Speeches

Mr President, colleagues, authoritarian regimes surrounding the Union have used migration as a tool to impose political and economic pressure. The Member States and the eastern flank have been under pressure from the Russian regime and confronted with immigration attacks for several years now. It is our united and coordinated task to defend our borders against the attempts of weaponized migration and stop the illegal immigration entering the EU. I strongly support more EU‑funded initiatives to strengthen our external borders and the use of the EU budget to build fences, as Commissioner Brunner mentioned, I support very much. We need to invest to improve physical infrastructure as well as into innovative solutions. I am also glad that the Frontex is preparing to open a permanent base in Estonia and increase its presence along the EU's eastern borders to combat migration.

Madam President, colleagues, now more than ever, we must do and not only declare, and strengthen our security and defence. We need to follow a basic principle: put money where your mouth is. There is no threat more existential than the threat to our security. And there is no other way to handle it than to do it the united way. The only way we can really step up against the hostile actors in the East is to invest in our defence capabilities. The 2 % of GDP was yesterday. It was a peacetime minimum. Today, we are at war, even if some people are having difficulties to admit it. The EU Member States on the eastern flank have increased their defence spending dramatically. Some countries are paying close to 5 % of GDP today. I believe there must be a Union‑wide benchmark established for all members to demonstrate unity. As Prime Minister Tusk said, it should be 5 % of GDP.

Mr President, Executive Vice‑President, dear colleagues, over the last year and a half there have been a number of incidents and underwater critical infrastructure was damaged by commercial vessels in the Baltic Sea. These are acts of covert war, dear colleagues, and not isolated mishaps, as some have recently speculated. Russia has identified our underwater critical infrastructure as one of the main weak points – our Achilles heel. Russian politicians have publicly bragged that this sea is the new face of a war, and we should live with it. We cannot accept this kind of behaviour. In addition to NATO operations, the EU should step up as well. One of the possible protective measures could be voluntary acceptance of cameras on the captain's deck, for instance. We need to use technology and an out‑of‑the‑box approach to stand up against this nasty threat!

Madam President, dear colleagues. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine has killed and injured tens of thousands of Ukrainian people. But according to Putin's understanding of history, there is no Ukraine, there are no Ukrainian people. Denying the very existence of Ukraine is not a new concept for Putin. He told George W Bush at the NATO Bucharest summit 2008, and I quote, 'George, you have to understand Ukraine is even not a country'. Russia has used falsification of history not only against Ukraine, but it is deeply rooted in the educational system, state-controlled media and, with that, in the society as a whole. It is no secret that Russia denies the fact that the Baltic states were occupied by the Soviet Union in 1940. According to the official narrative, the three countries joined the Soviet Union voluntarily. It is the duty of this House to remind the European people that we cannot accept Russian attempts to rewrite the history, and we stand united against it. And therefore it is also inevitable to treat the crimes of communist regimes equally to tools of Nazi and fascist regimes.

Madam President, dear colleagues, never before and suddenly twice a year. Is that an accident? I am referring to the destruction of the fibre optic data cables in the Baltic Sea. First, between Estonia and Finland, and between Germany and Finland most recently. This is exactly how the authoritarian regimes wage a covert war against our societies. By disrupting communication lines and attacking our infrastructure, they spread distrust and fear among our people. We must not lay back and watch countries such as Russia and China operate in our backyard. Our task is to ensure that our critical infrastructure will not be ruined. We need to pay more attention to the hybrid threats originating from our enemies. The ultimate goal is to dismantle our way of life. We cannot let them do that.

Mr President, colleagues, the situation with regard to democracy in Georgia has been deteriorating for more than a decade now. In the early years of the Ivanishvili Government, he and his subordinates declared the continuation of the Euro-Atlantic path and democratic reforms. We have hosted numerous delegations of our Georgian colleagues from the opposition in this House and they have warned us from the very beginning: please stay vigilant, for the Ivanishvili regime is there to grab the power. Elections after elections, we have witnessed more violent incidents and campaign events initiated by people close to the regime. Opposition leaders are being put in prison and free media is being muzzled. A recent announcement by Prime Minister Kobakhidze about banning the opposition should Georgian Dream win the upcoming elections are not just an alarming sign, it is evidence of dictatorship waiting for its chance. We must not only condemn the actions of the ruling regime, but give a very clear signal by imposing sanctions on people and organisations responsible for the demise of democracy in Georgia. And we should start with the mastermind, oligarch Ivanishvili, to set the example.

Madam President, today we are discussing the support that Ukraine needs from the European Union – the support that is meant to keep Ukraine on par in this war of attrition against a much larger enemy. Let us be very clear: Russia is waging this war not only against Ukraine. Putin is at war with the West, according to his own words. He wants to rearrange the whole European security architecture. The people of Ukraine have heroically kept Russia from advancing further for more than 900 days now. This fight has come at a very high price that we in the West have not had to pay yet. What Ukraine needs from us is adequate financial and military support. We have failed to deliver just that. We have not been able to deliver the minimum 0.25 % from our GDP, and that is a shame. Ukraine needs long-range capability to take the fight to the Russian territory. I am sure that the plan for Ukrainian victory that will be presented next week relies heavily on our support. So let us help Ukraine to make this plan successful. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, as a former member of the Military Committee of the European Union and NATO, I urge you to take the Russian military threat against Europe seriously. Not only in words, but in real deeds. We need to show strength, invest in the military capabilities. Otherwise, we will have war in the European soil during the next parliamentary session.

Madam President, dear colleagues, the use of profits currently generated from the frozen assets is a step in the right direction. But we must be more ambitious and use the assets themselves to compensate Ukraine for war damage caused by Russia. Estonia is already working on a draft law to this end, and the EU as a whole should do the same. Frozen Russian assets should be liquidated, and the resulting money sent to Ukraine as an advance payment for war damages. Instead of waiting until the end of the war, the payment of reparations on an ongoing basis will also serve as a deterrent to the aggressor against continuing this war. There is a readiness in the G7, from the part of the United States, United Kingdom and Canada, to do this. European members of the G7, namely Germany, France and Italy, need to stop dragging their feet and get on board with this important project. I urge Members of this House to convey to the European leaders the message that we will hold the Putin regime responsible for its crimes. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, digitalisation has been one of the two main priorities announced by President von der Leyen in the beginning of this mandate. This regulation is the flagship of European digitalisation. All European citizens will have access to a highly secure digital identity. There will be a legally binding digital signature recognised throughout the European Union. This will simplify the everyday lives of European citizens when dealing with both public administration and the private sector. It will reduce the cost of doing business and lead to significant economic benefits. In my home country, as Mr Ansip said, we have used this digital signature for 22 years and the results are very impressive. We have we save about 2% of the GDP per year due to efficiency in working hours. I am glad that we finally managed to conclude very long negotiations and a deal before the end of this mandate. It is a good deal which ensures the whole system is highly secure and trustworthy. I urge the colleagues to vote in favour of this agreement.

Dear Mr President, Russia's influence in Europe and the West in general is not news to anyone. The Russian special services are very interested in what is happening in the European Union and they are always looking for ways to influence different processes, to break the unity of the European Union. One of the main channels of influence is Russian communities in different European countries. Politicians fighting for these interests are an easy catch for the special services. The links between MEP Tatjana Ždanoka and the FSB, highlighted last week by investigative journalism, are by no means a surprise to me. I would have been surprised if they hadn't. Ždanoka, together with his fellow fighters in this very Parliament, has done everything in his power to promote Russia's national interests both in his home country and in the European Union. Unfortunately, Russian interests in this house are not limited to one person. The people who have shouted Russian national interests out of this same remote control are from both the left and the right. Our task is to stand up for the interests of European citizens, because we are elected by European citizens. It is not in the interests of European citizens to build Putin’s ‘Russian world’ or to re-establish an empire. I very much hope that the case of Ždanoka will help to open our eyes and see more clearly the dangers we face here every day.

Mr President, colleagues, not a day goes by without Russia causing death and pain all across Ukraine. After two years of full-scale war on European soil, Europe has moved very slowly from an ignorant state of mind to a state of alert. I believe it has been a very costly lesson. The Council decision regarding the EUR 50 billion aid package last week was a much- appreciated lifeline for Ukraine, but we need more. It’s merely one sixth of what Ukraine needs in the coming four years. This particular war cannot be won by sending obsolete military equipment to Ukraine, but military technological supremacy – and that costs money. Therefore, Estonia calls for an initiative of 0.25 % of GDP to be allocated for Ukraine, which equals EUR 120 billion military aid annually. Together, we can out-power the aggressor. I have no doubt about it. This is for our own security and for our own way of life. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, I had a discussion with President Zelenskyy last week in Tallinn, and his question was how could Europe keep their promises? One million shells is the promise Europe gave to Ukraine, and we are not able to fulfil that. What are the Commission’s and Council’s steps to achieving this one million rounds up to March? That’s my first question. And second, is it possible to go to the Council meeting and ask all the European Member States to provide 0.25 % of the GDP to support Ukraine in its war against Russian aggression?

Madam President, dear colleagues, Russian aggression against Ukraine began almost 10 years ago. The last 22 months of full-scale war have demonstrated very painfully the lessons about our weaknesses and challenges. One thing is very clear: Europe has enjoyed the privilege of the peace dividend for too long. This has resulted in the serious gaps across the whole spectrum of the armament and ammunition production. The European defence industry is fragmented. We cannot mobilise our resources in order to deliver critical military means to Ukraine or ourselves. More effort needs to be put in the EU’s capacity to stand up and take defence seriously. I do believe that the EU needs a strategic mechanism that would ensure a clear and long-term demand signal for our industry. I hope that EDIP will be that plan. In addition, the EU could mobilise funding for defence infrastructure projects and common goods that are difficult for Member States to develop alone. Needless to say, through EDIP, our SMEs working in the defence sphere should find a good platform to better engage in strengthening our defence industry.

Thank you, Madam Vice President. I'm sorry, but I don't understand how this law came to be in this room. This is unfair to those countries that already have minimal use of plant protection products. In Estonia, plant protection products are used in the amount of 780 grams per hectare, in the Netherlands 8 kilograms, and even if we reduce it by 50, 35 or 10 per cent, it will remain unfair to Estonian farmers and reduce their competitiveness. Our Green Pope and great climate champion Frans Timmermans, a former vice-president, back home in the Netherlands, has also agreed with young farmers in the Netherlands that farmers must be met when using nitrogen fertilisers. Good Greens, good Socialists, look at your examples and please vote against the injustice that is happening in this Chamber!

Mr President, dear colleagues, from the very outset of Russian aggression against neighbouring Ukraine, the EU has posed numerous sanctions on Putin’s regime and Russia’s economic interests. With 11 packages, we have tried to cut Russia from the markets. We have made an effort to stop trading different types of strategic goods with the aggressor. Sanctions have real influence only if they are followed universally. They are part of the larger strategic effort to force Russia out of Ukraine. Unfortunately, there are still too many loopholes and different ways to circumvent the imposed sanctions. It is our task to make sure everyone, and everyone, follows the same line. And I would like to turn to European companies and businesses. Please stop doing business with Russia. It is immoral to do business with the aggressor. Thank you very much. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, the EU needs to clearly define technologies which are of strategic importance to Europe. But ever more importantly, we need to provide EU funding to these technologies. We need to provide these important technologies with the public funding in order not to be left behind compared to the United States or China or others. We also need to protect ourselves from hostile competition from China and avoid repeating the scenario which happened with 5G. With these important strategic technologies, it is it is the forerunners who get to set the direction: we need to be these forerunners. We can only do so much with commands and prohibition. Europe needs more carrot and less stick. Now more than ever, it is of crucial importance to invest into the critical technologies in the field of defence, more specifically in both artificial intelligence and autonomous technologies.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Russian aggression against Ukraine has lasted not for two, but already 10 years. The full-scale attack began 600 days ago. Defenders of Ukraine have heroically confronted the Russian war machine. By defending their homeland, the Ukrainian people defend our values and our way of life that Russia is trying to demolish. Countless Ukrainian lives have been lost in this war. The EU and the West can help Ukraine and its people to defend their home. We must continue providing military support. There is no space for war fatigue. It is important to help Ukraine with reconstruction and reform efforts. It is absolutely vital that we endorse the Ukraine Facility package fast. The Ukraine Facility must become the modern day Marshall Plan for Ukraine. It should help Ukraine to utilise its economic potential. Ukraine is a land of opportunities with an immense industrial and agricultural potential. The international community must pursue the possibility to use the frozen funds of Putin’s Russia for Ukraine’s reconstruction efforts. It is obvious that the Ukraine Facility’s EUR 50 billion is not enough, but it is a good start for a large-scale reconstruction and reform process. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, sorry colleagues, I don’t know how you feel, so I test your patience. European security has never been more fragile since the end of the Second World War. Russia’s full-scale war against Ukraine is a turning point in the history of our continent. There is no other way for Europe than to be prepared, both mentally and physically, to defend its people, economy, our way of life. This requires more adequate funding for defence. In the light of the ongoing war, we have primarily and rightly focused on the heavy iron and ammunition that Ukraine needs to win this war. But there is also another dimension where the EU must deliver: new and critical technologies that are needed for our security and defence. The report we will be voting shortly comes as a reply to the Commission’s roadmap of critical technologies for security and defence. With this report, we stress the need for Europe to become more competitive in the field of new and disruptive technologies and to combine the best knowledge and practices of private sector, academia and government. We also emphasise the importance of close cooperation with like-minded partners globally. SMEs and startups have an important role to play in this innovation. More and better investment tools are needed for the innovation to take place. Finally, we cannot afford more defence with less money. Today, 1% of the MFF dedicated for security and defence is not enough. Dear colleagues, I kindly ask you to support this report with your vote.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, dear colleagues, the tragedy that Russia’s war against Ukraine has brought along, comes in very different forms. We all have witnessed the unspeakable level of violence that Russia has used against the peaceful citizens of Ukraine. In addition to the killings, torture and targeting the civilian population, Russia has used the deportation of Ukrainian children as a tool of ethnic cleansing from the very beginning of this full-scale attack against a neighbouring country. Russian leadership, as well as the regional leaders participating in the forced resettlement schemes, must be held accountable. The arrest warrant issued by the ICC against Putin and his children’s commissioner are just the tip of the iceberg. Everyone responsible should be brought to the justice and the eventual trial against Putin must end up with him convicted of the crime of aggression.

Mr President, over the last days, we have witnessed a strong sense of protest among Georgian people against the so-called foreign agents law. Yes, we do know that the ruling Georgian team decided to pull back this draft of law, but it remains very clear that the intent of this legislative act was to silence opposition and media. The Georgian Government, controlled by the oligarchy Ivanishvili, has turned away from the cause of democracy step by step. Leaders of the opposition have suffered from the repressions by the judicial system controlled by the government. We recently heard accusations made by the Prime Minister Garibashvili against Ukrainian President Zelenskyy for supporting the coup in Georgia. Also accusations were made against this particular house for dragging Georgia into the war with Russia. Of course, these accusations are ridiculous and have no basis whatsoever. But we must continue supporting the democratic processes in Georgia, even if the sitting prime minister does not does not like us and does not like it.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Ukraine has fought bravely against Russia for almost nine years. The full—scale attack that Russia launched in February last year is a clear sign that Putin’s regime goal is to destroy Western way of life. Our task is to help Ukraine as much as they need today. Ukraine needs more weapons and Ukraine needs a plan for recovery. The EU—Ukraine summit must give Ukraine a message of hope. Ukraine belongs to European family. Last but not least, Russian and Belarusian athletes should not compete on the Paris Olympic Games next year. I am collecting your support. Give your signatures to the letter I will send to the President of the European Council.

Mr President, today the union’s Common Security and Defence Policy is very much defined by how we help Ukraine to win the war. Clearly there is much more we need to do or discuss under the banner of the CSDP, but we face the most existential threat to Europe’s security and defence today, and this is Russia. What Ukraine needs to win the war is a question. Ukraine needs weapons and Ukraine needs more weapons. Ukraine needs a plan and a Marshall Plan for Ukraine, if you want. Fighting back Russia and building up Ukraine can take place at the same time. Let’s not let Ukraine sink deeper, that’s my opinion. Chaos and confusion surrounding Leopard 2 tanks must end now. There is no room for cognitive dissonance, Mr Scholz. You must act now. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, dear colleagues, we have met with many friends of Ukraine this week in Strasbourg. They are all very brave people who leave their homeland and fight for their freedom every day. The people of Ukraine are at the forefront of the Western democracy. They are fighting our fight – let’s not forget that. Russia aimed for a short and victorious war 10 months ago when they launched a full—scale attack against Ukraine. They were totally wrong. War against the brave people of Ukraine is not just a walk in the park. Russia, after numerous failures, has chosen the tactics of destroying Ukraine’s energy infrastructure. It is a modern day ‘scorched earth’ tactic because we all depend on energy so much. Russia has destroyed Ukrainian hospitals in cold blood for the start of the ongoing military campaign. We should not be surprised. Remember Grozny. Remember Aleppo. This House must do its utmost to convince our governments that Ukraine needs more weapons and Ukraine needs more support. We cannot afford to wait until the end of the war to start to rebuild Ukraine. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, since 24 February, when Russia launched full-scale war against Ukraine, Aleksander Lukashenko, an illegitimate leader of Belarus, has been an accomplice to Putin and Russian Federation. The Belarusian military bases are being used by Russian Federation to prepare the troops for attacking Ukraine’s cities, villages, Ukraine people. Today, Putin declared martial law in illegally annexed territories of Ukraine. This is yet another example that he’s running out of options. He depends more and more on the handful of cronies he has left, including dictator of Belarus. Though Lukashenko has avoided direct military involvement in this war, his words and actions speak for themselves. He owes Putin his position and has become fully dependent on Russian dictate. And with that, he has basically given up the statehood of Belarus. It is essential that the EU treats Lukashenko regime as a co—conspirator to the crimes against Ukraine people and acts accordingly by introducing even stricter sanctions against the dictator and his regime.