Speeches

The EU is in a position to take a decision that gives hope to countries that deserve candidate status and are able to implement it before the chariot of further reforms. Today there is war in Europe. Putin has made no secret of his ambitions. The desire to restore the Russian empire must no longer be sought in the lines of Putin’s talk – he speaks it openly and his talk must be taken seriously. Putin does not choose means to restore the Russian empire. The European Union must resist this and offer a better alternative. We must certainly not stand with our hands in our pockets and watch as the enemy step by step divides free countries and societies. The EU is never in possession of an expanded weapon. Countries wishing to join the EU will have to pass a league of reforms to prove their suitability as members of the Union. This is the path that all candidate countries must follow. Today, candidate status must be granted to Ukraine, Moldova. Hopefully, the still sceptical Orban and Rutte will also see the opportunity and responsibility for a better Europe that a positive decision entails. "Yes" is a clear message from the EU to these peoples – we are with you on a journey that, regardless of its length, brings you to the ranks of the EU Member States. Unfortunately, the situation in Georgia today does not meet the criteria that should be used. The Georgian government has ruled the country undemocratically. I do not support granting candidate status to Georgia today, but I hope that there will also be a day when Georgia meets the conditions.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the European Union's ability to contribute to the defence and security of its Member States depends on how we are able to prioritise using our funds from the common purse. Russia's full-scale war in Ukraine shows very clearly that technological development on the battlefield is no longer a matter of years, or even months. New technologies and technological solutions are being introduced in weeks and days. It is absolutely necessary to tackle the slow innovation cycle in the European Union by closely linking research and development with production. We also need close cooperation with Ukraine. Drone warfare – which has become the new standard of the battlefield – requires rapid and innovative solutions. I am convinced that the Drone Defence Initiative is most appropriate to implement through the pilot projects, essentially in the Member States bordering aggressors Russia and Belarus. I would also like to emphasise the role of SMEs in this context. They are often the ones that drive innovation with their mobility and flexibility. They should definitely be kept in the loop.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, it has been almost four years of Russian full-scale war against Ukraine. I see no end to this soon. Global developments around us place increasing responsibilities on European countries to ensure their own security and defence. Europe must primarily focus on increasing its defence budgets and developing its industry, to such an extent that we can build up defence capabilities ready to deal with the threat facing us. If NATO's European allies reached 5 % commitment today we would have more than EUR 1.2 trillion in defence spendings all together. We have to spend this money wisely. Today, there are no signs of NATO disintegration. The majority of US decision-makers I met last week consider NATO and security cooperation with Europe to be vital to US interests. But we must prove that we take our part of the deal seriously. Our primary task is to invest in our defence and increase Europe's military readiness.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine has changed the battlefield permanently. We have witnessed incredibly fast development of the field of drone warfare. This applies to both offensive and defensive measures. Drone warfare means also more challenges and tasks for the European Union. Our ultimate goal is to protect our people. To achieve this, we must be prepared both doctrinally and technologically. Drone warfare is yet another area where we are lagging far behind in terms of competitiveness. I am convinced that when it comes to drone countermeasures, we should proceed from the principle of so-called technological neutrality and develop all capabilities, both electronic and kinetic, which, when combined, will provide more effective drone defence. The EU should launch its drone defence through pilot projects first involving Member States bordering Russia. Acting on a smaller scale and faster will certainly help validate larger projects and contribute to the overall defence of Europe.

Mr President, dear colleagues, today's debate is very timely. We need to ramp up Europe's defence capability faster and this is an existential task. The combat capability of our armed forces must be at the centre of our efforts. We must make sure we achieve well-functioning funding of the defence industry from the banking and capital market sector. The next MFF must also adequately reflect the security situation and establish stable long-term defence financing for the EU. The same goes for the European Competitiveness Fund – the ECF should include dedicated financing for defence. I would also like to stress that the military mobility budget should be used for defence infrastructure projects only. There should be no space for creativity and gambling in that sense.

Madam President, colleagues, the initial White House capitulation plan prepared by Russia, which completely and shamelessly ignores dozens of rules of international law, cannot be the basis for a realistic negotiations. Europe's future cannot be decided without Europe. Ukraine's destiny cannot be decided without Ukraine. It is time for European countries, in cooperation with Ukraine, to propose just, permanent and lasting peace. This could be a coalition of the willing plus non-European countries if there is no consensus for joint EU action. This House must urge Presidents von der Leyen and Costa to work out a way to use frozen Russian assets immediately. And needless to say, all Member States must stop financing the Russian war machine.

Mr President, it is no secret that Russia finances its war of aggression against Ukraine by selling fossil fuels. Dependence on Russian gas and oil is a chronic disease for many European countries. Many third countries see this as an opportunity to buy blood gas and oil at a below market price. We all remember the consequences of the recent energy crisis that was very much based on dependency from Russian sources. The European Union, together with the United States, must take stronger actions to encourage third countries to stop financing the Russian war machine. Needless to say, there is no place for Russian gas and oil in Europe. We must not tolerate the fact that the EU Member States pay Russia to kill innocent Ukrainian people.

Mr President, dear colleagues, today we have no idea if, and when, the meeting between President Trump and the leader of the Russian regime will take place. But there is no doubt that neither Europe nor Ukraine needs such a meeting. The possibility to hold this meeting on the territory of a European Union Member State is yet another example of how Mr Orbán continues to ignore the sanctions imposed on the aggressor. Yesterday, we again discussed the frozen Russian assets. We need to stop discussing – it is vital to get the reparation loan mechanism up and running as soon as possible, to demonstrate Europe's continued support for Ukraine. We must make it clear that Russia has to pay the bill of the war it started. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, there is no doubt that Russia is already waging war against Europe. The measures that they use to test us are all part of the Russian toolbox. We have witnessed an increasing number of airspace violations by Russian drones and military aircraft recently. The way Russia is testing and mapping our response is a clear signal that they are calculating the option of military aggression against the whole of Europe. Today, Europe still lacks a sense of urgency. The fact that this is an existential threat is not understood completely all over Europe. It is our paramount task to demonstrate unity, resilience, strong resolve and more military capabilities. To achieve this, we must invest more in defence and boost the defence-industrial capacity.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, dear colleagues, our priorities have changed since the breakout of full-scale war in Europe, especially when it comes to the increase of defence spendings. This is why we create the possibility of the Member States to use the money from the cohesion funds, the European Regional Development Fund and the Just Transition Fund for defence purposes. To be clear, we are not taking money away from cohesion, we are simply creating the possibilities for the Member States to strengthen their defence. As the rapporteur for the SEDE opinion for this report, I urge you to confirm the trilogue outcome tomorrow. This is urgent, since Members who wish to reprogramme some of their funds need to do so before the end of this year.

Dear President, High Representative! Dear colleagues, The success of the NATO summit depends on all member states unequivocally understanding that Russia poses an existential threat to Europe. In addition to the Russian threat, the broader security picture has become very dark. In order to counter the threats that surround us, all of our allies must contribute significantly more. Five percent of GDP may have been a total science fiction goal a few years ago, but today it is really necessary to ensure our deterrence and protection. Achieving this goal is urgent. It is not enough for Heads of State or Government to agree to reach the 5 % target by 2030. This target needs to be achieved much earlier, preferably already next year. Several Member States bordering Russia are very close to or have already reached the level of 5%. However, it is not enough for large and prosperous countries not to follow suit. If Estonia spends 5.4 per cent of GDP on defence next year, Spain and Italy will also have to contribute five per cent. Estonian pensioners and children also need support. Thank you!

Mr President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, once again we need to discuss the situation concerning Russian oil and gas. It is no secret that the blue‑eyed hope that Russia can be contained and somehow integrated through economic ties was, and still is, a complete delusion. Russia used its oil and gas to plant the seed of complacency, a false sense of security to many European countries. Those who did not see through this corrupt and perverted plan are obviously in self‑denial mode, finding excuses. The profits from Russian oil and gas are used to kill Ukrainian people every day. The profits from Russian oil and gas are used to build the military power that will be used against the European Union and NATO one day. There is no place for Russian energy sources in Europe. There is no place for Nord Stream.

Mr President, first of all, I would like to thank you all for your relevant thoughts and reflections. As I stressed in my opening remarks, it is very important to give the people of Kosovo a European perspective. It is equally important that Europe establishes its security and values space, which all that it entails includes the Western Balkans. I very much hope that the stalemate that has gripped the Kosovo National Assembly for now will soon be overcome, that the speaker of the assembly will be soon elected and the functions of the government will be formed. I also hope that this government, in cooperation with the institutions of the European Union, will do everything possible to restart the dialogue with Belgrade. And I am convinced that the immediate end of the punitive measures – as many times mentioned – imposed by the European Union is also a prerequisite for starting this dialogue. I therefore call once again for the lifting of these measures. I would also like to reiterate that any decisions with regard to future integration can only be merit-based. That is why I call the Kosovo political establishment to eliminate the shortcomings that we have indicated in our report. I thank my colleagues again for their participation in the debate, and I hope for support in tomorrow's vote.

Mr President, colleagues, today we have the honour and pleasure to present Parliament's report, which we prepared in response to the European Commission reports on Kosovo from 2023 and 2024. What I want to remind you of today is that the Kosovo War ended little more than 25 years ago. To this day, wounds and scars remain in society. They can only be healed together with Europe by offering a European future to the people of Kosovo. For the people of Kosovo, the European Union is a goal to strive for. This is also very clearly reflected in the country's political landscape. All major political parties consider the European perspective to be equally important. As the standing rapporteur for Kosovo, I am convinced that much has been done to reform the economy, strengthen the rule of law and build a European way of life. At the same time, we cannot ignore the shortcomings, which I also gained a closer understanding of during my fact‑finding visit last December. Kosovo must ensure the independence of the judicial system, as this is the foundation of the rule of law. Media freedom and transparency of media ownership are also very important. The continuation of the Pristina‑Belgrade dialogue is absolutely vital for keeping the European course. We have addressed these and several other issues that need improvement in Parliament's report. As rapporteur, I would like to emphasise, above all, that in today's global competition, where the authoritarian states are trying to establish footholds and bridges, we cannot allow grey zones in Europe. The interests and activities of Russia and China in the Western Balkans are no secret to anyone. We see the activities actively pushing the agenda, especially in the neighbouring country, where anti-democratic tendencies are growing fast. I would like to emphasise that in a situation where we demand reforms from Kosovo, we must also be ready to support them. Therefore, we call for the immediate end of the European Union's punitive measures. They have been unfair and unnecessary from the beginning. The European Union funds many projects and programmes that are designed to support the reform agenda in Kosovo. That is why we should abolish the measures and let them work with the money we offer. In addition, we call on those European Union Member States that after 25 years have not yet recognised Kosovo's statehood to do so. Dear colleagues, we will be voting on the Kosovo report tomorrow, and I will kindly ask for your support and your vote.

Madam President, High Representative, the European response to the existential threat from Russia has been insufficient for too long. I wish I could say that our focus has shifted, and we have a common understanding with regard to the security and defence. Unfortunately, that is not the case. Even today, when there is no doubt that Russia's aim is to destroy our security architecture; even today, when the signals from across the Atlantic are absolutely clear that we must invest in our own defence ourselves; even today, we have countries in Europe that spend less than 2 % on defence, there are countries that spend less than 1 % and saying that they are neutral. We do not have time to play with the option to spend or not to spend. We should agree upon the Union-wide mandatory minimum for defence spending.

Madam President, there is no doubt that Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has significantly affected all European Member States. At the same time, it is evident that the effects of the war have a much stronger influence on the countries bordering the aggression from Russia and Belarus. We are facing far more serious difficulties with regard to hybrid threats like using migration as a weapon, information and cyberattacks, and attacks on our infrastructure as you heard in the last weeks. in the light of the threat from Russia, the EU Member States bordering with aggression have increased their defence expenditures remarkably, up to 5 % of their GDP. Since the beginning of the full-scale war of aggression, we have witnessed much weaker economic performance, GDP growth, trade, increased caution on foreign investors, decreased transportation and tourism. It is therefore absolutely necessary that we put our common resources where they are needed most. We need more investments to our border security. We need more funds and support to avoid our economies falling into a development trap.

Mr President, I am truly astonished at the hypocrisy and the lies that our left-leaning colleagues are cultivating in this House. Or should I say, I'm not that surprised. There is no doubt that with the Socialists and Greens pushing their ideology-driven agendas, Europe will not win. It will never happen. We are in the middle of the most serious crisis that Europe has faced after the Second World War. And what we hear from the Socialists and Greens is that somehow we, the Christian Democrats and the Conservatives, are endangering Europe's competitiveness. This is a lie, which has no foundation at all. You are more than happy and eager to cooperate with the radicals should it comply with your ideology. Politics is not about pushing your ideology. It's about listening to the people. Being realistic and sensible.

Mr President, Ukraine still stands. After ten years, this nation, the people of Ukraine have demonstrated extraordinary courage and resolution against a much larger and military capable enemy. What has Europe done? Far too little. Europe should be ashamed how little we have delivered to Ukraine. Now, more than ever, Europe must act and contribute 0.25 % of the GDP to Ukraine. It should not be a slogan. It must be an achievable goal. It is not just a moral obligation for us to help Ukraine. It is for our own security so that Europe can build up its defence before it is too late. Europe must stand its ground and not let Russia or Americans or whoever make deals without our say. We need to unite. We need more actions in helping Ukraine, in saving Europe. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, colleagues, authoritarian regimes surrounding the Union have used migration as a tool to impose political and economic pressure. The Member States and the eastern flank have been under pressure from the Russian regime and confronted with immigration attacks for several years now. It is our united and coordinated task to defend our borders against the attempts of weaponized migration and stop the illegal immigration entering the EU. I strongly support more EU‑funded initiatives to strengthen our external borders and the use of the EU budget to build fences, as Commissioner Brunner mentioned, I support very much. We need to invest to improve physical infrastructure as well as into innovative solutions. I am also glad that the Frontex is preparing to open a permanent base in Estonia and increase its presence along the EU's eastern borders to combat migration.

Madam President, colleagues, now more than ever, we must do and not only declare, and strengthen our security and defence. We need to follow a basic principle: put money where your mouth is. There is no threat more existential than the threat to our security. And there is no other way to handle it than to do it the united way. The only way we can really step up against the hostile actors in the East is to invest in our defence capabilities. The 2 % of GDP was yesterday. It was a peacetime minimum. Today, we are at war, even if some people are having difficulties to admit it. The EU Member States on the eastern flank have increased their defence spending dramatically. Some countries are paying close to 5 % of GDP today. I believe there must be a Union‑wide benchmark established for all members to demonstrate unity. As Prime Minister Tusk said, it should be 5 % of GDP.

Mr President, Executive Vice‑President, dear colleagues, over the last year and a half there have been a number of incidents and underwater critical infrastructure was damaged by commercial vessels in the Baltic Sea. These are acts of covert war, dear colleagues, and not isolated mishaps, as some have recently speculated. Russia has identified our underwater critical infrastructure as one of the main weak points – our Achilles heel. Russian politicians have publicly bragged that this sea is the new face of a war, and we should live with it. We cannot accept this kind of behaviour. In addition to NATO operations, the EU should step up as well. One of the possible protective measures could be voluntary acceptance of cameras on the captain's deck, for instance. We need to use technology and an out‑of‑the‑box approach to stand up against this nasty threat!

Madam President, dear colleagues. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has killed and injured tens of thousands of Ukrainian people. But according to Putin's understanding of history, there is no Ukraine, there are no Ukrainian people. Denying the very existence of Ukraine is not a new concept for Putin. He told George W Bush at the NATO Bucharest summit 2008, and I quote, 'George, you have to understand Ukraine is even not a country'. Russia has used falsification of history not only against Ukraine, but it is deeply rooted in the educational system, state-controlled media and, with that, in the society as a whole. It is no secret that Russia denies the fact that the Baltic states were occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940. According to the official narrative, the three countries joined the Soviet Union voluntarily. It is the duty of this House to remind the European people that we cannot accept Russian attempts to rewrite the history, and we stand united against it. And therefore it is also inevitable to treat the crimes of communist regimes equally to tools of Nazi and fascist regimes.

Madam President, dear colleagues, never before and suddenly twice a year. Is that an accident? I am referring to the destruction of the fibre optic data cables in the Baltic Sea. First, between Estonia and Finland, and between Germany and Finland most recently. This is exactly how the authoritarian regimes wage a covert war against our societies. By disrupting communication lines and attacking our infrastructure, they spread distrust and fear among our people. We must not lay back and watch countries such as Russia and China operate in our backyard. Our task is to ensure that our critical infrastructure will not be ruined. We need to pay more attention to the hybrid threats originating from our enemies. The ultimate goal is to dismantle our way of life. We cannot let them do that.

Mr President, colleagues, the situation with regard to democracy in Georgia has been deteriorating for more than a decade now. In the early years of the Ivanishvili Government, he and his subordinates declared the continuation of the Euro-Atlantic path and democratic reforms. We have hosted numerous delegations of our Georgian colleagues from the opposition in this House and they have warned us from the very beginning: please stay vigilant, for the Ivanishvili regime is there to grab the power. Elections after elections, we have witnessed more violent incidents and campaign events initiated by people close to the regime. Opposition leaders are being put in prison and free media is being muzzled. A recent announcement by Prime Minister Kobakhidze about banning the opposition should Georgian Dream win the upcoming elections are not just an alarming sign, it is evidence of dictatorship waiting for its chance. We must not only condemn the actions of the ruling regime, but give a very clear signal by imposing sanctions on people and organisations responsible for the demise of democracy in Georgia. And we should start with the mastermind, oligarch Ivanishvili, to set the example.

Madam President, today we are discussing the support that Ukraine needs from the European Union – the support that is meant to keep Ukraine on par in this war of attrition against a much larger enemy. Let us be very clear: Russia is waging this war not only against Ukraine. Putin is at war with the West, according to his own words. He wants to rearrange the whole European security architecture. The people of Ukraine have heroically kept Russia from advancing further for more than 900 days now. This fight has come at a very high price that we in the West have not had to pay yet. What Ukraine needs from us is adequate financial and military support. We have failed to deliver just that. We have not been able to deliver the minimum 0.25 % from our GDP, and that is a shame. Ukraine needs long-range capability to take the fight to the Russian territory. I am sure that the plan for Ukrainian victory that will be presented next week relies heavily on our support. So let us help Ukraine to make this plan successful. Slava Ukraini!