human rights. The very harsh repression of the demonstrations of July 2021 was further proof of the permanence of the harshest features of the regime, which is not willing to evolve or reform itself from within. Mr Borrell, you seem to justify your trip at meetings provided for in the agreement. Couldn't you put them off? Couldn't he be replaced by his secretary-general in them? Today he told us that during his visit he had the opportunity to listen to critical Cuban voices. Can it be more explicit? I say this because, according to my information, human rights defenders, the numerous political prisoners and their families are displeased, discouraged, because you have not met them. Termination: you announce the visit of the EU Special Representative for Human Rights to the island in November. I don't think it's much of a novelty. I remember that years ago – the privilege of being older – it was Mr Lambrinidis. The results are in sight. I will ask my group, the day after Mr Gilmore returns from Cuba, to appear in this Parliament to explain to us the objectives and results of that trip.

Mr President, I too would like to begin by condemning the Russian attack on the New Kakhovka dam. This attack has caused an unprecedented environmental and humanitarian catastrophe, and is yet another sign of the brutality of the Russian aggression and its utter lack of scruples. But I would like to refer to other points that will be the subject of the resolution that we will be voting on. It seems to me that the most urgent and imperative thing is to continue to help Ukraine, including with weapons and ammunition, to successfully cope with the Russian aggression and to ensure the survival of the country. Ukraine is experiencing moments that seem decisive and we must prepare the global recovery package, as called for in the resolution that we are going to vote on. It is also important to strengthen sanctions against Russia and to ensure that they are effectively enforced, and to prevent third countries from helping to circumvent them. I know the Council is on it. Finally, Ukraine's accession to the European Union must follow in its footsteps, without prejudice to the institutional reforms that enlargement to the Balkan countries and eastern Europe calls for.

Mr President, Commissioner, the European seaweed production sector has great potential. It is paradoxical that, Europe being such a continent turned to the sea, we are at the same time one of the largest importers of seaweed in the world. In my country, in Galicia, I know that several companies and also scientists from the University of Vigo are working on the valorization of different species of algae to obtain cosmetics and biofuels. In addition, there are already companies in Galicia that grow algae for human consumption. I can therefore only welcome this initiative by the European Commission. In particular, I welcome the fact that it addresses an aspect that seems to me to be fundamental: the excessive length and complexity of authorisation procedures. The Commission is quite right to say that the algae sector needs simplified procedures and also to ask Member States to simplify licensing procedures. Algae farming therefore faces, to a large extent, the same problems as the European aquaculture sector, whose growth unfortunately remains stagnant due to bureaucratic hurdles. Let's avoid falling into the same mistake with algae now.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I am not going to repeat myself on the action plan, as I have said before: untimely, counterproductive, poorly explained, legally confusing and unfair with dragging. In recent years, in my opinion, the European Commission's fisheries policy has suffered from a structural problem: the predominance of radical environmentalism to the detriment of the fisheries sector. That situation, in my view, is partly due to the Commission’s own organisational structure. I do not see fit that the Commissioner responsible for the environment and oceans is also responsible for fisheries policy. De facto, this division of competence reinforces the superiority of the ecological pillar over the economic, social and employment dimensions of fisheries. Fishing is diluted. I remember perfectly well the problems four years ago in including the word 'fishing' in the title of Mr Sinkevičius' portfolio. The European Commission – I believe – should proceed as soon as possible with a reorganisation so that DG MARE is dependent, for example, on the Commissioner for Agriculture. After all, the relevant Council formation is AGRIFISH: agriculture and fisheries, and both are extractive sectors. I would dare to say: Why not a European Commissioner dedicated exclusively to fisheries? Why not take back the Directorate-General for Fisheries, DG FISH? Mr Sinkevičius, last Tuesday, Europe Day, the fishing industry joined an unprecedented protest. Fishermen from Germany, France, Italy, Ireland, the Netherlands and, of course, Spain expressed their deep unease. Commissioner, it is not enough to say that you listen to the sector. It has to be an effective, consistent dialogue. Also with actions that are consistent with that dialogue. Fishing needs deeds, not words. The future of the planet has to be green and blue, but the future of fishermen cannot be black.

Mrs Hazekamp, I do not know those cases to which you refer. But, I insist, the European fleet is well regulated. It is forbidden not to respect the policy of adhered fins. And if there are cases like the ones you're referring to, I suppose the full weight of the law will fall on the offenders. So that's not a problem. There are always individual cases that may break the law. But that doesn't mean you have to change your policy. What needs to be done is to apply the law well to offenders.

Mr President, Commissioner, as we all know, since 2013 the Union fleet has already implemented a strict policy of adhering fins. However, the measure does not apply to other fleets catching sharks internationally. It has already been said: countries such as China, Korea and Japan systematically block the implementation of a policy of fins adhered to in the different RFMOs. Moreover, in November last year, a few months ago, CITES Parties decided in Panama to include almost all shark species, including tintorera, in its restrictive Appendix II. This means that, at the international level, sharks and their body parts can only be placed on the market sustainably if they are CITES certified. I'll be clear. The problem is not the European Union. Our fleet and CITES authorities comply with standards that ensure sustainable trade in sharks. The problem is fleets and trade authorities in third countries with lower sustainability standards. If we want to effectively solve the problem at hand today, we should concentrate our efforts on the activities of third countries. I urge the European Commission – as have other Members who have preceded me in the floor – to step up diplomatic pressure in the relevant RFMOs to achieve this. level playing field international transparency in catches and in the policy of adhered fins. A ban on trade in shark fins would have a negative impact on the European fleet and would only aggravate the lack of a level playing field without solving the underlying problem. (The speaker agreed to answer a question under the "blue card" procedure)

Mr. President, Peru has been experiencing a situation of very serious political instability since 2018, which has been reflected, as in many countries in Latin America, in serious clashes between the Executive and the Legislative. In addition, the COVID pandemic generated a serious crisis in the country that cut economic growth and left a record death toll. This spiral of instability reached its peak after Castillo's election in 2021 and his subsequent attempt at a self-coup last December. We have experienced in recent months a very serious escalation of violence and public disorders, violence that must be remedied. There must also be a proportionate use of force on law enforcement officers. The Peruvian people and their representatives must abandon maximalist approaches and dialogue and collaborate so that they can get out of the crisis. It seems that the solution is clear, according to many observers: early general elections will have to be held, but these run into institutional difficulties. From the European Union, we have to support the democratic and constitutional order of Peru, a friendly country, a preferential partner of the Union, and we are also the first foreign investor in the country. Our economic and trade relations have only increased in recent years. We must help restore stability in this brotherly country.

Commissioner, I applaud initiatives, such as the European Year of Youth, which seek to bring the European Union closer to young people. Young people are the future and they need to be well aware of the functioning and objectives of the European Union and its institutions and to be aware of the importance and impact they have on their lives. I therefore very much welcomed the Council recommendation of 2018 which seeks to strengthen the European dimension of education. I also think it is essential that young people get to know Europe on the ground, first-hand. In this sense, in recent years there have been several successful initiatives such as the Discovery EU programme, which has been in high demand by young Europeans since its launch in 2018 under Erasmus+. What is your assessment, Commissioner, of the operation of the Discovery EU programme? Are you studying other similar initiatives for young people to get to know and learn about Europe? In a recent resolution of 14 December 2022, Parliament also adopted another initiative to make young people aware of European cultural routes and to have a voucher under the Erasmus+ programme.

Mr. President, China is a great power, key in today's world. A country that the European Union cannot ignore and whose cooperation is also essential to face global challenges. We must correct the very serious imbalance in our trade relations and our over-reliance on Chinese products in certain areas. It makes us vulnerable. I think of critical materials, such as lithium. We want to remain a powerhouse in the production of vehicles, also electric, and we cannot absolutely rely on Chinese lithium. We must diversify our supplies to avoid absolute dependence on China. Risks must be reduced. I am thinking, for example, of Chile's lithium. Unfortunately, China is now committed to changing the international order that has allowed it to transform rapidly over the past twenty years. He is a permanent member of the Security Council and does not seem to care about Russia's clear violation of basic principles of international law, such as territorial integrity and the non-use of force. It is closer to Russia than Ukraine. This influences our relationship with China. And I'm done. The world is increasingly polarized. Alongside Moscow's challenge, tension is growing between China and the United States, our most important ally and partner. It is clear that we cannot be indifferent to Washington's approach to China.

Madam President, I welcome the conclusions of the European Council. I particularly welcome the references to restrictive measures. I have been insisting in recent months that the EU and Member States' enforcement services must be strengthened. I am glad that the conclusions are along those lines. Sanctions are not only to be adopted, but also, and above all, to be implemented. In addition, it would be highly desirable if, apart from the Member States and some like-minded countries, more countries joined some of our sanctions. Of course, what we have to ask all countries is not to help Russia avoid its impact. We must be very vigilant and prevent products that we do not export to Russia directly from reaching it through third countries. I therefore welcome the appointment of Mr O’Sullivan as special envoy. I shall end now, President, with a few words on the condemnation of the war. We must continue to strengthen most of the countries that reject Russia's illegal behaviour. It therefore seems to me necessary that joint communiqués adopted at high-level international meetings, involving European countries or the Union, should include a clear condemnation of Russia's war against Ukraine and the use of force. This is no time for ambiguities, abstract phrases, or implicit phrases. We must be clear and forceful.

Mr Borrell, I think we should be more ambitious. These initial agreements reached are too punctual on very specific topics. I am concerned, and I suppose you too – although, of course, neither you nor I have a crystal ball – that in the future we may have an administration in Washington that is very far from the positive line of now and that we may return to a stage of distancing, as we had in the Trump stage. Therefore, ambitious political, economic and commercial agreements would now be desirable, and not be limited to critical materials or electric car batteries.

The United States is the most important partner for the European Union. Russia's aggression against Ukraine has shown once again the enormous relevance of this relationship and also of NATO. We should now strengthen these links by taking advantage of these years when we have an administration in Washington that is really close to Europe. I welcome the initial agreements reached by Mrs von der Leyen with Mr Biden this Friday, but I would have liked them to be more ambitious, not limited basically to critical minerals and the problem of electric cars. I find it a pity not to have reached the TTIP agreement at the Obama stage. There was a lack of political will in Washington and also in Europe. If we had, we probably wouldn't have the problems that now exist with the Inflation Reduction Act (IRA). In this context, Mr Borrell, do you not think that now would be a good time to take a leap forward in the ties with the United States - economically, commercially, and also politically - to ensure a strengthened institutional framework for this relationship that future administrations in Washington cannot ignore?

Mr President, we have had a year of Russia's cruel and unjust war against Ukraine. Unfortunately, the economic sanctions on Russia did not have the expected result in the past year. I expect, however, a positive effect from the latest oil measures we have taken. Sanctions, as the New York Times, they are a marathon, not a sprint; It is a slow poison, as Mr Borrell says, which this morning gave us important figures on the decline of the Russian economy this month. In any case, we have not achieved Russia's economic isolation. There are states that help her get the products she needs and that also buy her oil and gas. In addition, they have improvised a fleet of cargo ships. It is highly desirable that many of the countries that have condemned aggression should also join our sanctions. But still, China and India contribute to the maintenance of the Russian economy. I welcome the recent commitment of the European Council to step up measures to combat the circumvention of sanctions. We will see the support and scope of the new UN resolution. What we have to do is continue to weaken the Russian economy so that it does not continue to feed a machine of destruction and death.

Mr President, Tunisia is a country which, after the Arab Spring ten years ago, raised great hopes. It was apparently one of the few successes of this movement, but afterwards the political, social and economic situation deteriorated. I am concerned about the events of recent months. The political process launched a year and a half ago is producing surprising results; I'd call them disappointing. The constitutional referendum had a very low turnout and the recent legislative elections have barely exceeded 10% of voters. It seems obvious and worrying that there is a great distancing of society from the process launched by President Saied. It's a disenchantment situation. After the elections, a new institutional political actor, the Assembly of Representatives, is now emerging. Commissioner, Council, what do you expect from the new Assembly? What do you think your line of action will be? It is not easy for me to foresee what will happen in Tunisia in the coming months. Therefore, I would be grateful if you would be a little more precise and explain to us how you intend to act at this somewhat disconcerting moment. I would like this new Tunisian Assembly to be able to help the country move forward politically and to involve more sectors of society in this process. In addition, I hope - I would like to repeat - that it will serve to drive forward the much-needed economic and social reforms in the country. Tunisia is a very important neighbour, an advanced partner of the Union. Logically, in the current state of Russia's unjust war against Ukraine, we are very focused on what is happening in Eastern Europe. But the southern shore of the Mediterranean is also key for European countries. We must accompany the Tunisian people, help them in this situation, characterized by a long economic crisis as well, and the absence of structural reforms in this area, the economic and social. Very little has been done in the last decade. The situation of Tunisia's neighbours on the southern shore of the Mediterranean does not contribute to improving the state of affairs; Neither Algeria nor Libya can expect much help to enable Tunisia to emerge from this crisis. Therefore, we Europeans cannot abandon them at such difficult and complex times.