Speeches

Madam President, if there's a ceasefire, if there's a humanitarian pause... Here they have us arguing and dividing. I believe that this debate was absolutely unnecessary. I am proud of the debate on 19 October and the resolution on 19 October, in which we all condemned Hamas' attacks on Israel and also echoed the suffering of the Palestinian people, the victim, the human shield of Hamas. And we are playing the game - and let us see if we already know, here in this European Parliament - of Iran, which is the black hand that has always been behind these attacks. And you are achieving your goal with this division that many of you want to make in this Parliament. Let's stick with that resolution. United and clear: It is the best way to help those who are prisoners to get out, so that they can return to Israel, so that civilians stop suffering. Let us see if we are already taking these things into account here in this Parliament. Let us return to the spirit of October 19.

Madam President, thank you very much, dear President of the Commission, for your leadership. Once again – like during COVID and the war on Ukraine –you have spoken for all of us, not like others that are here only for political gain or for sectarianism. You are representing the true heart of this European Union. Señora presidenta, hoy tenemos ante nosotros una responsabilidad histórica. Y eso es lo que va a ocurrir mañana. Este Parlamento debe decidir mañana si condena o no el terrorismo. Van a escuchar hoy muchas intervenciones favorables, contrarias. Lo que sea, da igual. No se dejen llevar. Mañana en el voto se demostrará quién está en contra del terrorismo y quién no; y hace falta esta firmeza y esta unidad de criterio más allá de las ideologías. En la lucha frente al terrorismo no hay medias tintas. Desgraciadamente, eso lo aprendimos en nuestro país, en España. Esos discursos melifluos y contemporizadores sobre quienes han decapitado a bebés, han violado a mujeres y han matado a gente inocente no es lo que se debe escuchar en las calles ni en los órganos institucionales de esta Unión Europea. Cincuenta años tras la Guerra del Yom Kipur, Israel ha sido atacado una vez más. Una vez más. De manera cobarde y brutal. Y sigue habiendo quien se niega a condenar lo que ha pasado, que es lo más increíble. Además, acusan, critican e insultan a los que condenamos el terrorismo. Nada nuevo para nosotros, los españoles, ya lo sabemos. Lo hemos vivido. Pero venceremos. Venceremos al terrorismo, venceremos a sus terminales, porque esta es la defensa de los principios de esta Unión Europea. No hay nada más. Si no, no sobreviviremos; y lo estamos empezando a vivir ya en las calles de Europa. Sabemos quién está detrás de este conflicto: Hamás, Hezbolá —peones de Irán, un régimen extremista que no podía aceptar la normalización de las relaciones del mundo árabe con Israel. Esto es lo que hay: manipulación de este país para conseguir la desestabilización de nosotros, los demócratas europeos. No lo permitamos, y mañana dejémoslo claro en la resolución.

Mr President, the Iranian regime is sanctioning dozens of European national Members and Members of the European Parliament. European silence. It directly or indirectly finances populist political movements in Europe and supports terrorist groups operating around the world, including Europe. European silence. It shoots down a passenger plane in 2020 of Ukraine International Airlines with twenty European passengers killed. European silence. He kidnaps European citizens: we learn – and we have to learn from the American press – that an official of the European External Action Service has been imprisoned in Iran for more than a year. After the vile murder of Mahsa Amini, 30,000 Iranian citizens are arrested and another 750 are killed following anti-regime demonstrations. Today, here in this European Parliament, for once I have been proud to see the left and the right condemn all this and I hope that the officials of the Council, the Commission and the European governments will at once learn that we cannot play or continue to act with the Iranian regime.

Madam President, Commissioner, this is a message for Mr Nicolás Maduro, President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela. I am pleased to inform you that you are not welcome in the European Union. This European Union was created precisely to avoid dictators and autocrats like you. The principles and values on which this Union is founded cannot be stained with the blood of torture and murder of its regime. Millions of innocent Venezuelans retaliated for you have sought refuge here in Europe, in the painful exile to which you have condemned them. They have come to Europe in search of democracy and freedom. These aspirations cannot be betrayed by his criminal presence and that of his vice-president Delcy Rodríguez on European soil. Know also that your partners in terror, the Cuban and Nicaraguan regimes, are not welcome. Finally, I want you to know that, despite the silence of Pedro Sánchez, current president of the Council of the European Union, this Parliament will not whitewash your regime and we will continue to denounce your crimes and demand democratic elections in your country.

Madam President, the report in question is a report that aims to make a recommendation to the Council, Commission and the High Representative on relations with the Palestinian Authority. There is nothing wrong about that. The problem is that, once again, some in this Parliament have been trying to take advantage of a legitimate debate about our relations with the Palestinian Authority to attack Israel. Another lost opportunity for this Parliament to be a moderating and balancing factor. We have heard here today ‘Israeli regime’ – it is a democracy, you can like the government or not, but it is a democracy – ‘apartheid state’, ‘criminal state’, ‘criminals of war’. How can we become a moderating factor? That is what the EU and our values are about. Shame on the declarations I’ve heard. We want to be a balancing factor, we have to be. The EPP tried: we brought amendments to try to balance the text. All rejected. And now you are facing other amendments. Radicalisation, in the end: that’s what you obtain with these declarations, it is not for the cause of peace and understanding. From different positions we are all trying to find and to help as Europeans. We need this balanced approach. We cannot ignore the problems, but here we are and we should do our work. Maybe next time.

Mr. President, this is the balance sheet of the corrupt regime of the Ortega Murillo family: 50 media outlets closed, a thousand NGOs closed and expelled from the country, thousands of tortured Nicaraguans and political prisoners of conscience in Nicaragua’s prisons, and 222 political prisoners now expelled from their country – including my good friend Ana Margarita Vigil, who does not have a passport, but I hope that Spain, has the government that it has, will grant it, like many of them who are fighting for freedoms. We need clear measures. I am grateful, Mr Borrell, for the question of sanctions. We will always ask for more, we must go for them. As for the Ortega Murillo family, I also ask that we consider whether it should be present at the EU-CELAC summit. You have to wonder if these people can be there. We must also demand the release of Bishop Rolando Álvarez and an end to the repression, and I am glad to have heard from previous speakers, including from the left, that we all agree on this point.

Mr President, the situation in Lebanon must concern us all Europeans. The issue of security is fundamental for us and it is a country that socially and culturally is the closest we have. Our trade relations and many other things unite us with the Lebanese people, whom I believe we are failing. We are not following closely or intervening in an improvement of the situation of the people, especially the Lebanese youth who are leaving the country and fleeing. Cases such as that of Omar Harfouch, who simply for intervening in an act in this European Parliament - where there were supposedly Jews in the Chamber - are now being tried by a military court. The influence of Iran and Hezbollah, which many deputies here try not to mention, even if it has to be done with a loud and clear voice, makes these cases happen. Simply put, these military courts in Lebanon are even acting against homosexuals; They are persecuting homosexuals in Lebanon. I therefore hope that many colleagues, particularly on the left, will join in this call to put an end to this situation in Lebanon.

This has indeed been contacted and, above all, the President’s cabinet, which – as you know and have been told – is following the case. On this particular case, I will make a statement on this - I am glad to be able to tell you now in public - at the next meeting of the Israeli delegation, which I think is in a week or two. Soon you will have the answer about everything we have recovered.

Mr President, thousands of people are demonstrating peacefully in Israel defending the rule of law. The same has happened recently in Spain too, due to manoeuvres by my government – right? – in judicial matters. What it shows is that it is a democratic country, like anyone here. But the proposed judicial reforms in Israel are now going through an intense legislative and political process, a process we are still unaware of. I believe that we lose some credibility, Mr Borrell, as strategic actors if we rush to debate a law in the process of being created in a democratic country, not like those around it, of which we speak little many times. Of course, I share the concerns about these proposed reforms as they stand now. What's more, I don't share them. But we must remember that one of the advantages of democracy – if any have been forgotten – is the negotiation and participation of different actors in legislative processes. We must rely on the Israeli democratic system, which will reflect the will of the voters and also the diverse opinions on this sensitive issue such as the rule of law. The Israeli citizens, politicians and society, and you mentioned it, Mr Borrell, and others mentioned it, the President of Israel, President Herzog, are going to intervene in this process, logically. Unlike other countries, Israel enjoys excellent democratic health. Only in the event that its weight and counterweight mechanisms fail, will we have the authority and, of course, the time to criticize what is decided there. (The speaker agreed to respond to an intervention under the "blue card" procedure)

Madam President, of course we all want the best relationship with Latin America. Here in this European Parliament, many MEPs from all political groups are always advocating for that better relationship. But how can Europe best help? Or, rather, what Latin America are we talking about? Are we talking to Latin America that wants to live in freedom, in prosperity, or with which it is immersed in this Bolivarian left that is conquering all the governments in the area? And, once in the governments, bloody dictatorships like those we have in Nicaragua, in Venezuela or in Cuba are established. I condemn what has happened in Brazil, we all condemn it in this European Parliament. When will the left of this Parliament condemn the bloodthirsty regime in Nicaragua that is torturing religious people, women and children? When will he condemn the Maduro regime instead of maintaining that complicit silence in exchange for oil? We already see Macron's hugs now with Maduro. Finally, we must, of course, do a great deal of thinking about who we Europeans want to work with.

Madam President, Commissioner, I fully subscribe to your words and I very much appreciate the effort that the European Commission is making diplomatically, as are many Member States, towards a stability that is absolutely necessary for Europe's security in the Middle East. The interest commissioner has spoken. We have interests in the area. Is something wrong? Why can't we recognize him? We have to say it. Europe currently has interests. This report was, as the rapporteur said, a consensual report. Indeed, because we have managed to stop the extreme left of this House, which, as always, is dedicated to insulting countries that currently have a strategic relationship with this European Union. Incredible things are happening in the area, which can create prosperity, such as the Abraham Accords, which have been cited, the maritime agreement between Lebanon and Israel, the agreement between Egypt, the European Union and Israel. That sick obsession with the only democratic country in the area is Israel. Let's be clear: Europe has a role to play, and no longer as a former colonizing power, nor do we have to be giving demonstrations here to anyone or lessons to anyone. What we have to have is the best of relations with these countries and we must undoubtedly maintain the defence of our principles and values, based also on the relations that Europe must maintain with all of them.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the humanitarian situation in Haiti has deteriorated due to political instability and persistent insecurity. Since the assassination of President Jovenel Moïse in July 2021, several organised gangs have increasingly gained power, creating a sense of danger for the population. The increase in violence and the escalation of human rights abuses weakens the government and its actions, which already affect more than 1.5 million people in a situation of genuine humanitarian catastrophe. With this resolution we once again call the attention of the international community to this tragedy. We call on the parties involved for an approach that allows for law enforcement, the fight against these violent organizations and their connection with political actors, the improvement of the control of illegal weapons and, at the same time, the investment of resources in socio-economic projects that generate prosperity. Finally, we insist on transparent, free and fair elections in accordance with international standards.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, the protests of women and young people have spread throughout Iran. Hundreds have been killed because they want to live in a free, democratic country and have the freedom to live their lives without being held accountable to the Ayatollah regime. The fundamentalist regime continues to fail its people steadily and brutally. Instead of listening to the voices of reform, they have once again opted for repression, brutality and the death of their citizens. Instead of listening to Iran's mothers and daughters, the regime chose to censor their voices, shutting down the internet across the country and persecuting them. It is our duty to shed light on what is happening to the people of Iran. Ladies and gentlemen, I ask you: Is a regime that does not listen to and respect its own people trustworthy? Is it a legitimate actor to negotiate with? This Parliament is constantly asking not to negotiate agreements with one or the other country for lack of respect for human rights. But we negotiate in the European Union with a fundamentalist and dictatorial state, such as the regime of the Ayatollahs. No more negotiations with the Ayatollah regime.

Madam President, the arrest of Bishop Rolando Álvarez is a new low blow of a bloodthirsty regime with an expiration date that continues to persecute freedoms in Nicaragua. They persecute the Church because their devotion and service to underserved people highlight the incompetence of a corrupt regime that does not care for Nicaraguan citizens. The hard work of a Church that does not shut up and goes to the rescue of the people is something very annoying for the dictator Ortega and therefore suffers reprisals. The people of Nicaragua know that they deserve better and that is why they continue to fight against the regime of the bloodthirsty dictator. Ladies and gentlemen, our heart goes out to Bishop Alvarez and all Nicaraguans who today face torture and persecution. But to them we all say: A regime that oppresses its people for praying and supporting the vulnerable is a regime with its days numbered. And it is our obligation to denounce the tyranny of the Ortega government and all those on the Latin American Bolivarian left who support it. We must all denounce that without remission in this Parliament continuously. And I would like to thank all the Members of Parliament from different political options who have united around this resolution.

Madam President, as I told you in my speech at the beginning, you have clearly seen the interventions of the far right and the far left. They've come to sell their slogans, they haven't told us anything new. Some want to climb walls. Others want to talk about conflicts that only exist in their imagination. I thank the other sensible and sensitive political groups in this House, who are worrying and have spoken - many of these speeches I have heard - on the issue of the food crisis, on immigration, on the problems of lost youth in many of these countries. How can we help? I am very grateful for the Commissioner's words in that regard, although my duty as a Member of the European Parliament is to thank him for the effort that the Commission is making at the moment with the food crisis sending funds, approving funds for these countries in the Southern Neighbourhood. But my duty as a Member is to ask for more, to have a much greater presence at this critical time in these countries and to give them more support. As for the food emergency, which my friends in Egypt recently told me about, it is now vital to be able to work on it. Our security is in this, and it is in this that the mediation efforts of the European Union, which has historically worked on it, always go, because we have always been there. Let's not miss this opportunity now. That is why the unity that we demonstrate and that we will demonstrate tomorrow around this report is a very clear signal that the European Union has that concern for our southern neighbours. And we want to go deeper into not only theoretical but also practical relations, based also on what the European Commission is doing, which we, as MEPs, must ensure tomorrow. Let those countries mentioned in this report be comforted, because we are with them at this time also of particular difficulty, not only for us – let us not look only for ourselves – but also for them.

Madam President, Commissioner Várhelyi, I would like, first of all, to thank the shadow rapporteurs for their contributions and the support for the ambition of this text that we had in common, and I am particularly proud that it was the extremes of the left and the right that did not join this, with the main groups in this consensus that we have generated around this report: I am very grateful for that. We wanted effective proposals that would be a strong and clear political signal on the importance and urgency of the renewed cooperation model with the Southern Neighbourhood, namely Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Lebanon, Morocco, the Palestinian Territories, Syria, Tunisia and Libya. Europe is under threat, our enviable model of coexistence and social status is a threat to the autocratic regimes around us: With this report we are building and creating the basis for a new model of strategic autonomy for the European Union. We have, more than ever, to come up with solutions, and not to hinder by promoting hatreds and divisions; We have to look south, create a new relationship characterized by the treatment of you to you, renouncing all forms of paternalism, and creating and solidifying a new, our, strategic autonomy: It is time to wake up and resume privileged relations with our southern neighbourhood. It is no coincidence that this report is voted on this week, precisely when we are discussing the state of the Union and its priorities for the next twelve months. As a politician, I have been highlighting the strategic relevance of the Southern Neighbourhood for many years and have worked on creating a permanent political dialogue with various political parties in these countries. To this day, the strategic relevance of this neighbourhood is evidence: The conclusions of the NATO summit in Madrid reflected this only a few months ago when they acknowledged the interference of strategic competitors in the area, namely Russia and China, and the danger this poses to Europe and, more broadly, to the democratic world. There are several key pillars on which we need to work, for example the diversification of our energy suppliers: As we are seeing, this is key to ensuring our autonomy, new suppliers with shorter and more reliable supply routes for our companies. Let's be clear, we can't depend on China or get into its game of controlling the global economy: A globalised world requires global solutions and the opportunities we have together with our neighbours in the Mediterranean basin are clear. Another issue is migration: How can we tackle such a problem without improving living conditions in the countries of origin? No one leaves their home for pleasure; They're looking for a better world here in Europe. Let us help to improve their living conditions also in the countries of origin; all, in the end, we will benefit: stability, economic development, prosperity of the Southern Neighbourhood, is also ours. The threats following the pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine have an impact on both shores of the Mediterranean: we are facing an unprecedented energy crisis, and the countries in the Southern Neighbourhood are facing a food crisis. What we are discussing today is crucial: coherent priorities and identification of additional synergies. This Thursday marks two years since the Abrahamic Accords; I am also grateful to all the groups that have allowed us to refer to this in a positive way. There is a new geopolitical context that we cannot ignore and that is bringing new bilateral opportunities in our cooperation and trilaterals in cooperation with our neighbours. I would like to highlight the measures to empower young people and women in the fight against disinformation and political interference, the promotion of food security, and above all also conflict prevention and, in this case, control as regards the protection of European borders and the fight against mafias and jihadist terrorism: We have to be relentless in these areas if we want to have a space of security between us.

Mr President, my colleagues and I in the intergroup for defence of children’s rights we have been many years denouncing what is going on with the children escaping from wars in Syria, in Iraq and Afghanistan. And now is the question of Ukraine. And I have to tell you ... – Los niños y los jóvenes son siempre los que pagan el precio más alto en las guerras. Aquellos que tienen la suerte de escapar y sobrevivir quedan con traumas indescriptibles que cambian sus vidas para siempre. Otros son víctimas de aún más terror: caen en manos de mafias que se aprovechan de su vulnerabilidad, monstruos disfrazados de voluntarios que secuestran a niños para explotarlos, obligándolos a la explotación sexual, el trabajo esclavo o incluso el tráfico de órganos. Hay toda una generación de niños en riesgo aquí. Debemos construir un sistema robusto y coordinado en la frontera con la presencia de oficiales de protección de la niñez. Debemos ayudar a los países vecinos para que los niños estén matriculados en las escuelas y no se les roben sus años formativos, tan importantes en su educación. Debemos rescatar a los niños ucranianos vulnerables, en particular los que se encuentran en instituciones de acogida, los niños en hogares de guarda, los niños en hospitales, los niños con discapacidades, los huérfanos de guerra y los niños no acompañados, que en estos momentos, a miles y miles, están en las fronteras de países nuestros europeos. Colegas, frente a la barbarie que vivimos en Bucha, frente a la pura maldad y paranoia, debemos defender nuestros valores europeos. Y una cosa que nos tiene que quedar muy clara: los hijos de Ucrania son nuestros hijos, su futuro es nuestro futuro y ha llegado el momento de actuar.

Madam President, it was Sir Winston Churchill that said that democracy means that if the doorbell rings in the early hours, it is likely to be the milkman. Well, ladies and gentlemen, these days it is not the milkman ringing our doorbells, but bombs, missiles, misery and pain. Authoritarian regimes that want to destroy our liberties, our freedoms and our way of life are ringing that doorbell. Make no mistake: we are the main course on Putin’s menu. Only through the brave and courageous resistance of our Ukrainian brothers and sisters, only through our help to those who fight for democracy and European ideals in Georgia, in Moldova, in Belarus, in the Balkans and even in Russia, will we prevail. Thanks to them, we might give an opportunity to our children to live the democratic dream. Let’s fight, outside and inside this European Union, the enemies of our liberties. Let’s start by cleaning our House of populists and extremists financed by Moscow, Caracas or Tehran. Europe, this is a wake—up call. Let’s show the world our desire to have the milkman at our doorstep.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President Schinas, do not deceive us, this fight is for the survival of our model of life. Our democracy is the main course. Putin's goal, like many other dictators and apprentice dictators, is to prevent the vaccine of democracy from spreading to their countries. And for this they will use all possible weapons. Threats to Ukrainian territory are not just a warning. Apart from a security alliance, which we are, and our commitments to NATO, above all there is the defense of our democratic values, not only in Ukraine, but also in Belarus, in Venezuela and in Russia itself, supporting democracy fighters like Alexei Navalny. I address the deputies of the left, who know very well that Putin's Russia is not the Soviet system longed for by some, that Maduro is not socialist and that the Communist Party of China is anything but communist. They are corrupt regimes full of oligarchs who defend their economic interests and impervious to democracy. Under this initial premise, the European Union must rise to the occasion and respond forcefully to what is happening in Ukraine. Let's practice the values we talk so much about. Let us forget the hope of global democracy that we nurtured in the 1980s and 1990s. We are in a new phase of the Cold War. Democracy versus autocracies. We can't let our guard down. And, above all, our asset is the economy, which remains our most powerful weapon. We must have the sanctions clear, prepared and directed towards these types of threats to our democratic system.

Madam President, we owe a moral debt to those who defend the freedom of their people with their lives and who only want the values and freedoms that we here enjoy. Two Sakharov Prize laureates, Berta Ramos and Guillermo Fariñas, addressed this House, its President and Mr Borrell to ask for protection from our European Union against the persecution of a regime that still does not respect minimum conditions; In this House, the European Parliament, that struggle has been recognised and with the vote of all the groups we have awarded it the Sakharov Prize. Disillusioned with EU support, the laureates denounce oblivion and make accusations, especially against Mr Borrell and the European External Action Service; their situation of despair is such that they propose the return of this Prize as a form of protest. I make a public appeal here to Berta Ramos and Guillermo Fariñas not to give up this Prize, awarded by the real elected representatives of European citizens in this Parliament; and they will, they will already talk to Mr Borrell and the European External Action Service. The last two resolutions adopted in this House highlight the stark reality facing the laureates: since 2016, when the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement was signed, the whole situation has worsened: torture, persecution of citizens continues and, what is more, organisations of the regime are being funded from the European Union; none of these organisations, which have even been awarded the Sakharov Prize, has been funded. What has to happen in Cuba for Mr Borrell, the European Commission and everyone to wake up to the persecution, the torture, of this bloodthirsty regime? I wonder where we are going to get the courage, the character, to point to a dictatorship for not respecting human rights when even here we give up congratulating Christmas; how the far left, the previous MP, is offended, right?: defending a torturer regime, but, nevertheless, offended because Christmas is celebrated. How can we get the courage to defend that? It's the question that remains. Merry Christmas to all, and especially to Cuban prisoners.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the current situation on the border with Belarus is above all a human tragedy. Lukashenka is using migrants and causing them suffering solely for their political survival. This is both a human tragedy and a hybrid attack to blackmail our Union. Let's not be fooled. This crisis is not the work of a single dictator. Once again, Putin is trying to destabilize us. It is a new example of the cynicism and cruelty of the autocrats we face in this neighbourhood. This crisis requires a swift and strong European response to defend our borders and our values; as firm as that used by Vice-President Schinas when discussing the airlines used by Lukashenka or the sanctions to be imposed by the European Union in the face of the silence, many times, of the Council and also of the High Representative. We must all unite to, once and for all, drive out these 19th-century dictators who make no sense at our border or in this Europe.

Mr President, I consider this report by my friend and colleague Andrius Kubilius to be excellent. We are, clearly, with the Putin regime, facing an authoritarian and repressive regime. We have an uncomfortable neighbour, who behaves both as a trading partner, an aggressive competitor and often as an enemy of the peace, stability and unity of our Union. Energy security, strengthening our defence capabilities and targeted sanctions against the environment of Putin and his collaborators are key. The Kremlin respects only the strong. As for Russian interference and hybrid warfare, the text includes numerous references to interference in domestic affairs, and we Spaniards are no strangers. Recently, The New York Times denounced a document explaining how collaborators of Mr Puigdemont, Member of this House, sought support from the Russian Government for their plans to break the unity of Spain. Let us be aware that the enemies of democracy in Europe, in Spain – in this case Russia – are constantly seeking partners and allies among us to destroy this European project, and rely on movements and parties that want the division of our Member States. Finally, I would like to express my support for Amendment No 31 by the Socialist Group and my hope that the Socialist Government in Spain will maintain that same sense of statehood and defence of unity.

Madam President, I am glad that this important report is voted on this week. I would like to thank all the Members who contributed to the final text; I would especially like to thank the shadow rapporteurs for their work. We were very ambitious from the beginning. We wanted to have a text that could send a strong and clear political signal on the role of the European Union in defence matters. We also wanted this report to be voted on in committee before the NATO Summit and the European Union Summit with the United States. I am pleased that the conclusions of both summits are largely in line with our report, showing that the European Union can truly be an added value to the current transatlantic defence structure. Ladies and gentlemen, the report naturally highlights the importance of our transatlantic partnership. It also highlights our common history, our common values and our common successes. The report clearly states that this is a unique opportunity for closer cooperation between the European Union and NATO. Member States are currently establishing the strategic compass for European security and defence based on joint threat analysis. At the same time, NATO updates its strategic concept, highlighting the Alliance's vision for its security environment and goals for the next decade. Both projects will provide a clear window of opportunity to set coherent priorities and identify additional synergies. As regards the sharing of responsibilities —burden-sharing—The report argues that Europe must redouble its efforts to develop its own defence capabilities and ensure that it does so in complementarity with NATO. In the text we consistently demonstrate that the instruments and competences of the European Union can contribute to NATO's mandate. Some people have always been skeptical about the idea of the European Union as an active actor with its own defence capabilities. But I think that after a few years in which Europe felt alone in the world, initiatives such as PESCO or the EDF are now seen as a necessity, rather than a luxury. The European Union is not an obstacle to the main defence interests of NATO or the United States. Indeed, the European Union can be a complementary actor that helps to avoid redundancy and duplication. U.S. participation in the PESCO military mobility project is further evidence. The report highlights that Member States and NATO allies face a common reality of systematic competition, alongside new common threats, which have a significant impact on the security of our citizens. Our adversaries and authoritarian rivals use not only military force, but also a wide range of tools aimed at weakening our democracies. Only recently have we realized how powerful these tools can become, such as hybrid threats, cyberattacks, outside interference or election manipulation, and disinformation campaigns. While the European Union and NATO are not the same, their skills and knowledge can complement each other in addressing these challenges. We need to strike the right balance between ambition and realism; serious steps are being taken by addressing the fragmentation of European defence industries, investing in interoperability, conducting common threat analysis and expanding civilian and military missions. Let me conclude by saying that it is of the utmost importance that this Parliament demonstrates that we are serious about European and transatlantic defence. Those who oppose this cooperation and the efforts of the European Union to strengthen its defensive capacity are participating in the game of Russia and China: have a weak and divided Europe. Strengthening the strategic alliance between the European Union and the Atlantic Alliance is essential to address common threats and make the European Union a stronger global actor and partner.