Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, once again we are here denouncing the brutality of the regime of the ayatollahs. Since the uprising of the civilian population, the regime has proven once more that they have no mercy for their own citizens: violence, executions, murders. The killings reported by human rights organisations continue to increase at an alarming rate, and these include children, women, the elderly, Christians, Baha'is, Kurds, Baluchis. All religious ethnics and minorities are being intimidated, women are persecuted, and their rights are continuously being oppressed by the government. We need a clear and firm message from Europe, like the one from the streets of Berlin last Saturday, where tens of thousands of Iranians demonstrated. This regime is a threat to our security and to our values. This regime is a great danger for the Middle East and for us Europeans. We demand the release of all imprisoned demonstrators and political prisoners. We need fierce condemnation of the regime, together with its proxies: Hezbollah, Houthis, Hamas and Shia militias. We need further coercive measures against Iran, and targeted sanctions against individuals and entities responsible for the violent repression of the protesters. We welcome the official designation of the Islamist Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation, but more needs to be done. During the last plenary session, it was seen that, except for those radicals who still support this regime – a few, a very few – because they are financed by them, most of this Chamber unites for a strong voice and action against the regime, and plead to make ourselves part of the solution. We need a free and democratic Iran!

Mr President, last month we witnessed in Uganda the full subversion of democratic standards: abuse, severe restrictions on civic space, widespread intimidation of opposition figures, fraud, violence and a nationwide internet blackout. How is it possible that the main opposition candidate, Bobi Wine, could have been besieged by the military in his house, and his family and his wife assaulted by government forces? All of this to guarantee a seventh term in office for Yoweri Museveni. It is just unacceptable and Europe cannot accept this. I must thank all the political groups that we have convened and reached a consensus with about this. This is, of course, not just about Uganda: it's about supporting the hundreds of millions of Africans who seek freedom, who seek the right for their voices to be heard, who seek their fight for progress and dignity, but are not allowed to do so through violence and oppression. For decades, this European Union has been engaging with our African partners to try to support free and fair elections. I have myself participated in electoral observations on the continent, and I'm very much aware of the challenges. But we need to do more – we have the means to do more – because today it is Bobi Wine in Uganda, last year it was in Tanzania and next year it might be Adalberto Costa Júnior in Angola. Opposition leaders are being persecuted, elections are being stolen and we cannot allow us Europeans continually to close our eyes – and especially our governments, who are daily making economic dealings with the Government of Uganda. Commissioner, the Council has to hear the high voice and the opinion of this Parliament about these very tragic circumstances that are happening in Uganda.

Madam President, let us admit it loud and clear: the education system in Europe and in my country, Spain, has failed. At the moment, all students with some motivation escape to other countries because our system does not work. In Spain, there is more concern on the part of government partners about persecuting students than in Catalonia or the Basque Country they speak in Spanish. Yes, ladies and gentlemen of the European Commission: in my own country children are persecuted for speaking Spanish. That's happening every day. This is a system that does not work, where children in compulsory education – aged six to sixteen – can choose to change sex before the age of sixteen without saying anything to their parents, but cannot access social media. Imagine what legislation, which nobody understands. All ideologized using children, children who are taken to the streets to demonstrate by ideologized teachers. It's all right now. We are creating a lost generation of students in my country and in Europe, but we are in time to change it. Right now, we are in time at this moment to be able to give our children and our grandchildren the opportunity that we had and that we are now denying them with everything that I am commenting on.

Madam President, dear colleagues, I just wanted to put the point today for you that what we are going to vote is not a technical report. We are taking a decisive step for the consolidation of Europe as a true space of justice. We can no longer close our eyes to injustice and impunity inside and outside the European Union. In December 2020, we adopted a global human rights sanctions regime, our own Magnitsky Act, enabling asset freezes and travel bans against those responsible for serious human rights abuses. With it, we follow the pioneering example of the United States at that time with my dear friend, the late Senator John McCain: a true believer in democracy and transatlantic cooperation, and I wonder how he would react to what is happening these days. Five years later, it is clear that this regime needs to be strengthened. It must be applied with greater determination, coherence and credibility, because a sanction that is not in force becomes empty symbolism. Our sanctions regime was created for one clear purpose – not to make solemn declarations, but to ensure that those who commit atrocities fear real consequences. The regimes of Iran, Cuba, Russia, and Venezuela must face the consequences. If we believe in the rule of law, sanctions must be applied coherently in all our Member States. If we believe in global justice, we must act with courage. If we believe in human dignity, then our sanctions must hurt.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, I have now come to finish negotiations on a motion for a Parliament resolution on Iran and what I can say is that I have seen politicians from the left and right united, together with you, in the cause of the denunciation of the terrible acts that are happening in Iran against the regime of the Ayatollahs. They thus leave all the fans out, including those who show up with flotillas in the Mediterranean, but to whom the waters of the Persian Gulf do not suit them so well. In short, there is not the same courage to confront the Iranian regime and we must have it on all issues; you have to have the same courage and I see it very absent. It is a regime, in the case of Iran, that imprisons torture and murder, a regime that finances terrorism in Gaza, dictatorships in Venezuela and whose networks of influence even finance political parties in Europe and in my own country, dear High Representative, in my own country, in Spain. That's the hypocrisy. We – the ones who have been in this resolution – do not act by fashion or political calculation, we act by principles. Many of us have spent years denouncing Iran's nuclear blackmail, the brutal persecution of women and minorities, direct support for terrorism, and attacks on dissidents and democrats even on our own European soil. Today, as friends of the Iranian people, we are clear about what Europe must do: to condemn without nuance the regime’s repression, to demand the immediate release of political prisoners, to designate the Iranian Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps as a terrorist organisation, to increase sanctions against those responsible and to support Iran’s democratic opposition. That is the duty that unites the vast majority of parliamentary groups in this European Parliament and I hope that will be the case next day in the vote. We do not look at ideological flags, we defend freedom, dignity and human rights.

Mr President, dear Commissioner and friends, some days ago we received good news: the first direct talks between Lebanon and Israel in 40 years. The fact that the Lebanese Government has shown willingness to start negotiations with Israel cannot be overlooked. Lebanon is heading for elections next year and looking forward to starting a new chapter. After decades of political assassinations, of complete destruction of the country's institutions, of structural impunity – let us not forget the victims of the 2020 Beirut port blast, the Lebanese people start to regain hope. Unfortunately, there are those who will do everything they can to deny the Lebanese people of their fresh new start. Hezbollah is trying to rebuild its strength, Iranian money is again flowing through Turkey to this terrorist organisation, jeopardising the efforts of demilitarisation of southern Lebanon and putting the fragile existing ceasefire at risk. Our mission as European Union is clear: we cannot allow Iran to sabotage the recent positive steps achieved between Lebanon and Israel. We must support the efforts to make peace between these two countries, and allow the upcoming elections in Lebanon to become the beginning of a new phase of reconstruction, peace and prosperity, especially for the Lebanese people. That should be our duty.

Madam President, Javier Marañón Montero and David Rodríguez Ballesta, two European and Spanish citizens who have been arbitrarily detained for months in Black Beach, one of the worst prisons on the African continent in Equatorial Guinea, are deprived of their liberty, without due process, without access to their lawyers or their families. Their conditions are inhumane and their health is seriously deteriorating. This is not a single consular case: This is a European issue, because when the rights of a Spanish citizen are violated, the rights of all Europeans are being violated. That is why we call for the immediate release of Javier and David and their urgent access to medical care and a fair trial in accordance with international law. This Parliament cannot remain silent. Our credibility as a Union is measured by defending our values and our citizens, wherever they may be. Equatorial Guinea must understand that cooperation with the European Union involves respect for human dignity. Africa needs partners, not jailers, and Europe must remain the voice of those who do not.

Mr President, Commissioner, exactly two years ago the world witnessed the most brutal and horrendous attack on the Jewish people since the Holocaust. Two years later, many still look the other way and too many refuse to call barbarism barbarism. It is deeply tragic that my own country, a nation whose identity, progress and culture are inseparable from the Jewish community, has today become one of the epicenters of anti-Semitism in Europe. Once again, history repeats itself. Some politicians use anti-Semitism as a weapon, channeling citizens' frustration to hide their incompetence and corruption, fueling populism rather than exercising leadership. The Vuelta a España, one of the most important sporting events in my country, was suspended after violent attacks – only because Israeli athletes participated – encouraged by the government itself. Believers, athletes, and even children on airplanes, have become scapegoats, moving targets, victims of political cowardice. Let's be clear, Europe has a problem of anti-Semitism, and it's growing. But this must end now.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, two years after the horrible terrorist attacks of 7 October, we honour the memory of the victims and we say that we want the hostages back home in Israel. While European politicians were picking sides, using the pain of the Palestinian and the Israeli people for their political games, on the other side of the Atlantic, President Trump was engaged in serious talks, trying to negotiate the terms of a peace plan that could bring a new era of progress and prosperity for the Middle East. That same person who, in his first mandate – while many in Europe were criminally silent about it – was working for the normalisation of relations between the Arab countries and Israel through the Abraham Accords. This peace plan brings to the table the possibility for a stable ceasefire, which will put an end to the suffering of millions of civilians in Gaza, including the much‑needed access to humanitarian aid. It will also allow the return of hostages to their families. It will create a solid foundation for peace and implementation of the two‑state solution by removing the terrorist organisation Hamas from the equation. I know it is difficult for Greta Thunberg and the Spanish 'Barbie of Gaza' on those boats, screaming and partying in front of the cameras. So it's over. No more excuses for socially accepted antisemitic behaviour. The Arab countries in the region are very much aware that further confrontation is not the solution. Normalisation, dialogue and trade is. They seek peace and progress. Let us Europeans do the same.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, the situation we are experiencing in Gaza and Israel is untenable and requires a strong, calm and responsible response from this Parliament. The priority must always be the protection of human lives and respect for international law. We cannot allow the suffering of the victims to become an instrument of political confrontation within the European Union, as it happens and is happening and we will see it in this Parliament in the resolution, unfortunately. While a terrorist attack in Jerusalem took the lives of six civilians, including a Spanish citizen, it was not only condemned, but also announced in my country measures that, far from promoting peace, risk weakening the fight against terrorism and increasing instability in the region. I can no longer deny, as I did in the past, perhaps sinning from a certain naivety, that there is no anti-Semitism in Europe, when I see Jewish citizens who have nothing to do with the policies of the Government of Israel persecuted in the Cycling Tour of my country, in bars, in restaurants or on airplanes. My blood's freezing. I'm starting to see history repeat itself. Our duty here is not to defend governments or legitimize one-sided narratives: Our duty is to defend the people, the hostages who remain in the hands of Hamas, the children and women who suffer in Gaza and those in Israel and the West Bank who live in constant fear of violence. The European Union has a responsibility to act as an honest mediator, with coherence, unity and determination. Peace, dignity and prosperity for Israelis and Palestinians will not be possible if we do not leave behind hate speech and bet on reconciliation and coexistence.

Madam President, our last plenary session three weeks ago saw the launching by Israel of Operation Rising Lion, aiming to contain Iran's nuclear threat. We have to recognise that, three weeks later, Israeli citizens, Arab, moderate people in the region and us Europeans, we feel safer. Thank you to Israel. And thank you for the United States for this, that we feel safer. Although we Europeans, we are a little bit hypocritical, because we celebrate this in private, but we don't do it in public. It was about time to end this nuclear threat, not only for Israel, but also for ourselves, because as I always have stated in this plenary, we are the next target. Make no mistake, the plans of the ayatollahs to threaten and blackmail us are continuing. Terrorist organisations continue to plan how to destroy our democracies and our freedoms. In this House, we have to be alert to this fact. The future of the Middle East is in the Abraham Accords, against terrorism, theocratic regimes, working with the opposition, democratic opposition to these regimes, whatever it is called, Tehran or Caracas in Venezuela or Moscow in Russia. This is what has to unite us in our common struggle.

Madam President, between democracy and dictatorship, we choose democracy. Between peace and war, we choose peace. But one thing must be clear for us Europeans: if Israel fails, Europe fails. We are the next target of the theocratic regime of Tehran. Are we clear about these priorities? After listening to the interventions of some colleagues from the left, I sometimes have my doubts. Some of them prefer tension, polarisation, which I know many other colleagues from the left – as well as myself – reject. Israel is a democracy. But does this mean that I agree with everything done by Israel's democratically elected government? No. I support the defence of the State of Israel. I support the protection of the Jewish population in Europe against rising antisemitism. But I do not agree with how the humanitarian situation in Gaza is being handled by this government. Fortunately, because it's a democracy, I know that the people and the justice in Israel will have a say about these decisions in the future. I cannot say the same about the Palestinian people or the Iranian people. We must support the liberation of the Palestinian people from the terrorist organisations backed by the Iranian regime. And we must help Iranian society, which is seeking freedom and democracy. We Europeans must support Israel's efforts to end the Iranian regime's nuclear threats. We have to make sure that our money and humanitarian aid reach the Palestinian and Lebanese people, not Hamas or Hezbollah. We have to move forward with the two-state solution and support cooperation with countries like Lebanon or Jordan and nations in the region by providing the possibility for all to prosper and live with dignity.

Madam President, we cannot forget how this tragic conflict began: It started because on 7 October 2023 a terrorist group, Hamas, perpetrated a massacre in which it brutally murdered 1,200 people in Israel and kidnapped, raped and tortured 250 others, many of them girls and women. Nor can we forget the clear reaction of this Parliament after that massacre, which resulted in a resolution calling for the elimination of the Hamas terrorist group and the safe return of the hostages. That's still true today. Having said that, it is also true that, from the outset, this Parliament has insisted that the civilian population of Gaza should be treated with dignity. This population is also a victim of Hamas terrorism. Humanitarian trucks need to reach the Gaza Strip. We need that constant and sufficient flow of food and medicine to be able to reach the population. To the civilian population of Gaza, not to Hamas terrorists. Finally, I expect from those who call for the cancellation of the Association Agreement with the democratic State of Israel the same enthusiasm and support when it comes to cancelling any kind of relationship of the European Union with the dictatorships of Iran, Venezuela, Cuba and Nicaragua.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, I would like to deal with two issues. First, I want to apologize: You come from a country that suffered the horrors of communism. Millions were killed in Russia and Ukraine. There were also persecutions and tortures justified by many members of this House even today. I would like to apologise for this and also to all those who have suffered in the past communist regimes. Secondly, I should like to ask you to activate Article 85 now. It's time. The Cuban regime is currently jailing José Daniel Ferrer. Why? Because he testified in the Subcommittee on Human Rights. He was a guest here of the European Parliament. Please convince the members of the European Council that this cannot continue. The Cuban regime is responsible for deaths – Oswaldo Payá – and torture, persecution – José Daniel Ferrer, Felix Navarro, thousands of Cuban citizens. And I hear people saying that the United States is responsible. If it weren't for the tragedy of the situation, one would say that here are people of salon communism who still continue to justify the horrors of the past.

Madam President, democracy and respect for human rights in the world are in decline. It's a fact. I'm not saying it, the reports of Freedom House and other renowned organizations that study the subject say it. I could cite many cases, such as Russia, Cuba, Venezuela, Iran, Nicaragua. The usual suspects: autocracies that persecute their citizens, inside and outside their borders, and deliberately promote a process of democratic erosion in the world. And all this in the face of the silence of the extreme left in this Parliament and in Europe. Silence complicit and sometimes collaborative. What worries me is how we act in the face of the process of democratic erosion in our own Western world. We cannot accept the prosecution of judges for trying to comply with the law. We cannot allow the media to be persecuted for doing their research and information work. We cannot be silent in the face of politicians who justify terrorism and are silent in the face of anti-Semitism, politicians who use the migratory challenge and the human tragedy that all this entails for political purposes. And do you know where these things happen? In my own country, in Spain.

Madam President, when it comes to ensuring the security and defence of our European and Spanish interests, prevention is better than cure. And on top of that, it's cheaper to prevent than to cure. In Europe it is being prevented. We have a defense policy already in place. We already have a White Paper on defence, a Commissioner for defence. We already have a Committee on Security and Defence in the European Parliament. In some of our countries, for example, in Latvia, in Lithuania, in Poland, in Greece, spending is already doubled to reach NATO levels and even go a little further. It is unfortunately in my own country, in Spain, where not a debate of the opposition with the Government, but one within the Government itself, among the radical, most radical elements of that Government, prevents Spain from being right now with everyone participating in that common security and defence. I call on the Spanish Government to change its attitude immediately and for us all to fulfil the security and defence commitments that this European Union needs.

Mr President, Commissioner, some of us - like you and me - have been calling for more defence spending in this European Union for years. Now we have all joined, good thing, it was time. Let's see if this finally allows Europe to defend its welfare system as well. Thank you very much for the White Paper and for the millions that will accompany this whole affair. Time, as I say, will tell us if we are in time to defend ourselves without giving up this welfare state. The doubts that are now exploited by populists and the far left could have been resolved if action had been taken earlier. But the President of the Commission and the previous High Representative have been silent and have collaborated to cover the lack of fulfilment of our defence duties in the past in countries such as my own, Spain. It is no longer about spending money to maintain a good relationship with Maduro, it is no longer about paying the regional police more than the Spanish Army; It is certainly now about spending on defending our welfare system. Let's see how they explain it to their communist and pro-independence partners. I want to see them there.

Mr. President, to the dictators Daniel Ortega Saavedra and Rosario María Murillo, congratulations. They have achieved the impossible: that all political groups in this European Parliament, as a unit, denounce their crimes, torture, persecution and exile to those who have subjected the Nicaraguan people and, especially, the Catholic Church, which is being viscerally attacked by this bloodthirsty regime. This European Union, with this resolution, fortunately denounces and makes it clear to the world that we will no longer allow the outrages of these two, of this family dictatorship, which is an embarrassment. And as I said well, even the left, which contemporizes many times in the Venezuelan case, in the Cuban one, however, has expressed itself with great clarity in the Nicaraguan case. I think it is a clear message that we must send from this European Parliament, in solidarity with the Nicaraguan people, who are suffering so much, and, of course, to protect them. You are not alone in a Nicaragua that will be free and democratic in the future.

Madam President, Commissioner, the EU‑Middle East strategy. What strategy? Do we have a strategy? Good. First time. The ones that have a strategy are the Russians, the Chinese, Turkish, Iranians in the region. It's about time that as Europeans we have a strategy for the Middle East and not let others interfere. We have a different approach and we should implement it. We should be enthusiastic about the Abraham Accords. Here in this Parliament, we have not been. In the Commission, they have not been. We have to. Prosperity for the people in the region – including the Palestinians, they cannot be left out of this – of course, we all agree on that. Different from other countries. And then we have to be clear. Blacklist, terrorist list. We have to help the Palestinian people, the Lebanese people, not to suffer the tyranny of terrorist organisations financed by Iran and by others, and supported by others like the Muslim Brotherhood, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Hezbollah, Hamas. We have to do this from a European perspective now.

Mr President, one thing is clear: the October parliamentary elections were not free and fair. We cannot allow those who stole the elections to get away with it. A wake‑up call, members of the Commission, members of the European Council: in this Parliament, we have it clear that the de facto authorities controlled by the oligarch Ivanishvili have adopted increasingly repressive legislation, while detentions of protesters, activists and journalists are used to try to silence the opposition. The several violent incidents targeting political leaders last week are just unacceptable. The European path to resolving this crisis is clear. We have to be with the Georgian people and ask for the immediate release of all political prisoners and the organisation of new, fair and transparent elections. We cannot leave Georgia in the hands of the Russians, in the hands of Putin. We have to be close and give our support and our warmth to the people that are suffering in the streets in Georgia.

Mr President, Commissioner, the truth is that I rarely feel proud of a title in these debates: ‘usurpation’. Indeed, it is the usurpation by the criminal regime of the dictator Maduro and his aides, those drug traffickers that he has around, and that here, in the European Union, we have not yet known how to pursue in the right way. Here, with the help and collaboration of the European far left, the regime is still alive and it is the image of Europe that is at stake; It is up to us Europeans to lay down the appropriate sanctions at once. And we must be clear about the persecution of the members of this clan, who are perverting the freedoms and democracy of the Venezuelan people. We must also show our firm and determined support for the Venezuelan opposition and the Venezuelan people, who exercised their right to vote and who declared that they wanted to go to this regime. Let's see if, at once, we Europeans listen and know how to support these brave people like María Corina Machado, like Edmundo González and like thousands of Venezuelans.

Mr President, President Trump has finally been elected and confirmed and, although it rains here in Strasbourg, the skies do not open, as some predict; Nor will the world be destroyed, as others predict. It's all right now! It's all right now! Let's be the Europe that discovered and colonized America. Let us return to the pride of our unity, which we have achieved so much in the past and which we can achieve in the future, and let us face the challenge of the new American Presidency as we must: united. It is already good to run like headless chickens, scared to death, through the European institutions and through the corridors of Brussels. On the contrary, let us look for the opportunity – as has already happened with the Brexit – to be united in a negotiation that we are going to have, very hard, with President Trump. It's okay: We'll benefit from this if we do it the way it plays. As my good friend Senator John McCain said, we need to define our policies not because of what we oppose, but because of what we stand for. And what we Americans and we stand for – and we are an example to the rest of the world – is the defence of freedom and democracy. Let's keep those principles these next few months.