Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, fisheries must be at the heart of the oceans pact. The pact is an opportunity to coherently integrate all areas of the blue economy, including fisheries and aquaculture. They are strategic sectors for our food security. The sea-industry chain in Europe employs many thousands of workers and is part of the identity and prosperity of many coastal communities. It is therefore essential to ensure the prosperity and competitiveness of European fishermen. The pact must ensure a balance between the three dimensions of sustainability: environmental, economic and social. We all want healthy oceans in partnership with fisheries, not against them. I remember that European fishing is the most regulated in the world. Europe's sea-industry chain wants there to be a level playing field and control of the many imports from third countries, which often do not meet European standards. The protection and governance of the oceans, the defence of our fishermen, the fight against illegal fishing and against plastics and other causes of marine pollution: All that requires is active diplomacy on the part of the European Union at the forthcoming Nice Conference, in all the international fora concerned and also in the so-called RFMOs, Commissioner.

Mr President, cohesion policy is a fundamental pillar of the European Union. It is essential to reduce divergences between countries and regions. In Galicia, my region, for example, cohesion funds have allowed us to modernise our economy and greatly improve our infrastructure. And Galicia and its government are a model in the execution of European funds. With a view to cohesion policy after 2027, I would like to share two ideas. Firstly, we need to keep the budget allocation for cohesion policy at a similar level to the current one. It is true that other EU priorities are currently grabbing the headlines, but these priorities should not be detrimental to cohesion policy. Otherwise, we could hinder the balanced and harmonious development of the Union and its states and regions. And secondly, we need to preserve the role of regions in the design and implementation of cohesion. In the same vein, the Council said last week that centralisation would be a mistake. Unfortunately, we have seen it in Spain with the failure in the implementation of Next Generation EU funds. Regional governments know first-hand the needs of their regions. This knowledge must be harnessed.

Madam President, first of all, I congratulate the rapporteurs on their comprehensive reports, which provide a diagnosis of our foreign and security policy and also outline a roadmap to follow. We live in a new global scenario marked by profound uncertainty. I want to dwell on three brief ideas. First, we must continue our strong support for Ukraine. We need peace, but it has to be a just and lasting peace. Russia is the aggressor, and now it puts all the obstacles to peace. It does not negotiate in good faith, as the High Representative has just warned. Secondly, in the current global context, it is essential to strengthen European defence, as our citizens demand according to the latest Eurobarometer. This requires increasing defence spending and increasing our capabilities, improving standardisation and coordination, strengthening our industrial base and reducing dependencies. Thirdly, in such a turbulent world, we must try to preserve the transatlantic link based on a very deep integration of our economies and on common values. But we also have to diversify our relations, as for example now by deepening them with Mercosur. This is the time to make decisions on foreign policy and, in particular, on defence.

Madam President, Europe is a continent of culture, especially of cultural heritage, a true hallmark. The EU countries host the largest number of UNESCO World Heritage sites. I hope that the cultural compass, Commissioner, will devote an important place to the preservation of Europe's cultural heritage, which must be a priority for all the administrations concerned, including the European one. With regard to European funding for the preservation of this heritage, I believe that, in the face of the fragmentation of this funding today, it would be useful for us to study the desirability of creating a specific European fund that contributes to the protection of our cultural heritage. I would also like to stress the need for the Union to increase its cooperation with the so-called European cultural routes, a very successful programme of the Council of Europe since 1987, when the Caminos de Santiago were declared the first European cultural route. Since then and until today, there are already forty-seven recognized cultural itineraries. These itineraries contribute to the preservation of heritage and are testimony to a grassroots cultural community, which is at the foundation of the integration process.

Mr President, farmers and fishermen play a crucial role in our food security. However, we are all aware of the unrest in the agricultural sector, also in the fisheries sector, which complains of excessive bureaucracy, of many restrictions, of the difficulty of getting the so-called level playing field. This malaise has recently been externalised with regard to the Mercosur Agreement, but it basically reflects the discontent with the unbalanced agricultural policy that the Commission carried out especially in the last legislature. I believe that you, Commissioner, certainly represent a very positive change. And the first thing we need to do is to make European rules more flexible and also reduce red tape and remove certain restrictions. But I want to insist on another point. Food security is not just an agricultural issue. You mentioned the fishermen, and I celebrate you. Fishing and aquaculture are vital: provide a very nutritious protein source with a low carbon footprint. I regret that this sector has taken a somewhat marginal place in the so-called 'vision for agriculture and food' and I would like it to be fully represented...

Mr Pennelle, if you have listened well to me – perhaps you have had translation problems – I have insisted that we must talk to our farmers and many farmers and explain to them the reality of the Agreement, the existing quotas, the safeguard clauses, the compensation measures to be taken, and also that we must carry out reforms – as I have asked the Commissioner – in our internal legislation because I know very well that the agricultural and livestock sector has suffered from overregulation, the product of a few years where competitiveness has not been taken into account. And that is why I hope – and I have told the Commissioner and I hope you have heard – that the Compass for Competitiveness will also target and benefit farmers. They're fed up with gold-plating. It's the only point where I agree with you.

Madam President, the international community is in a situation of fragmentation, increasing polarisation, an abundance of conflicts and the rise of protectionism. In this context, it is opportune for the European Union to strengthen political and economic relations with the Mercosur countries, with which we share so many ties. They are our natural allies. We do not yet have the final version of the political dialogue and cooperation part of the agreement, Commissioner, but I understand that it establishes institutional mechanisms that will strengthen our political relations and address common challenges and global challenges, from the fight against drug trafficking to climate change, in a more coordinated way. The agreement with Mercosur will also help us to contain China's significant presence in the region. The economic and trade dimension of the Agreement offers many opportunities for European businesses. Indeed, the Agreement marks the end of the traditional protectionist policy of economies as large as Brazil's and Argentina's and will thus facilitate the access of European products and our companies to Mercosur. We need a permanent dialogue with the sectors that fear being harmed, particularly livestock farmers and many farmers. It is necessary to explain the real scope of the agreement, quotas, safeguard clauses, possible compensatory measures, and also to advance, internally in the Union, in reforms that reduce bureaucracy and simplify legislation, and thus facilitate the work and ensure the competitiveness of sectors that have been victims of genuine gold-plating in these years. I hope that the Compass for Competitiveness, Commissioner, will also contribute to this. There's still work to be done.

Mr. President, for years in Nicaragua the Ortega y Murillo dictatorship has been cruelly persecuting opponents, independent media, civil society and also the Catholic Church, even stripping those who dissent of their nationality. The recent constitutional reform, as has already been said, further consolidates its absolute power: We cannot look the other way, we have to help the Nicaraguan people, who want to regain their freedom in a context of enormous difficulties. There are steps that the European Union can and must take that this House has been demanding for a long time and tomorrow it will reclaim almost unanimously. First, more sanctions that include Daniel Ortega and his inner circle: We must not penalize the Nicaraguan people, but we must penalize the oppressive oligarchy. Secondly, to promote an investigation by the International Criminal Court into Nicaragua and Ortega for crimes against humanity. And thirdly, the activation, as has been said, of the so-called "democratic clause" of the Association Agreement. I understand that, with the full entry into force of the agreement, the formal difficulties that hindered this step, the application of the democratic clause, have already disappeared. The European External Action Service and the Council should take this step seriously. And I finish: I want to recall once again the Ortega regime's close ties with Russia, Venezuela, Cuba and Iran. What fellows!

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you for the information you have given us. I regret that the Busan negotiations have failed. I would like to see a text finally reached this year 2025. Plastic pollution is one of the main problems of the environment and, in particular, of the marine environment. As I said in this House last November, it is essential that we are ambitious, particularly with regard to microplastics. The maritime transport of plastics must be regulated in a stricter way to avoid losses and discharges from plastic farms or pellets. In this area, as you said, Commissioner, we are making progress at European level: Both Parliament in its position of April last year and the Council last December go beyond the Commission proposal and include maritime transport in the regulation on pellets. I hope that this progress will also be consolidated in the forthcoming trilogues. But we know that European regulation is not enough: We must involve the entire international community. To this end, we must work firmly both within the framework of the United Nations Agreement and within the International Maritime Organization. And I would like you, Commissioner, to tell us how the work on pellets is doing within the IMO.

Mr. President, the elections in Venezuela had a clear result: the victory of President Edmundo González Urrutia and the democratic forces led by María Corina Machado. But power remains in the hands of Maduro's illegitimate regime and his clique, including the military leadership and the repressive apparatus, favored by corruption and drug trafficking. They are also supported by the most authoritarian regimes: Cuba, Nicaragua, Russia, Iran. We need to continue to support the winners of the elections. I think it is essential for the Union to coordinate with the countries of Latin America, since the vast majority today know the clearly repressive nature of the Maduro regime, and we must work together with the new US administration, especially with the new Secretary of State, Marco Rubio. I hope that the European External Action Service and the Council will react strongly. European sanctions against the Venezuelan regime must be strengthened, taking into account the much broader list of people sanctioned by the United States. We must also support the International Criminal Court in its proceedings against Maduro. The Venezuelan people deserve our attention and our help more than ever. The European Union must be a clear ally of the Democrats, not the tyrants. Nor should it hide in neutrality or indifference.

Mr President, the United States occupies a central place in the global international order and is the European Union's most important partner. Our economic and trade relationship is very strong, and so is our security and defence relationship. This is an essential aspect that we must preserve in today's world, where conflicts are growing and the use of force is increasing, as shown by the Russian aggression against Ukraine. With Trump, a new stage opens. The European Union must strive for a good relationship with the US administration, whatever its political colour. Let us try to agree on a positive agenda in the economic and trade field, and also in the energy field, in order to further strengthen the transatlantic economy. A trade war benefits no one and, in the end, would penalize citizens on both sides of the Atlantic. It is much more what unites us than what separates us from the United States. The moment requires a constructive attitude, but it also demands the unity of Europeans. We must not divide in search of individual arrangements with Washington. The European Union must be united and also know how to defend its interests and principles at this new stage.

Madam President, in the face of Russian propaganda, we must insist that the invasion of Ukraine is an illegal and unjustified aggression, which openly violates the European security architecture and the commitments made by Russia in the Helsinki Final Act, the Paris Charter and the Budapest Agreement. Moreover, it is a clear violation of the most basic principles of international law, such as the non-use of force, which the entire international community accepted after World War II. Russian propaganda, which uses media such as RT, its embassies, informal channels and social media, wants to spread a false version of the reasons for the invasion of Ukraine. At the same time, it seeks to divide and polarize our societies. Its aim is to distort reality and sow distrust, insecurity and even fear in Western countries. We have to be very active to counter this disinformation. Externally, the European External Action Service, the Union delegations and the embassies of the Member States have to play a diligent role and try to combat the indifference of many countries to Russia's behaviour, and even, in some cases, the understanding of this behaviour. I am thinking especially of some countries in the so-called 'global south'. In this regard, I welcome the sanctions imposed yesterday by the Council against some disinformation factors abroad. We must combat Russian propaganda and also prevent Moscow from finding ways in third countries to evade the impact of our economic sanctions.

Mr President, Commissioner, I thank you for the information you have provided on the draft UN agreement on plastics that is now being negotiated in Korea, in Busan. Plastic pollution is one of the main problems of the environment and, in particular, of the marine environment. It is essential that we be ambitious in this negotiation. I am a member of the Committee on Fisheries and I am aware of the importance of clean oceans, as it is fishermen who suffer the most from the pollution of the sea. I am going to stop at microplastics, which must occupy an important place in Busan's negotiation. The maritime transport of plastics must be regulated in a stricter way to avoid the dumping of plastic pellets or pellets. At European level, we are all making progress. As you know, in April Parliament set out its position on the proposal for a regulation on the prevention of plastic pellet losses and we included maritime traffic in our position. I hope that the Council will soon conclude its work and that interinstitutional negotiations will begin as soon as possible. But we all know that European negotiations are not enough. We must involve the entire international community and also achieve global regulation. That is why we must work firmly within the framework of this United Nations Agreement, as well as within the International Maritime Organization (IMO). In the IMO we need stricter binding rules on pellets, such as the use of high-strength packaging and under-cover stowage procedures in all cases. I end with two questions, Commissioner: What is the place of plastic pellet pollution in the Busan negotiations? And secondly, what progress are we making in this area as the European Union in the IMO? What are we doing within the IMO? It's another important question.

Madam President, the United States is our most important strategic partner. We are united by broad and intense ties, we also share values, our economies are increasingly integrated... The strategic relationship must continue regardless of political changes. Both sides face very serious geopolitical challenges: the war in Ukraine, the rise of an increasingly rival China, the crisis in the Middle East and global threats such as climate change, pandemics, terrorism, drug trafficking... For all these reasons, transatlantic relations remain essential and, the United States, the indispensable partner. We should not devote ourselves to cultivating differences. Instead of trade confrontations, let us promote a positive agenda by strengthening, for example, the Trade and Technology Council. We must continue to be able to hold regular – hopefully annual – summits to coordinate actions at the highest level. Together we will be stronger than separately; the international context requires it. For its part, Europe must also adopt a more active attitude: for example, developing a strong defence industry and continuing to help Ukraine. And America, the Trump Administration, must also understand that, acting together with us, we can work better for security and prosperity on both sides of the Atlantic.

Madam President, Commissioner, the oceans face many threats, it is true: climate change, pollution from waste and dumping, plastics, maritime transport, hydrocarbon exploitation, illegal fishing ... We must protect the oceans, but without falling into maximalist extremism: protection is not incompatible with all human activity. The so-called "European Ocean Pact" should have a holistic, comprehensive vision that seeks to integrate human activities in a sustainable way and in dialogue with those affected. The next conference in Nice must be properly prepared. I focus now on fishing: Protecting the oceans is vital, including for the livelihood of our fishermen. The European fisheries sector is highly regulated, carries out sustainable fishing, fights illegal fishing and contributes to our food security: We must ensure their prosperity and competitiveness. I would like to stress the importance of RFMOs, regional fisheries management organisations. Precisely, the agreement on marine biodiversity on the high seas, known as BBNJ, recognizes the role of RFMOs and the regulations they adopt. In RFMOs and other international organisations, we need, Commissioner, leadership from the European Union to ensure that our high standards are globalised: In this way, we will achieve not only real protection of the oceans, but also the level playing field that our fishermen want so much. Marine protected areas, as you point out, require special treatment, but this must be based on scientific criteria and take into account the specific objectives of the area in question, not mere percentages. For example, if it is about protecting seabirds, it makes no sense now to insist on a ban on bottom trawling. We cannot fall into the demonization of certain fishing gears as does, for example, the marine action plan presented last year by the European Commission.

Madam President, in June 2022 we banned the import of Russian oil by sea into the European Union and also the transport of Russian oil by sea to third countries for a price higher than that set by the G7, but in recent weeks the press has widely denounced that more than 70% of Russian oil transported by sea uses the so-called Russian ‘shadow fleet’. Last September, this fleet had transported more crude than ever before. The consequences are worrying: on the one hand, the measures imposed to cut the revenues of the Russian economy, in particular from its budget, by which it sought to weaken the Russian war machine, are breached. On the other hand, these ships, old and poorly secured, represent a danger to maritime safety and the environment. Incidents, spills from this fleet have already been reported. A serious incident could cause a major catastrophe. I welcome the measures that the Commission has put in place in recent months and that the Commissioner has explained to us today, and I see that he wants to further strengthen them. There are, of course, many ships that are still operational. We must monitor and limit as much as possible the activity of this fleet. It is certain that their coverage, transhipments, flag changes, breaches of environmental legislation, etc., must be monitored. We must also improve coordination between European countries, which must strengthen their means of investigating incidents and the activities of vessels of this fleet transiting their waters. According to the international press, there have been accidents in European waters this year with these types of ships that have not been investigated. I also find it useful to put pressure on states that lend their flag to so-called 'shadow ships' or provide facilities for successive flagging.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President Schinas, thank you for that comprehensive briefing. Drug trafficking does not understand borders and requires international cooperation. This is precisely one of the pillars of the EU Strategy. Today Europe is the world's first cocaine market. From Latin American countries come much of the stash through European ports. I know of the Vice-President's concern for ports and I believe that this alliance of ports that he has created is very necessary. Police cooperation and the exchange of information between the European Union and the countries of the Latin American region is particularly relevant. In the declaration adopted at the European Union-CELAC Summit last year, leaders pledged to continue fighting illicit drug trafficking. I welcome the progress made, for example an agreement between Ecuador, and also Europol. Finally, I have to say that I am somewhat surprised - I was going to say perplexed - because the Pact for the Future adopted in New York just two weeks ago does not contain any explicit reference to international drug trafficking. None. I don't know if it's because we're thinking about a drug-free future. The Millennium Declaration, 24 years ago, did. I do not understand who negotiated this pact on behalf of the European Union.

Madam President, in the international community the world is far from being more peaceful, more prosperous and more just, the objective of the famous Millennium Declaration adopted in 2000 by the United Nations. Now we are going through a very difficult and dangerous stage. Challenges such as climate change, pandemics, organised crime or mediocre economic growth proliferate. Wars and conflicts are also increasing and worsening. The Pact for the Future has just been adopted, but, paradoxically, in the current situation in the world and in Europe we seem to be returning to the blackest past. Especially on this continent, in Europe, with Russia's terrible war of invasion against Ukraine, which has already lasted two and a half years, as if the prohibition of war and the use of force were no longer in force. In the southern neighbourhood, the conflict with the Middle East, following the terrorist attacks a year ago, continues to escalate into a regional war and we do not even know how far it can extend. Ladies and gentlemen, the area of prosperity and good neighbourliness sought by Article 8 of the Treaty on European Union today seems like a chimera. Confrontation and war prevail in our neighbourhood, not cooperation. We need to regain respect for the most basic principles of international law. The illegal anachronistic revisionism of Putin's Russia must not prevail. I welcome the emphasis that the Pact for the Future places on international law, but I think it should have been more forceful in condemning war. And I'm done. Is a consensual reform of the UN Security Council desirable? I would like it to include a permanent seat for the European Union, which must strengthen its foreign, security and defence policy. We need greater unity of the twenty-seven, greater cohesion and greater unity of purpose.

Madam President, the situation in Cuba has not improved: serious shortages persist, medicines, food, electricity, water, etc. are lacking, and human rights are still not respected. Six months ago this Parliament adopted a resolution on the worrying increase in the number of political prisoners in Cuba. The number exceeds a thousand prisoners arbitrarily imprisoned in inhumane conditions, many of them even minors. A particularly symbolic and important case is that of José Daniel Ferrer, human rights defender and opposition leader; Unjustly detained on several occasions, his situation was the subject of a specific resolution by this Parliament in November 2019. Following the peaceful protests in 2021, he was imprisoned again, and remains in prison, incommunicado and in deplorable conditions: There are serious fears about your state of health. We in the European Union must once again demand the release of José Daniel Ferrer and all political prisoners; In addition, it is urgent to impose sanctions against those responsible for human rights violations on the island and to consider suspending the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement with Cuba.

Madam President, organised crime is one of the most serious threats to security in Europe, as my colleague Mr Zoido has just described very well. I want to focus on one specific aspect: drug trafficking. And a fact: Since 2020, the European Union has become the largest cocaine consumption market in the world. I would like to make a few brief considerations. Firstly, I believe it is necessary for the European Commission to redouble its efforts and offer a joint response to this scourge. It is true that security is a primary responsibility of the Member States, but we cannot forget that drug trafficking transcends borders and requires a common response at European level. In addition, we must increase cooperation and exchange of information with third countries, mainly those in Latin America. The Commissioner referred to Europol's data exchange agreements with Brazil, Ecuador, and it seems to me that it was also Bolivia. I believe, along these lines, that what needs to be done is also to follow up on the declaration adopted in September 2023 following the meeting of EU interior ministers with their Latin American counterparts, with the so-called CLASI. Are you planning to hold the annual ministerial meeting set out in last year's declaration in the coming months, Commissioner? Another key aspect is the role of European ports, one of the priority themes in the new EU roadmap adopted in October 2023. Around 70% of drug seizures in the EU take place in ports. It is essential to strengthen the controls and the means in them. I am very pleased that, in Spain, for example, the port of Vigo in my region, Galicia, is renewing its container scanner system to improve the detection of drug caches. We must also promote inspections and controls at ports of origin and cooperation with ports in third countries must be strengthened. The European Ports Alliance is a step in the right direction. Latin American countries are also working to create their own network, which I think is a great idea. And both alliances should cooperate closely. I would like to know what the Commission intends to do with the Copolad III programme, which has been in place since 2021 and expires in January 2025. Do you think of its renewal? I heard the other day – from a Latin American source – that no, for lack of funding. This worries me a lot.

Madam President, I would like to start by regretting that the High Representative is not joining us today in this important debate on the situation in Venezuela. On July 28, as has already been repeated, presidential elections were held and, despite all the obstacles and difficulties that the regime imposed on the opposition candidacy, it was clearly and forcefully victorious, as many international organizations could prove, but Maduro, instead of respecting the clear popular will, intensifies the repression, threatens, imprisons, allows mistreatment of the detainees and even their death. The legitimate winner of the elections is Edmundo González Urrutia, but he has had to leave the country. This Parliament, the home of European democracy, must recognise his victory and declare him president-elect. This declaration would also be important to put pressure on the governments of the Member States, urging them to act accordingly and to actively contribute, together with other members of the international community, to ensuring that the will of the Venezuelan people is respected. Ladies and gentlemen, we must increase the pressure on Maduro and his regime: We cannot be silent, we cannot resign ourselves, we cannot be accomplices in the policy of fait accompli that he carries out. In addition, it would be very convenient for the Member States to support the lawsuit that other Latin American countries have filed against Venezuela in the International Criminal Court and also to ask the prosecutor to request an arrest warrant against Maduro. In addition, we must strengthen EU sanctions against the Venezuelan regime and continue to demand the release of all political prisoners, including, incidentally, more than a hundred minors, and even European citizens. The message seems clear to me: let us strongly support the decision of the Venezuelan people and declare Edmundo González Urrutia president-elect. It is not a time for ambiguities, it is not a time for silence, nor is it a time to look the other way.

Madam President, I reiterate what I have been saying in the last two years in this house: we need to step up our military assistance to Ukraine in its legitimate response to the Russian aggression. We are in a war in which there is a great difference between Ukraine and Russia in terms of human and material resources. Moreover, the Putin regime knows no limits or restrictions: It strikes the entire territory of Ukraine indiscriminately, attacks energy infrastructure, Ukrainian factories, even health centres, regardless of the harm to the civilian population. On the contrary, Ukraine uses limited means and attacks military targets with very restrictive rules that prevent it, for example, from reaching legitimate military targets on Russian territory, such as air bases and missile launch bases. I am confident that this imbalance can be corrected, as we called for in the resolution adopted by a large majority last July. Ladies and gentlemen, despite the bold intervention in Kursk, the situation in the Donbas of the Ukrainian Army is very precarious and the Russian troops are continuing their advance. The European Union and the Member States must continue to provide military assistance to Ukraine; in particular, we need to speed up the production of ammunition. To paraphrase the High Representative, Mr Borrell, it is more ammunition and faster. Finally, sanctions evasion remains a matter of concern. We need to strengthen our means to monitor compliance with sanctions in the Member States themselves and continue to put pressure on third states to stop helping Russia circumvent sanctions.

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you for your very short presentation. Enlargement policy has been one of the most successful in the Union, contributing to the transformation of the acceding countries. Yesterday, in this House, we commemorated the 20th anniversary of the Treaty of Athens. For its part, the European Union has also gained in size – very important in a multipolar world in which large countries rival each other. The next enlargement will have an impact on the Union itself and some of our policies will need to be rethought. I want to share some ideas. Firstly, I believe that the European Commission should carry out an impact study on what the accession of each candidate country will entail and the consequences it will have in each area. We need to analyse the impact of enlargement on policies as relevant as cohesion or agriculture, for example. In this respect, I regret that the Commission's recent communication merely states that these policies will have to be rethought, but, for example, does not call for more resources. We have to be clear. Enlargement will also need more resources, especially in cohesion and agriculture. It doesn't have to mean cuts. Ultimately, we have to assess the integration capacity of the Union itself and the decisions that will have to be taken. Gradual integration should also be carefully studied. It cannot become an a la carte integration, as the Commission itself says in its document. There have to be a number of conditions. It is not only about rights, but also about duties. And I understand, on the other hand, that the ultimate goal will remain full membership. Termination: the next enlargement of the Union looks to the east of Europe, but we also need to look to the south. Precisely for the Southern Neighbourhood we need a more ambitious and more resourced policy. The stability and prosperity of the southern shore also greatly affects the European Union.

Mr President, I thank Vice-President Schinas for his very comprehensive presentation. The European Union is in a very serious situation. Over the past two years, Russia's unjustified war against Ukraine has concentrated our efforts, but it cannot make us forget the southern neighbourhood. The serious risk of escalation in the Middle East, the difficulties facing the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood or the situation in the Sahel are profound challenges that the European Union cannot ignore. We have to act. The agreements with Egypt or the recent agreements with Tunisia and Mauritania are therefore in the right direction. Egypt is a very important neighbor, with a relevant geostrategic weight. The joint statement of 17 March, promoted by President von der Leyen, makes our partnership with Egypt strategic. It will thus facilitate political dialogue at the highest level, contribute to strengthening the country's stability and enhance its capacity to address current economic and security threats. Egypt is in fact experiencing a very difficult economic situation, marked by high public debt, high inflation and a severe shortage of foreign exchange. I hope that this partnership will help to stabilise the country's economy and promote the necessary structural reforms. This partnership covers other important topics, as Vice-President Schinas told us, such as investments in energy, cooperation in the field of migration or student exchanges – Erasmus + – among others. The promotion of democracy and human rights and fundamental freedoms is also present in the partnership with Egypt. Ladies and gentlemen, Egypt has a great deal of capacity for dialogue with Israel and with Palestine. In the current difficult circumstances in the area, Egypt must continue to work towards a ceasefire and the release of hostages and continue to facilitate the delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza. The European Union cannot aspire to be a global actor if in its own neighbourhood it is not able to actively defend its interests and values and act in a cohesive and effective way. We must make a decisive contribution to the stability and prosperity of our neighbourhood, which is at a very difficult stage today.