Speeches

Madam President, Commissioner, the current governing coalition has won elections in Slovakia. It happened with the help of fear, but she won them. The winner of the presidential election is Peter Pellegrini. Although he ran a non-transparent campaign and abused fear, he won. That's the reality. But winning in the real world, ladies and gentlemen, not in the press world, not in the online world, means responsibility. Responsibility for the state of our country. It is the responsibility of all citizens to be better off after you have mastered it. 'Cause one day you're gonna make it. Prime Minister Fico can shout, breathe, point his finger around himself. But that's all. Slovak citizens are European citizens. And how they live in a world of rules. If you defend justice and protect only a few of your chosen friends, and justice for all coughs, there are consequences. There is justice for all in Europe. If you take away the possibility for Slovak citizens to have their own informed opinion through free and independent media, there are consequences. Free media is one of the pillars of European society. If you think you can, you can't. Because European society is also a society of rules. And now only Prime Minister Fico and his government are responsible for how these rules are respected. That is why we are here today with colleagues from all Member States. This is not a vengeance from Brussels, but one only: Prime Minister Fico's inability to rule politely and by the rules.

Vice-President, it is often said that we cannot predict the future, that we do not have a crystal ball. However, this is absolutely not the case with Russian propaganda and interference in the democratic processes in our Member States. We knew almost exactly what Russian interference would look like, where our democratic systems would be weak, and we were able to predict which European politicians would serve the Kremlin's narrative. Today, thanks to the investigative work of journalists and intelligence services, we also have specific names. Thanks for that. By spreading propaganda, misinformation or obtaining information from deployed agents, it seeks to weaken the European Union, Russia, and individual Member States, including Slovakia. He's doing it quite effectively. Let me be personal. We see that Russia's interventions have done with European campaigns, what they have done with European campaigns and elections. We saw it in the parliamentary elections. We saw this in the two rounds of the presidential election. The central theme of the Russian disinformation machine is to distort the truth about the war in Ukraine and our allies, about the functioning of democracy, but also to lie about the powers of the Slovak President. This is absolutely unacceptable, and this is not how elections are won. It is crucial that we strengthen our institutions both in Slovakia and in the European Union in this way, so that we are simply able to face what Russia is systematically trying to do, destroying our democratic institutions, destroying our electoral process. This is our main task. Not only now, but also in the future. We have to defend ourselves.

Mr President, independent, with transparent owners, more free. That is exactly what the media in Europe want, and that is exactly what we are voting for at this meeting, for journalists who are courageous, who seek the truth, who do not serve politicians. That is the aim of the European law on media freedom, which I will gladly support tomorrow. Ladies and gentlemen, this is the complete opposite of what the current Slovak government is doing almost every day. The government, which did not understand at all that a strong free media and truth, even if uncomfortable, is the only possible way. Do you know successful countries where what can and cannot be dictated by people like Minister Šimkovičová or Mr Danko? Do you know successful countries where politicians vulgarly swear and lash out against journalists, as the government direction in Slovakia does? You don't know because they don't exist. Everyone in Europe knows that this is not the way to go. We will do our utmost to put Slovakia back on the road to free, independent and quality media. Madam Vice-President, colleagues, and it is from the European level that we must make a significant contribution to this journey.

Madam President, it has been more than two years since the brutal Russian invasion of Ukraine. An invasion that reminds us that our common European values in today's world are not self-evident. The Russian aggressor is deliberately trying to undermine democracy and weaken our security not only by war in Ukraine, but also by foreign interference, spreading disinformation and anti-European propaganda. The Russian war in Ukraine is bringing tragic losses, so we need to act without delay and strengthen the European project. Enlargement is again our political priority and that is good news. It is also a political hope. We must succeed in it in Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and the Western Balkans. Our partners need a clear signal. We must stick together in times of war, but we expect the same from our partners. The stability, security and democratic resilience of both the Western Balkans and the Eastern Partnership and Neighbourhood are inextricably linked to the stability and security of our Union. Enlargement is our historic commitment. It is also an opportunity for a safer European future. We therefore need substantial internal reforms. We have a chance to be stronger and more resilient to the Russian aggressor in the European Union. Let's not waste this geopolitical moment.

Mr President, I would like to address a European audience, but especially a Slovak audience. Please never let us be fooled in Slovakia that our friends in Europe don't care about us and that they don't really know what's going on here. They know it very well. We are closely following developments in the area of the rule of law and all its details from Brussels and Strasbourg. We pay a lot of attention to Slovakia. We care about Slovakia. Today's report shows that justice is not working in a vacuum anywhere in Europe. In order for all citizens to feel that justice is equal for all, we need a functioning system: this includes transparency, a clear fight against corruption, the way we treat non-profit organisations, and the freedom and independence of the media in which critical journalists can operate. I am sorry that we have to lead this fight in Slovakia today. I know that we will eventually win it, even with the help of our European friends. But I'm sorry for the years we've lost to Fico and his cronies. I regret the reputation of Slovakia, which Fico is now systematically destroying. I am sorry for the years we have been able to have and dedicate to development. Ladies and gentlemen, there is one thing I can promise: We will persevere.

Madam President, it is no coincidence that we are meeting here today again because of Russia's punitive actions. If we wanted to, we could dedicate every meeting of ours to the damage that the Kremlin is planning to do. It is clear to all of us that our brave friends in Ukraine could tell the most about this today. Russia is fragmenting our unity and our values in a programmatic and long-term way. Members like Mrs Ždanoka are just pawns who benefit from living in a free and secure Europe. They are useful pawns who, while wanting their beloved Russia for everyone else, do not want to live there on their own. We can only guess why. Russia is no partner in the debate, ladies and gentlemen. What Russia is now doing in Ukraine can very easily be done elsewhere in a few years. For example, in other places along our external borders, if we allow it. Fortunately, most of Europe understands this well and acts accordingly. I therefore find it particularly dangerous if someone works against our common European interests and those of our citizens. Those who irritate public opinion with the prospect of short-term enrichment. I hope we don't overlook them as much as we do now. However, I find it particularly serious if someone undermines European unity on this issue from the highest levels of power. I am sorry that the Slovak government has recently joined them in its work. It is shameful to accept the messengers of the aggressor at the highest levels. It is shameful to question Ukraine's legitimate interests and attitudes. It is shameful that some are doing so in the interests of a country whose goal is to destroy us, our prosperity and our free future. Our only answer must therefore be strengthened resilience, ladies and gentlemen, and resilience is in our unity, a common European unity.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues. Serbia’s public space has been captured by tensions and personal accusations. Let me therefore recap some facts from drawn conclusions of the European Parliament’s observers from 18 December, which I also signed and fully supported. I quote ‘frequent snap elections cause people’s distrust of the state governance and are hindering the implementation of needed EU accession related reforms. The low level of political debate, the pressure on the voters, the emphasis on personal discreditation of opponents, the harsh rhetoric in political life in Serbia remain all very worrying. As observers, we also said on the day of the elections, key procedures for voting and counting for mostly followed. However, we have reported cases of lack of secrecy. We received several reports of mass registration in Belgrade, of voters from abroad and from other municipalities inside Serbia, specifically to enlarge the electorate. We call on the competent authorities to investigate properly and give follow up on all the problematic issues we have referred to’. End of quote. This was set jointly by all the EP observers on 18 December after the elections. Dear colleagues, I stood by these words in December, and I stand by them now. And I do so because I believe that Serbia deserves better. Serbia deserves a European future. People in Serbia deserve a political climate without constant political campaign. People in Serbia deserve true European reforms. People in Serbia deserve a clear choice between Russia and Europe, and a clear choice between confrontation and cooperation. People in Serbia deserve that politicians at last begin to deliver on these choices. I wish Serbia less focus on the tragic past and more energy towards a better future. I wish Serbia all the best in making brave and bright choices for the sake of people in Serbia, and for the sake of Europe.

Madam President, we support the debate, but we would be keen to have a resolution only once the final OSCE/ODIHR report is published on the elections. So if we can have an agreement to have a resolution pending the publication of the OSCE/ODIHR report, this would be an overall agreement. We don’t have a date for the publication of the report, but it is going to be in the coming weeks. It may not be in time for the next plenary session, however, and this is why I’m requesting to have this agreement.

Madam President, "Accustom yourself, it is after the elections." Some of you may remember these words of Mečiar. Such was the spirit of politics in Slovakia in the dark nineties. It wasn't easy, but we didn't get used to it. We have not become accustomed to the dismantling of the rule of law, to the contempt of our European partners, and we have not become accustomed to the fact that you can do anything after the elections. Ladies and gentlemen, Robert Fico has won the election, but he is weaker than ever. He became prime minister of a different country than he had imagined. Slovakia, which has independent courageous media and self-confident citizens who have come out on the squares and told this retro prime minister that times have changed and we will defend our democratic institutions and continue to fight for justice. Our retro prime minister has not noticed that revenge as a political agenda is not enough today. Ladies and gentlemen, he did not notice that he was meant to serve the citizens, not to ensure impunity for his cronies. Colleagues, I call on our European friends, please pay attention to the honest people who, just a few weeks after the new Fico government takes office, show that the fight for justice is not over. We won't be silent. Government power is not absolute. Slovakia is not Robert Fico, but a self-confident European country. Slovakia has already won its battle in the past and will do so again with your help.

Mr President, High Representative, dear colleagues, EU-US relations are ever more important as the world around us has become more adversarial and less rule-based and predictable. Russia’s brutal attack against Ukraine has forged the transatlantic alliance once again. We must stay focused and united to face effectively common threats such as Putin’s Russia and rivals such as communist China. Our security architecture is facing direct and hybrid threats that are targeting the core of our democratic institutions. One way to respond is to reinforce the transatlantic space by new members, just like in the aftermath of the Cold War. Respective enlargements of NATO and the EU have been the source of strength in relations between Brussels and Washington for several decades now. Today, we have a chance and vital responsibility to go further. As enlargement is back on the EU agenda in an unprecedented way, it is also an opportunity for a stronger bond in EU-US relations. In the coming days, months and years we must join our efforts and ensure diligently that Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia and the countries of the Western Balkans become firmly anchored in an enlarged Euro-Atlantic community. There is no better way to respond to Putin than to defeat him by successful EU and NATO enlargements in our eastern and south-eastern neighbourhoods.

Madam President, Vice-Presidents, colleagues, this proposal arrives at an important time as we approach the European elections in a few months and I’m very proud of our work in fighting foreign interference in the INGE and ING2 special committees in the European Parliament. Sadly, we are being proven right almost every day about how important this topic is. I believe that our special committees’ commitment has been instrumental in shaping the discourse around foreign interference, and it is encouraging to see that the Commission also reflected on our discussions and recommendations. While this package reflects a commitment to protecting European democracy from malign interference, there is room for further action. No matter how well designed a communication from the Commission, its success ultimately depends on how seriously politicians in Member States take it. We must do more on both national and European level, and we must constantly respond to the threats. I also want to highlight the important role of investigative journalists who uncover cases of foreign interference. These contributions are essential in raising awareness and understanding of foreign interference, and we as politicians must do our part in spreading the awareness. The defence of democracy is a good start, but I am in favour of stronger instruments in the future. I see this as a good kick-off, but it must evolve and strengthen over time for the sake of a more vigilant and truly resilient democracy in Europe. After all – and this is the bottom line – defence of democracy is a core business of not just this House, but of all public institutions in Europe.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, colleagues, today, we are here to discuss a matter of importance to our democracy – the blatant misuse of Pegasus and equivalent surveillance spyware. This issue is not just about privacy breaches; it strikes at the core of our democratic principles and the rule of law. The European Parliament has taken significant steps drafting the most comprehensive piece of text to date, demonstrating our commitment to addressing this acute problem. However, the urgency of the situation demands more than recognition, Commissioner, it requires credible and consequential action. Too many people have been attacked by undue use of spyware across our Union, and their number is only rising. Therefore, we call on the Commission to respond directly and comprehensively to our recommendations. By acting now, we are not only addressing a present problem, but we are preventing a potential future crisis. As technology evolves, so do threats to our democratic systems. We must be prepared both in terms of policy and technology, to defend our institutions. And yes, this is about the upcoming European elections too. And we saw this already back in 2019 in the case of Poland. In an era where information can be a powerful tool, the misuse of spyware could influence electoral campaigns or serve as an unfair advantage to those who do not feel bound by our common values or laws. This is a matter of Europe’s democratic foundations.

Mr President, colleagues, the Copenhagen criteria set the rules to transform Europe after the Cold War and define the foundation for any future enlargement. The ‘big bang’ enlargement of 2004 was successful precisely because of these criteria from 1993. Thanks to their power to change former communist countries into democratic regimes, we are all much stronger and resilient across an enlarged European Union. Today, the Copenhagen criteria are as relevant as ever. After Russia’s brutal aggression against Ukraine, there is a strong political will across Europe to enlarge further in our east neighbourhood and in the Western Balkans. Yet, just like in the past, there can be no shortcuts for the accession countries. They do have to adapt to the EU’s democratic and rule of law principles. And, at the same time, we in the EU must reform ourselves in order to prepare for new Member States. The next enlargement can succeed if we all again rediscover the meaning, the power and the benefits of the Copenhagen criteria. Dear colleagues, enlargement takes hard work, but it pays off.

Madam President, I sometimes come across the question of why we deal so much with journalists and journalistic work in our work. The answer is quite simple – because the freedom of journalistic work is a mirror of society. When journalists feel threatened, feel unfree and are the target of constant attacks, it always says more about society than just the press and the media. This is always a symptom of the deeper problem of the rule of law crisis, corruption, impunity. Citizens in countries like Malta, but also Slovakia, know very well what I am talking about, what terrible consequences this can have. Six years after the horrific event in Malta, I want to reassure you that we have not lost sight of our efforts. If some politicians think that just waiting to find proxy topics is enough, then colleagues are not enough. Corruption and impunity will not magically disappear. From this place, we have talked about journalists, we are talking and we will talk. I also want to reassure everyone that the fight against corruption and for a functioning rule of law are in our absolute interest. Let me quote the words of Paul, one of Daphne Caruana Galizia's sons:  “My mother taught me, Matthew and my second brother Andrew to read, to think and to speak freely, to be interested. To be interested in each other, in our friends, in our family (...).” I want to assure all citizens in Malta, and not only in Malta, that we do not forget that we are interested in what is happening in Malta, we know very well and precisely what is happening, and above all we will always speak out in the name of justice. We care!

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, Russia’s brutal aggression against Ukraine has put enlargement of the European Union among our top priorities once again, and Montenegro has been the natural frontrunner for EU accession in the Western Balkans. So today, more than ever, politicians in Podgorica have an historic opportunity to move forward decisively on the European path. I would like to thank the rapporteur for a well-balanced report and for an excellent cooperation over the past four years. The report underlines the key tasks ahead: to continue the support to Ukraine, to deliver on rule of law reforms, as well as electoral changes, to fight corruption and organised crime, to safeguard free and independent media, to protect minorities and women’s rights. As we are all eagerly waiting for the full-fledged establishment of new democratic institutions based on Montenegro’s latest parliamentary elections, the winner, Europe Now, has a one-time opportunity to turn its name into a reality. However, in order to do so, a new government must be unquestionably pro-European. Dear colleagues anti-EU, anti-NATO, pro-Russian and revisionist political forces in decisive positions of power and influence could bury their long-term hopes for Europe, shared by an overwhelming majority of Montenegro’s citizens, for many years to come. Anti-Western politicians could never bring Montenegro closer to the European Union. This is why I want to call on all truly pro-European politicians to act responsibly and in the interests of the people of Montenegro. Please keep your country on the EU path. Only if you do so can we engage and deliver on EU membership for Montenegro in the very near future.

Commissioner, I will start in person. I spent the formative years of my life in the United States. I respect this country and have great respect for the values of freedom and democracy. But if we really don't need to bring something from America into our European way of life, it's an unprecedented proliferation of anti-LGBTI laws. It is time to ask what and who is served by politics, whose purpose is to invent, how to annoy and make life difficult for innocent people. It is not for the European legislators to intervene in education. However, it is our duty to speak up if the position of the weaker is abused. If people are attacked even with the help of bad laws. Laws against the LGBTI+ community go hand in hand with hate attacks against these people. Ladies and gentlemen, in a few days, it will be one year since the terrorist attack in Bratislava, in which Juraj and Matúš, two innocent people, died in Teplárňa. Let us not allow LGBTI+ people to be the cheap target of political attacks and degrading laws, because they can pay for it with their own lives. Let me quote a pre-election resolution: “We reject (rewriting history and) forcibly pushing liberal and progressive ideology into the school curriculum.” Ladies and gentlemen, this is a literal quote from the programme of the winner of the Slovak parliamentary elections. Therefore, I ask colleagues who are so fond of pointing out the problems of others to look into their own ranks. In a case like Fico's Smer, this is a really ugly sight for European socialists today.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, in Banjska, people were killed and the situation on the ground is escalating alarmingly. We had not seen this kind of violence on the ground over the past decade. We do need a proper investigation. We need a delivery of justice. And this is why also both sides have an enormous responsibility that we all get back to dialogue as soon as possible. If I look at the broader picture in the dialogue, let me say very clearly that with the arrival of Albin Kurti to power, the dialogue has been stalling, unfortunately, and not moving in the direction of finding a solution for practical issues such as the Association of Serbian Municipalities or new credible elections in northern Kosovo. And I’m saying this as someone who is very openly and repeatedly critical of the Serbian side on many issues, including the most recent escalation. Yes, we need the uncovering of what really happened on 24 September, and the ball here is very much in the hands of Belgrade. We need facts, hard facts, full facts, not heightened emotional pronouncements by the media and political leaders. When it comes to proper and credible investigation we need this for the sake of a meaningful future dialogue. We do not need a heightened race of who is to blame, nor a superficial game of earning immediate sympathies from abroad. Destabilising the Western Balkans only benefits Putin’s Russia. And as enlargement is back on our agenda, we expect the same commitment from our partners in the region. So, dear colleagues, no compromises can be reached with violence and no results can be achieved by force. The only solution to a peaceful dialogue is a commitment to return to the negotiating table.

Vice-President, the European Media Freedom Act is excellent news for both the media and democracy. In Slovakia, and especially since the beginning of the Russian aggression in Ukraine, we have been facing foreign interference from the Russian Federation for many years. It spreads its influence through disinformation, fake news and various punitive websites. The big political players are helping her, and please don't close your eyes to this. I am also talking about Fico's Direction, who won the parliamentary elections in Slovakia on Saturday. That is why we need a strong, healthy, quality media environment. We need to constantly and persistently protect the independence of the media and journalists so that they have more freedom in their work and are able to bring verified and quality information. For democracy not only in Slovakia, but everywhere in Europe and the world, this is a necessary condition. We need journalists to be able to focus on their work and not deal with the consequences of their work on themselves and their loved ones. I am delighted that this media freedom law is a modern law that reflects how incredibly changed the media landscape has been in recent decades. That the players in the media market are also large online platforms. They can't pretend to have nothing to do with the media environment. They have it, they shape it, and we have to respond to this reality. With influence comes responsibility. Journalists and a healthy information environment are our wealth. And one of the prerequisites for a viable democracy, as many colleagues have said. We know what aggressive attacks on journalists are leading to. We know what companies look like where fair and objective information is at risk. Let us always remember Ján Kuciak and Daphne Caruana Galizia. I believe that the new European legislation will strengthen free and quality media.

Madam President, this debate is important. However, the title, as suggested, is not appropriate. As many of us followed a recent election campaign in central Europe, which culminated in elections this weekend, we must be aware that the problem of anti-LGBTIQ propaganda is a problem which concerns also political forces on the left side of this House. This is why the EPP Group would request that the ‘far right’ adjective is deleted. Otherwise, we are happy to support the proposal.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, let us be clear: Putin created and perpetrates all problems related to Ukrainian grain exports. This is why the Commission must lead a united European answer to the problem of Ukrainian grain exports. This is not only desirable but also possible. How? First, by ensuring uninterrupted transport of grain via train from Ukraine to designated seaports in the EU, and second, by guaranteeing fair payments to Ukrainian exporters and to providers of train, transport and transit across the EU. We must stand on the side of Ukraine. At the same time, we must protect fair market conditions in all EU Member States. A European solution will show Putin our resolve to stand by Ukraine and protect the exposed parts of the EU market from speculators and excessive negative consequences. Dear Commissioner, you can still find a suitable and sustainable European way forward before the 15 September. We all count on your resolve to guard the common European interests.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, dear colleagues, I have listened carefully to the debate and I am ever more convinced that we not only have a very good report, but we must push with the measures which we propose. We need to preserve the public trust in our institution. This is one of the biggest things we need to do as a follow-up to Qatargate and, even more importantly, in very tangible ways, we have to make this institution future-proof. I agree, there is no perfect answer, but we must enhance security culture in this House, we must be much more aware of the threats that we are facing from various malign actors, as we have seen. And, as I said, and I will repeat it. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has been a wake-up call, has been a game-changer, and we have to react. We need to have a more resilient institution built up to face meaningfully foreign interference and malign actors. It’s the minimum we have to do. And I am confident that, with the report which we are proposing, we are taking steps in the right direction. It is balanced and we can have an open Parliament but a safe Parliament at the same time. We can preserve the freedom of our mandate but also have meaningful rules. And we have to defend ourselves, not just from malign influences from beyond our borders but also from within this House, within this House. Let me just say that it’s been an enormous pleasure to work in this ING 2 Committee. It’s been three years of really great cooperation and no committee, no committee in this House has done more substantial work on malign foreign interference to this day than this committee. And I think that tomorrow’s vote should be also a new beginning for how we move forward and how we permanently deal with these issues inside this House for the rest of our mandate but, especially, beyond in the next legislature. Thank you very much and have a good evening.

Madam President, the circumstances that led to this report were not exactly the happiest. We all remember the events a few months ago and the serious suspicions of corruption by some Members that hit our Parliament. Third countries were very likely buying the opinions of a few of our colleagues. Let me first make a small comment on the sidelines. I am convinced that this is only a minimum of our colleagues who are dishonest and cannot resist the attractions that do not belong to them. I am proud of the absolute majority of Members who do their work honestly, honestly and with good intentions. A sign of any healthy institution and healthy environment is that it can cope with the existing problem. Qatargate was therefore also an opportunity to make our Parliament a more open and secure place. I think it is also clear from the text before you that we have decided to take full advantage of this opportunity. We will soon forget about Qatargate. But what we know, and we know it particularly painfully since February 2022, and thus the Russian aggression against our neighbour and the future member of the European Union Ukraine, our enemies will stop at nothing. We have to work with this awareness and behave accordingly. The period of innocence, when much was tolerated, is, I believe, behind us. What does the protection of institutions really mean? The answer is simple. This means ensuring that Members make decisions on their own conscience, that Parliament is more open and accessible to our citizens, that our citizens make informed choices about their representatives, that our elections and electoral processes are safe and as informed as possible. What are we gonna do about it? We will be more vigilant in the security clearance of our officials. This means that if they work with sensitive materials, such as information from Ukraine, we will know that this information is in secure hands. We will work better with service providers. It must not happen that we pay for camera systems or for the vigilance of someone whose interests are not completely clear and unambiguous. We need a comprehensive control of all technologies used in the institution and the absolute exclusion of service providers from autocratic states. We simply will not pay those who are suspected of threatening us. Ladies and gentlemen, Parliament needs clear rules if it sends Members to represent abroad. Official missions must have clearer rules. Any Member who wishes to speak can do so, but if they are to represent our institution, be both its face and its voice, they can only do so in accordance with our agreed positions. If a Member agrees to have a third country or some other interest group pay him/her a foreign trip, all right, but it must be done openly, without obscuring, and the voter should take the picture himself/herself. There are many more measures in our report. I'll be happy if you read it, but I'll be just as happy if we all take the essentials from it, and that's that if we make mistakes, we have to learn from them. Corruption has no place in a free democratic society and our institutions need to respond to the security environment in which we find ourselves. Yes, we have a war here, and after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, we too must change the way we operate here. I will also be happy if the Member States are also inspired. It is important that our institutions fully adapt to the environment in which we operate. Finally, I would really like to thank everyone, and especially Madam Loiseau, for the excellent cooperation, and also the chairman of our committee, Raphaël Glucksmann, but all those who have worked on this report. I think we are bringing the right, healthy, solid and realistic institutional solution, and I am really pleased that in this committee we have been working beyond our political identities and it has been a matter for all of us, and I believe that tomorrow we will get the support of an overwhelming majority in this House.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, it was a privilege to work on this report, which I believe is already becoming an important reference document when it comes to dealing with gross misuse of spyware. We must strike a healthy balance between security, on the one hand, and protection of fundamental rights, on the other hand. Sophisticated spyware industry is a relatively new phenomenon, and Europe must adapt to it. We need clear rules and safeguards to protect our citizens, journalists, politicians and activists. We also must be aware that this technology can help us fight serious crime and enhance our safety. We cannot simply stop technological progress. Instead, we must keep up and deal with technological vulnerabilities and expose those who do not play fair. We need clear rules for legitimate use of spyware, and we have to improve fundamentally our existing checks and balances and judicial practice in line with new technology. This is the main conclusion of our recommendation. And when it comes to the misuse of spyware, colleagues, the rule of law and legitimate use of modern technology must always go hand in hand. We must, for instance, learn real lessons from the last elections in Poland, and ensure free and fair campaign without misuse of invasive spyware this year. We must stand by all victims of misuse of spyware in Europe, especially in countries with weakening democratic institutions and lacking checks and balances. And Mr Commissioner, we count on the Commission to really work with us on this.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, colleagues, I think we need a realistic discussion on the establishment of the ethics body. It does need to respect certain principles, such as the separation of powers between the institutions. It has to provide relevant recommendations for our work. It must respect the freedom of the mandate of the Members of this House. I think this is a good starting point. We do not need a new police force, nor an ultimate authority of truth here. We need an ethics body which is going to help us guard the EU institutions against undue influence, against foreign interference and against any attempts to spread corrupt practices in this House. I believe that integrity can only go hand-in-hand with greater threat awareness and reinforced security culture, and this applies also to our House. The ethics body can only make sense when we focus on further prevention from undue foreign influence in this House, including through side jobs or jobs taken up with third parties which might want to interfere with the democratic work of the EU institutions. I see the ethics body as an important part of a larger puzzle. It is not a stand-alone exercise, but rather a complementary aspect to further reinforcement of security culture in this House, which should help us fight against interference in our democracy. And this is the way we ought to discuss it beyond today’s debate.

Madam President, since Russia insidiously attacked our neighbour militarily, I believe a little more that no one in court will allow threats from malicious countries to be underestimated. I'm just sorry it had to get this far in order for us to fully grasp it. The threat from third countries from afar is not only a military threat, but also a long-term, silent but focused action designed to undermine our society, our people and our institutions. We must therefore react quickly and thoughtfully, not underestimate the threats and draw on the fact that we are a strong European community. I am pleased that today we are approving the report under the guidance of the rapporteur, my colleague Sandry Kalniete, and I believe that the European Commission will soon come up with further steps to defend democracy. We need them as salt. Platforms where our citizens learn and read news must respect our European rules now. What is happening, unfortunately, in some states must not happen, that we have a literally over-conspirated environment and citizens do not know what is and what is not true. If we underestimate this, ladies and gentlemen, we can be very unhappy, because such an environment full of lies has consequences for the results of elections and, yes, also for European decisions. We need to ensure free and fair elections. Already in the coming months, in several countries, including Slovakia, and in a year's time, European citizens will go to the polls across the European Union. They have to go there informed and not confused, with lies and misinformation. However, elections, ladies and gentlemen, are not only decided on election day. Above all, the democratic and free environment in which they take place, including the campaign, is important. The Member States and the European institutions must inspire each other so that our democracy is both open and resilient to those who want nothing more than to undermine it. My questions to the Commission, Vice-President, are very short today. When will the planned proposals be part of everyday life? How can we help democracy today?