Speeches

Mr President, colleagues, the situation with regard to democracy in Georgia has been deteriorating for more than a decade now. In the early years of the Ivanishvili Government, he and his subordinates declared the continuation of the Euro-Atlantic path and democratic reforms. We have hosted numerous delegations of our Georgian colleagues from the opposition in this House and they have warned us from the very beginning: please stay vigilant, for the Ivanishvili regime is there to grab the power. Elections after elections, we have witnessed more violent incidents and campaign events initiated by people close to the regime. Opposition leaders are being put in prison and free media is being muzzled. A recent announcement by Prime Minister Kobakhidze about banning the opposition should Georgian Dream win the upcoming elections are not just an alarming sign, it is evidence of dictatorship waiting for its chance. We must not only condemn the actions of the ruling regime, but give a very clear signal by imposing sanctions on people and organisations responsible for the demise of democracy in Georgia. And we should start with the mastermind, oligarch Ivanishvili, to set the example.

Madam President, today we are discussing the support that Ukraine needs from the European Union – the support that is meant to keep Ukraine on par in this war of attrition against a much larger enemy. Let us be very clear: Russia is waging this war not only against Ukraine. Putin is at war with the West, according to his own words. He wants to rearrange the whole European security architecture. The people of Ukraine have heroically kept Russia from advancing further for more than 900 days now. This fight has come at a very high price that we in the West have not had to pay yet. What Ukraine needs from us is adequate financial and military support. We have failed to deliver just that. We have not been able to deliver the minimum 0.25 % from our GDP, and that is a shame. Ukraine needs long-range capability to take the fight to the Russian territory. I am sure that the plan for Ukrainian victory that will be presented next week relies heavily on our support. So let us help Ukraine to make this plan successful. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, as a former member of the Military Committee of the European Union and NATO, I urge you to take the Russian military threat against Europe seriously. Not only in words, but in real deeds. We need to show strength, invest in the military capabilities. Otherwise, we will have war in the European soil during the next parliamentary session.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the use of profits currently generated from the frozen assets is a step in the right direction. But we must be more ambitious and use the assets themselves to compensate Ukraine for war damage caused by Russia. Estonia is already working on a draft law to this end, and the EU as a whole should do the same. Frozen Russian assets should be liquidated, and the resulting money sent to Ukraine as an advance payment for war damages. Instead of waiting until the end of the war, the payment of reparations on an ongoing basis will also serve as a deterrent to the aggressor against continuing this war. There is a readiness in the G7, from the part of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, to do this. European members of the G7, namely Germany, France and Italy, need to stop dragging their feet and get on board with this important project. I urge Members of this House to convey to the European leaders the message that we will hold the Putin regime responsible for its crimes. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, digitalisation has been one of the two main priorities announced by President von der Leyen in the beginning of this mandate. This regulation is the flagship of European digitalisation. All European citizens will have access to a highly secure digital identity. There will be a legally binding digital signature recognised throughout the European Union. This will simplify the everyday lives of European citizens when dealing with both public administration and the private sector. It will reduce the cost of doing business and lead to significant economic benefits. In my home country, as Mr Ansip said, we have used this digital signature for 22 years and the results are very impressive. We have we save about 2% of the GDP per year due to efficiency in working hours. I am glad that we finally managed to conclude very long negotiations and a deal before the end of this mandate. It is a good deal which ensures the whole system is highly secure and trustworthy. I urge the colleagues to vote in favour of this agreement.

Dear Mr President, Russia's influence in Europe and the West in general is not news to anyone. The Russian special services are very interested in what is happening in the European Union and they are always looking for ways to influence different processes, to break the unity of the European Union. One of the main channels of influence is Russian communities in different European countries. Politicians fighting for these interests are an easy catch for the special services. The links between MEP Tatjana Ždanoka and the FSB, highlighted last week by investigative journalism, are by no means a surprise to me. I would have been surprised if they hadn't. Ždanoka, together with his fellow fighters in this very Parliament, has done everything in his power to promote Russia's national interests both in his home country and in the European Union. Unfortunately, Russian interests in this house are not limited to one person. The people who have shouted Russian national interests out of this same remote control are from both the left and the right. Our task is to stand up for the interests of European citizens, because we are elected by European citizens. It is not in the interests of European citizens to build Putin’s ‘Russian world’ or to re-establish an empire. I very much hope that the case of Ždanoka will help to open our eyes and see more clearly the dangers we face here every day.

Mr President, colleagues, not a day goes by without Russia causing death and pain all across Ukraine. After two years of full-scale war on European soil, Europe has moved very slowly from an ignorant state of mind to a state of alert. I believe it has been a very costly lesson. The Council decision regarding the EUR 50 billion aid package last week was a much- appreciated lifeline for Ukraine, but we need more. It’s merely one sixth of what Ukraine needs in the coming four years. This particular war cannot be won by sending obsolete military equipment to Ukraine, but military technological supremacy – and that costs money. Therefore, Estonia calls for an initiative of 0.25 % of GDP to be allocated for Ukraine, which equals EUR 120 billion military aid annually. Together, we can out-power the aggressor. I have no doubt about it. This is for our own security and for our own way of life. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, I had a discussion with President Zelenskyy last week in Tallinn, and his question was how could Europe keep their promises? One million shells is the promise Europe gave to Ukraine, and we are not able to fulfil that. What are the Commission’s and Council’s steps to achieving this one million rounds up to March? That’s my first question. And second, is it possible to go to the Council meeting and ask all the European Member States to provide 0.25 % of the GDP to support Ukraine in its war against Russian aggression?

Madam President, dear colleagues, Russian aggression against Ukraine began almost 10 years ago. The last 22 months of full-scale war have demonstrated very painfully the lessons about our weaknesses and challenges. One thing is very clear: Europe has enjoyed the privilege of the peace dividend for too long. This has resulted in the serious gaps across the whole spectrum of the armament and ammunition production. The European defence industry is fragmented. We cannot mobilise our resources in order to deliver critical military means to Ukraine or ourselves. More effort needs to be put in the EU’s capacity to stand up and take defence seriously. I do believe that the EU needs a strategic mechanism that would ensure a clear and long-term demand signal for our industry. I hope that EDIP will be that plan. In addition, the EU could mobilise funding for defence infrastructure projects and common goods that are difficult for Member States to develop alone. Needless to say, through EDIP, our SMEs working in the defence sphere should find a good platform to better engage in strengthening our defence industry.

Thank you, Madam Vice President. I'm sorry, but I don't understand how this law came to be in this room. This is unfair to those countries that already have minimal use of plant protection products. In Estonia, plant protection products are used in the amount of 780 grams per hectare, in the Netherlands 8 kilograms, and even if we reduce it by 50, 35 or 10 per cent, it will remain unfair to Estonian farmers and reduce their competitiveness. Our Green Pope and great climate champion Frans Timmermans, a former vice-president, back home in the Netherlands, has also agreed with young farmers in the Netherlands that farmers must be met when using nitrogen fertilisers. Good Greens, good Socialists, look at your examples and please vote against the injustice that is happening in this Chamber!

Mr President, dear colleagues, from the very outset of Russian aggression against neighbouring Ukraine, the EU has posed numerous sanctions on Putin’s regime and Russia’s economic interests. With 11 packages, we have tried to cut Russia from the markets. We have made an effort to stop trading different types of strategic goods with the aggressor. Sanctions have real influence only if they are followed universally. They are part of the larger strategic effort to force Russia out of Ukraine. Unfortunately, there are still too many loopholes and different ways to circumvent the imposed sanctions. It is our task to make sure everyone, and everyone, follows the same line. And I would like to turn to European companies and businesses. Please stop doing business with Russia. It is immoral to do business with the aggressor. Thank you very much. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU needs to clearly define technologies which are of strategic importance to Europe. But ever more importantly, we need to provide EU funding to these technologies. We need to provide these important technologies with the public funding in order not to be left behind compared to the United States or China or others. We also need to protect ourselves from hostile competition from China and avoid repeating the scenario which happened with 5G. With these important strategic technologies, it is it is the forerunners who get to set the direction: we need to be these forerunners. We can only do so much with commands and prohibition. Europe needs more carrot and less stick. Now more than ever, it is of crucial importance to invest into the critical technologies in the field of defence, more specifically in both artificial intelligence and autonomous technologies.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Russian aggression against Ukraine has lasted not for two, but already 10 years. The full-scale attack began 600 days ago. Defenders of Ukraine have heroically confronted the Russian war machine. By defending their homeland, the Ukrainian people defend our values and our way of life that Russia is trying to demolish. Countless Ukrainian lives have been lost in this war. The EU and the West can help Ukraine and its people to defend their home. We must continue providing military support. There is no space for war fatigue. It is important to help Ukraine with reconstruction and reform efforts. It is absolutely vital that we endorse the Ukraine Facility package fast. The Ukraine Facility must become the modern day Marshall Plan for Ukraine. It should help Ukraine to utilise its economic potential. Ukraine is a land of opportunities with an immense industrial and agricultural potential. The international community must pursue the possibility to use the frozen funds of Putin’s Russia for Ukraine’s reconstruction efforts. It is obvious that the Ukraine Facility’s EUR 50 billion is not enough, but it is a good start for a large-scale reconstruction and reform process. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, sorry colleagues, I don’t know how you feel, so I test your patience. European security has never been more fragile since the end of the Second World War. Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine is a turning point in the history of our continent. There is no other way for Europe than to be prepared, both mentally and physically, to defend its people, economy, our way of life. This requires more adequate funding for defence. In the light of the ongoing war, we have primarily and rightly focused on the heavy iron and ammunition that Ukraine needs to win this war. But there is also another dimension where the EU must deliver: new and critical technologies that are needed for our security and defence. The report we will be voting shortly comes as a reply to the Commission’s roadmap of critical technologies for security and defence. With this report, we stress the need for Europe to become more competitive in the field of new and disruptive technologies and to combine the best knowledge and practices of private sector, academia and government. We also emphasise the importance of close cooperation with like-minded partners globally. SMEs and startups have an important role to play in this innovation. More and better investment tools are needed for the innovation to take place. Finally, we cannot afford more defence with less money. Today, 1% of the MFF dedicated for security and defence is not enough. Dear colleagues, I kindly ask you to support this report with your vote.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, dear colleagues, the tragedy that Russia’s war against Ukraine has brought along, comes in very different forms. We all have witnessed the unspeakable level of violence that Russia has used against the peaceful citizens of Ukraine. In addition to the killings, torture and targeting the civilian population, Russia has used the deportation of Ukrainian children as a tool of ethnic cleansing from the very beginning of this full-scale attack against a neighbouring country. Russian leadership, as well as the regional leaders participating in the forced resettlement schemes, must be held accountable. The arrest warrant issued by the ICC against Putin and his children’s commissioner are just the tip of the iceberg. Everyone responsible should be brought to the justice and the eventual trial against Putin must end up with him convicted of the crime of aggression.

Mr President, over the last days, we have witnessed a strong sense of protest among Georgian people against the so-called foreign agents law. Yes, we do know that the ruling Georgian team decided to pull back this draft of law, but it remains very clear that the intent of this legislative act was to silence opposition and media. The Georgian Government, controlled by the oligarchy Ivanishvili, has turned away from the cause of democracy step by step. Leaders of the opposition have suffered from the repressions by the judicial system controlled by the government. We recently heard accusations made by the Prime Minister Garibashvili against Ukrainian President Zelenskyy for supporting the coup in Georgia. Also accusations were made against this particular house for dragging Georgia into the war with Russia. Of course, these accusations are ridiculous and have no basis whatsoever. But we must continue supporting the democratic processes in Georgia, even if the sitting prime minister does not does not like us and does not like it.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Ukraine has fought bravely against Russia for almost nine years. The full—scale attack that Russia launched in February last year is a clear sign that Putin’s regime goal is to destroy Western way of life. Our task is to help Ukraine as much as they need today. Ukraine needs more weapons and Ukraine needs a plan for recovery. The EU—Ukraine summit must give Ukraine a message of hope. Ukraine belongs to European family. Last but not least, Russian and Belarusian athletes should not compete on the Paris Olympic Games next year. I am collecting your support. Give your signatures to the letter I will send to the President of the European Council.

Mr President, today the union’s Common Security and Defence Policy is very much defined by how we help Ukraine to win the war. Clearly there is much more we need to do or discuss under the banner of the CSDP, but we face the most existential threat to Europe’s security and defence today, and this is Russia. What Ukraine needs to win the war is a question. Ukraine needs weapons and Ukraine needs more weapons. Ukraine needs a plan and a Marshall Plan for Ukraine, if you want. Fighting back Russia and building up Ukraine can take place at the same time. Let’s not let Ukraine sink deeper, that’s my opinion. Chaos and confusion surrounding Leopard 2 tanks must end now. There is no room for cognitive dissonance, Mr Scholz. You must act now. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, dear colleagues, we have met with many friends of Ukraine this week in Strasbourg. They are all very brave people who leave their homeland and fight for their freedom every day. The people of Ukraine are at the forefront of the Western democracy. They are fighting our fight – let’s not forget that. Russia aimed for a short and victorious war 10 months ago when they launched a full—scale attack against Ukraine. They were totally wrong. War against the brave people of Ukraine is not just a walk in the park. Russia, after numerous failures, has chosen the tactics of destroying Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. It is a modern day ‘scorched earth’ tactic because we all depend on energy so much. Russia has destroyed Ukrainian hospitals in cold blood for the start of the ongoing military campaign. We should not be surprised. Remember Grozny. Remember Aleppo. This House must do its utmost to convince our governments that Ukraine needs more weapons and Ukraine needs more support. We cannot afford to wait until the end of the war to start to rebuild Ukraine. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, since 24 February, when Russia launched full-scale war against Ukraine, Aleksander Lukashenko, an illegitimate leader of Belarus, has been an accomplice to Putin and Russian Federation. The Belarusian military bases are being used by Russian Federation to prepare the troops for attacking Ukraine’s cities, villages, Ukraine people. Today, Putin declared martial law in illegally annexed territories of Ukraine. This is yet another example that he’s running out of options. He depends more and more on the handful of cronies he has left, including dictator of Belarus. Though Lukashenko has avoided direct military involvement in this war, his words and actions speak for themselves. He owes Putin his position and has become fully dependent on Russian dictate. And with that, he has basically given up the statehood of Belarus. It is essential that the EU treats Lukashenko regime as a co—conspirator to the crimes against Ukraine people and acts accordingly by introducing even stricter sanctions against the dictator and his regime.

Madam President, Russia’s war against Ukraine has been going on for more than eight years now. The full-scale military offensive that Putin launched on 24 February has lasted more than 100 days. The lessons identified from the ongoing war must make the European Union move faster and start delivering in the security and defence field. The report that we are discussing tonight brings up many vital issues. They must be dealt with if we want the EU to become more serious. Defence must get the attention it deserves. Defence ministers should be meeting at Council level on a regular basis. The EU must cooperate more closely with NATO and find the necessary resources for the flagship projects such as military mobility. I would also like to emphasise the need for the EU to foster closer cooperation between the private sector, academia and governments in the field of defence technologies. What we have witnessed from the war in Ukraine is that high-end military technologies can make a huge difference in fighting the enemy and saving our own soldiers’ lives. We need more solutions and they can only be implemented in close cooperation with the private – and research and technology – sector from Europe.

Dear Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Parliament’s special committee, set up last year, which analysed and proposed artificial plants [artificial intelligence] on the question, has drawn a line to his work today. I highly appreciate the initiative taken by Parliament in setting up the special committee. Artificial intelligence and the development of technology based on its use are extremely rapid, and obviously there are many important issues related to artificial intelligence, which this report dealt with. In my opinion, when looking ahead, we must bear in mind the following important factors in relation to the implementation of artificial tails and the regulation of their use. We also need a balanced approach to legislation and we need to avoid overregulation, which hampers innovation and the uptake of artificial intelligence in the field of security and defence. Overregulation limits our possibilities for the technological development of artificial intelligence, especially bearing in mind that there are no restrictions on our competitors. Attention must certainly be paid to close transatlantic cooperation in the field of artificial intelligence. The United States is the European Union's most important partner in this area. We must avoid regulations that interfere with our cooperation. I am convinced that the European Commission needs to plan more resources in the field of artificial intelligence. Any technological development will require significant investments. In my opinion, emerging and disruptive technologies in general, including artificial intelligence, could become a common area of work for the European Union and NATO. NATO is developing a strategy for artificial intelligence in the field of defence. I would expect the European Union, in particular, to finance the implementation of artificial plant protection through the Defence Fund and other relevant financial instruments. Once again, I would like to thank my colleagues from the Special Committee on Artificial Chicken. And I very much hope that the Commission's conclusions, as well as the issues I have highlighted, will continue to receive sufficient attention in the European Union in the future. We certainly need to keep up with our competitors on the issue of artificial intelligence and avoid falling behind – this is a matter of our competitiveness.

Vice—President, I very much appreciate that you took the decision to visit Kyiv together with President von der Leyen and I really hope that you will have more to announce than just grave concern or moral support to Ukrainian nation, which is standing up for our values today, and every day, in this very awful war. I have followed the process of the strategic compass, and I appreciate that the changes made after 24 February are aiming the needle of the compass in the right direction, which means it aims towards the East, where the existential threat to our values and our way of life is coming from. Now, my question is more about MFF. I understand that you said that nations should not invest more because it is waste of time. In my opinion, every nation in Europe needs to increase its defence spending and robustly and work together because there are so many gaps in the European defence. My question is, is it possible to reallocate resources in the framework of MFF to fill some of these gaps? For example, how can we make military mobility work. Thank you.

Madam President, Madam Prime Minister, dear Kaja, thank you very much for being with us in this Hemicycle today. And I also want to join the people who have thanked you for your leadership in these very difficult times. I certainly agree with the assumption that we are in there in this for a long haul. That makes us responsible of making the right decisions today. That demands from us committing adequate resources and building up the European Pillar of Defence, together with NATO. This pillar must not be an oversized construct or an empty buzzword, but a well-funded and coordinated effort, which means, if not today, then when should we reach the 2% of minimum of defence spending in all of Europe? But at the moment we need to act as one to paralyze Putin. Full embargo and the deepest cuts against aggression, combined with maximum military support, air defence, planes to Ukraine. Thank you. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, there is no need to remind you of the severity of the ongoing crisis. Putin’s Russia is working according to the plan: a strategic plan that has no less a goal than challenging the West and changing Europe’s security architecture. Building up a military presence and tightening the noose around Ukraine, day by day, is not just a military drill. It is Russia getting ready to attack one of its neighbours. The war in Ukraine has already been going on for eight years. The strategic end state Putin has in mind has not been delivered yet. Ukraine has not collapsed, and there is no puppet regime in Kyiv to follow the master’s orders. Putin’s attempt to correct this mistake he made could take place at any moment. Don’t let yourself be deceived by the dislocation of troops. Moving units back and forth is what you do when you prepare for attack. Russia is not de-escalating; they are escalating by adding pressure with cyber attacks. The West should not leave Ukraine. Diplomats and the media should stay in place. Politicians should visit Ukraine daily. This is what Ukraine needs now, in addition to material support from friends and partners. Last but not least, the EU must reaffirm strongly and openly that Ukraine has the perspective to join the Union one day.