Speeches

Mr President, dear colleagues, this Parliament stood in solidarity with the people of Serbia following the mass shootings in Belgrade and Mladenovac on Monday. This is why I propose to move the following amendment after paragraph 36. Paragraph 36a reads as follows ‘Condemns in the strongest possible terms the acts of mass shooting in Serbia in May 2023; stands in mourning and in solidarity with the families of victims and the people of Serbia; calls for thorough investigation of all killings and a full delivery of justice.’

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you for your kind words and dear colleagues for this rich exchange of views. Let me just say that European Union enlargement is a political process. It’s a political choice, and Serbia has now made a choice. And we praising that choice also in this report. The choice is very clear. Serbia wants to join the European Union. It is Serbia’s choice. It is the choice that Serbian political leadership has committed itself to. It is the choice that people in Serbia do want to pursue. I think we are here to encourage that choice and I hope we can work together in these difficult times to make sure that there is progress on the way. Let me make a couple of points which reflect also on the discussion, but also on what I see as key variables when it comes to making that choice happen. One is the reconciliation with the past. And I say this is somebody who has been intimately engaged in Serbia with Serbian politics for the past four years. As long as the wars of the 1990s remain the defining point for Serbian politics, I do believe that that European choice of Serbia and by Serbia is going to suffer. I think reconciliation in that sense is key to moving forward. I also hope that Serbia can catch the new geopolitical train, the geopolitical train defined by Russia’s brutal aggression. It has changed Europe, it has changed enlargement, it has changed political dynamics. I hope that Serbia can adjust to this fully. It cannot afford to miss another train, and we are here to support that process, which is not easy. The process of important political choices that are very much in line with Serbia’s own choice to join the European Union. Dear colleagues, we stand with Serbia, with the people of Serbia in these difficult moments, and I very much look forward to your support for this report in tomorrow’s vote. I very much look forward to bringing this report to the people of Serbia, to the political discussion in Serbia. I know it’s not going to be easy, but I am always ready to engage and to discuss any points because I think that is the only way. I hope we can continue this dialogue in this House and also with our partners in Serbia.

Madam President, Commissioner, dear colleagues, let me start by expressing my deep condolences to all the families, but also the people of Serbia, for the terrible events which took place last week in Belgrade and Mladenovac: the mass shootings. These tragic events are really something which moved not just the people in Serbia, in the region, but also here in the European Parliament. Let me assure everyone in Serbia that just like the Members of this House stood with the people of Serbia yesterday, they will also continue to stand with the people of Serbia in these difficult times. When we look back at 2022 and we look at the report, it was a very complex year. It was a very complex year for Europe; it was a very complex year for Serbia as well. Let me start with the internal developments and the key findings there. My report does welcome the adoption of measures on improving the electoral conditions ahead of the April 2022 elections, as a result also of the inter-party dialogue, which was co-facilitated by the European Parliament, and the overall conduct of elections. Especially let me underline the return of the opposition to the Serbian National Assembly. I think politically this was an important moment in terms of last year, but also when we look back at the past few years. This is important for Serbia, Serbian democracy and Serbian politics. I do look forward to continuing now the conduct of the parliamentary dialogue process with the Serbian Parliament already in June this year when we plan to meet in Belgrade. The report also notes certain improvements on Serbia’s path into the European Union. But let me say fundamental decisions are needed for fundamental progress. This is the basic message of the report. These concern the area of domestic reforms, particularly when it comes to rule of law, the strengthening of the judiciary, fight against organised crime and corruption, and strengthening of the independent media environment. Indeed, we spend a lot of time discussing this issue in our report and we will continue to pay full attention to this point. It is also essential that the dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina not only continues, but also brings results. Here I should like to underline that we have to be engaged, but we also have to be engaged in an equidistant manner. In this sense, I know there are some amendments which have come to this plenary. I do regret to say that some of these amendments, unfortunately, are not as equidistant as they should be. It is the responsibility of both Belgrade and Pristina to make sure that the normalisation of relations moves forward. What has been the biggest game changer, however, in terms of last year, is Russia’s brutal attack against Ukraine. The basic message of the report is that Serbia must align with the European Union: align its positions but also align with the restrictive measures. Last year was a game changer for enlargement. We had three additional candidate countries open up accession talks with two countries, and I hope Serbia and our partners in Serbia can seize the opportunity. It should be seen as an opportunity. There is a new momentum when it comes to enlargement, and we want Serbia to stand with us, to work with us, to align with us, and to move ahead on its European path. Let me say, at the end, it has been an honour to serve as the standing rapporteur of this House on Serbia. This is my last report in this term. I want to thank all the shadows. It has been an intense but, in the end, good cooperation. I very much look forward to this exchange of views.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, almost 20 years ago the Georgians took to the streets in their peaceful revolution and inspired colour revolutions in other countries. But some 15 years ago, Russia attacked Georgia and today Moscow illegally occupies 20% of Georgian territory. The people of Georgia are tough fighters for freedom and democracy. They have spoken repeatedly in elections, in the streets, about their democratic and European ambitions. As we stand by them today, it is high time that the leaders of Georgia also stand by their own people. Georgia applied for EU membership just 10 days after Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine. Georgians know all too well what the Russian attack and Russian propaganda and disinformation look like. We support all brave people of Georgia who are ready to fight for Europe and against the Russian meddling. The people of Georgia have proved worthy of EU candidate status years ago. It is long overdue that their leaders follow suit.

Madam President, we have a holiday of love today, but for many women, a partnership is not romantic, it is a struggle for life or physical and mental health. Only in recent months have they lost their lives in Slovakia as a result of the partnership and violence of women in Krompachy, Plevník, Drienov, Zákamenné, Veľký Biel. A 66-year-old man in Galanta drowned his three-year-old wife just a day after his three-year probation for her abuse ended. Ladies and gentlemen, violence against women affects all of us, both women and men. I am glad that in Slovakia we systematically deal with the financing of safe women's homes, we are building intervention centres that cooperate with the police and offer comprehensive assistance. But we need to do more. We need the Istanbul Convention because it acts as a precaution against prejudice to make women less vulnerable. The refusal to ratify is linked to spooking and disinformation campaigns. Wherever the Convention applies, women are better protected. Women also deserve better protection. This is also thanks to the European Convention on the Prevention of Violence against Women.

Madam President, the insurrection of 6 January 2021 in the US two years ago, the attacks in Brazil, the uncovered plot against the democratic order in Germany, but also the homophobic terrorist murders in my home country Slovakia last autumn – they all share some common traits. While none of these plans and brutal killings would have happened unless there were real people willing to attack our democratic institutions, the actions of these extremists were set in motion with the immense help of the online space, as hateful behaviour and violent radicalisation thrive in an ever more dangerous way. There are many open and even more hidden dark spaces of the global internet, where calls to murder and attacks on democracy are not only tolerated, but nurtured and spread further. Here, especially, young men and disillusioned adults find both an outlet and a foundation for horrendous ideas and terrible public acts. As we are learning lessons from the latest wave of extremism, some recipes for safeguarding democracy are already clear. First, seemingly simple disinformation can get amplified by a small number of politicians who have no respect for truth and democracy. I am pleased that the European Union is setting regulatory boundaries to social media giants. However, colleagues, we must do a lot more to fight against the spread of disinformation, and stop malign interference in European democracy from abroad, especially from actors such as Russia, always ready to exploit our weaknesses. Second, we need strong and accountable security services that are technologically equipped to help prevent actions by extremists. Let us recall, even the most recent attack on democracy in Germany was prevented thanks to the work of democratic intelligence services. In short, whether it is lone wolves or an organised insurgency, attacks by extremists against the European way of life remind us, ever more urgently, that democracy in Europe needs robust security as much as robust security needs strong democratic institutions.

Mr President, I wish to thank both David McAllister and Tom Vandenkendelaere for their timely and poignant reports. Dear colleagues, the EU’s power in foreign and security policy is also mirrored through our capacity to attract other countries to sign up to what the EU stands for. A good example of a successful foreign policy would be our ability to consolidate and accelerate the EU’s enlargement, based on shared values and respect for the EU’s fundamental principles. 2022 was, and I mean this with all seriousness, a historic year for EU enlargement. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has finally been a wake-up call. Candidate status for Ukraine and Moldova is a game—changer in our foreign policy and our partners are clear on where they see themselves in the future, and it is not in Russia’s aggressive and authoritarian universe. Candidate countries with clear European positions and values should be admitted to the European Union, and after 24 February, we all have to see the geostrategic benefit of an enlarged and unified Union. Dear colleagues, this House must stand by enlargement and our closest partners.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, this House has found itself at the centre of attention for all the wrong reasons. I’ve been most disappointed with some of our colleagues and even more upset that unacceptable illegal wrongdoings of individual Members of the European Parliament have already taken away the much needed political energy and public attention from issues that truly matter for Europe and Europeans, such as our commitment, support and unwavering dedication to the just fight of Ukraine and its brave people against the Russian aggressors. It is now our duty, dear colleagues, to come clean and to dispel the recent public doubts about European policymakers. Let me look ahead in a more encouraging way on all of this. Very frankly, I have never witnessed a situation where the institution itself is willing so openly and so strongly to address its own problems. This is the time when we must be straight, clear and absolutely honest. We do need direct naming and shaming. We do need true political responsibility. We do need full openness towards our citizens and to be credible on fundamentals. We do need to talk about the hypocrisy of some of our colleagues. It indeed speaks plenty that those members of this House who seem the loudest in defence of human rights, always eager to be critical of their colleagues, have now found themselves in the middle of this corruption scandal. I am convinced that the European Parliament is prepared to deal with the problem that we are facing and to address the failures of individual rotten apples in this House. Indeed, we have already been addressing this issue of malign foreign interference for more than two years in the Special Committee on Foreign Interference in our Democracy, and we have been working and will continue to work on lessons from foreign capture of our institutions with experts, journalists, policymakers and our own services. Dear colleagues, I am confident that we must and we will come out of the situation stronger and true to European principles.

We are all aware of how important work we started a few years ago in the Special Committee on Foreign Interference in Democratic Processes, including Disinformation. The greed of several of our colleagues, literally live, shows that democracy and democratic decision-making is an effort that never ends. There is no break in democracy. We are facing attacks on democracy both internally and externally. I am not here to despair. I stand here to underline that the fight for clean, fair, democratic decision-making is the only way, even if obstacles sometimes arise. However, we will tackle the obstacles as Europeans, face them and together we will find a way to better resist threats. In this House, we show that we know and want to fight against unfair influences. However, let me say what I consider to be the most important. Where is our attention really going? I am not afraid that the European Parliament will not deal with corruption. However, none of what we are dealing with these days can bear a comparison with what the brave people of Ukraine have been experiencing for almost a year. Absolutely nothing. Let us remember that Russian aggression is not only directed against Ukraine. It is targeting our people, the people of our close neighbourhood, but also our Parliament. I therefore want to call on the European Commission, Commissioner, to proceed as quickly as possible in preparing measures to strengthen our democratic resilience. Autocratic foreign interference did not appear in our work yesterday. Let us not hope that it will disappear. On the contrary, it will become increasingly thoughtful, perfidious and dangerous. The European institutions and our citizens must be prepared for this reality.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, the past days have been difficult times for our House. I am convinced, however, that the best remedy to European problems is a clear, strong and unified European answer. Whether it concerns a massive corruption scandal, or Russia’s attack against Ukraine, European unity is what keeps our continent going forward. The European Union has lived through many political crises in the past decade – financial and debt crises, security crises, migration crises, Brexit, the pandemic and Russia’s war of aggression. The common denominator of our successful answers to this crisis has been our unity. Unity in purchasing vaccines, adopting sanctions on Russia, fully standing behind Ukraine and protecting our fundamental freedoms and the rule of law. This House, too, is strongest when united across party lines. Yes, this means that European unity is fiercely fought over and, at times, comes through after complicated negotiations and public disagreements. The ultimate goal of political leaders, those from Member States, from the European institutions and from this House, must be, however, to find common ground and remain united, especially in times of war and crisis. National vetoes have to be the absolute nuclear option, not a tactical weapon, and they should not undermine the common European interests of the rest of the Union. I find vetoes that weaken us in times of war and that question our fundamental freedoms counterproductive and dangerous. Dear colleagues, indeed unity is what keeps our Union capable, powerful and attractive, and unity based on common European interest is the only meaningful answer to the EU’s Schengen enlargement and to Europe’s resolute support for Ukraine’s European future.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, EU enlargement has been one of the most successful policies of the Union. It has transformed the continent, established democracies, modernised economies, and united us in diversity. As we face Russia’s attack against Ukraine, the EU must focus on its foundations. European enlargement must be based on shared goals and principles, respect for the fundamental rights of individuals and the rule of law for all. European values have real political meaning. All of us inside the European Union, must once again become serious about enlargement. Our commitment to a European future for Ukraine and Moldova must transform our internal discussion about a wider Europe. We must do all it takes to help Ukraine win its just war, and even more importantly, to win a lasting and prosperous peace based on European policies and institutions. We must equally deliver on our long-term commitment to the Western Balkans. We expect our partners in the region to stand with us, not to bypass us. We expect true reforms, not lip service paid to Europe. But this is also our task. As Russia continues to pursue its hybrid warfare across the Western Balkans, we, as Europeans, must be politically clear. We will do what it takes to make Europe prevail in this region, to make democracy trump authoritarianism, to bring a European way of life to all people of the Western Balkans. It’s time to believe that enlargement can become one of our greatest achievements again, dear colleagues.

Mr President, dear Vice-Presidents of the Commission, dear colleagues, I’m very happy to welcome another Member State to the Schengen zone. I wholeheartedly support Croatia’s Schengen accession. By widening the space for our principles and rules, we all become safer and stronger. As we fully support Croatia’s place inside the Schengen zone, we also stand behind the Schengen accessions for Romania and Bulgaria. Citizens of all countries that have fulfilled the criteria should enjoy the benefits of Schengen. Schengen is Europe. If we weaken Schengen, we weaken Europe. It is as simple as that. Free movement of people is the cornerstone of our values and we must stand up for it as Schengen is facing internal threats through temporary border checks and huge external pressures. We must invest together in a better protection of the Schengen external border, support Frontex and insist that our accession partners in the Western Balkans work with us by harmonising their respective visa policies. I am very pleased, dear colleagues, that all European citizens in Croatia will soon be able to enjoy the full benefits of the free movement of people. Let us together make the Schengen enlargement a truly lasting achievement.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, Russia's illegal, brutal aggression against Ukraine is profoundly reshaping the EU's enlargement policy because Russia's war is also a war against EU enlargement. Let's be clear about this. Russia is waging war directly against Ukraine, an EU candidate state, and Russia is at war with European democracy, values and freedoms and consequently fights on one of our most successful policies – enlargement – via continuous disruption and malign interference for a number of years, including in the Western Balkans. Our partners in the region have lived through the tragedy and destruction of the 1990s. No one in Europe knows better what war on our continent means. I greatly appreciate all those voices in the Western Balkans which have shown that there is no room for relativising the return of war to our continent. Clear alignment on common foreign and security policy is clear alignment to our values. It is the essence of showing commitment to moving forward on the EU accession path. Coupled with progress on the rule of law and fundamentals and resolution of past conflicts through dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, foreign policy alignment demonstrates that the Western Balkans want to be a part of our community of values. Let me say a couple of remarks on two countries I deal with. Montenegro remains qualitatively the frontrunner in the accession process, but it is going through a big crisis. It has to resolve the institutional crisis and it needs a fresh political start. Serbia is the one exception in the region, and as a friend of Europe and Serbia, I want Serbia to work with us, to stand with us. And I really hope that Serbia will do so and work with us on turning the Western Balkans into European Western Balkans.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, as Russia wages its brutal aggression against Ukraine, one of the starkest images of the war is the plight of Ukrainian citizens running with few belongings either across their country to safety or to neighbouring countries. As Russia’s destruction of civilian objects and infrastructure continues indiscriminately, these chilling images are among the most profound. Ukrainians today are the faces of refugees in Europe. I would like to thank all the European citizens that have shown solidarity with Ukraine and refugees. European countries are sharing a disproportionate burden. Some are transition countries; some are becoming new homes to thousands of Ukrainians. To all those who actively volunteered to open the doors of their homes, share their meals, a big thank you. Europeans have welcomed Ukrainians with open arms. Long before Russia’s war on Ukraine, Russia and Belarus used migration as a political tool to rattle European solidarity. Putin’s regime’s cold calculation is that Europe will not be able to manage Ukraine’s refugees and will give in to fierce migration bickering between Member States. Well, let’s be clear. We must prove Putin wrong. To Putin, we say, get out of Ukraine. Stop terrorising its population. Stop making people leave their homes, their jobs, their friends and families. We will never succumb to your methods. Europe will remain in solidarity with Ukrainian refugees, and Europe will find a way to manage migration in a unified way. I’m convinced.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, when you ask the citizens of Slovakia what they see as the biggest benefit of the European project, Schengen has for years topped the list of their answers. Schengen is Europe. If we weaken, undermine or dismantle Schengen, we weaken, undermine and ultimately destroy Europe. Free movement of people inside the European area is the cornerstone of our values. We must cherish it and stand up for it, especially when Schengen faces existential threats. Unfortunately, temporary border controls between Member States of the Schengen Area have become a new norm. They complicate travel, work and freedom for many central Europeans. Any Member State should use internal border checks only in exceptional circumstances and as foreseen by the Treaties. Dear colleagues, as the recent ruling by the European Court of Justice tells us, we as European lawmakers must insist on the principle of rule of law and its due application. Member States must work on the basis of common rules. There is only one Schengen and there are no bilateral solutions, only joint European solutions, to safeguard it. We must invest together in a more effective protection of the Schengen external border, give more power and resources to Frontex and insist that our accession partners in the Western Balkans are serious and work with us by harmonising their respective visa policies with the EU. Schengen is European freedom that we must protect and spread.

Mr President, the sadness we feel after a cold-blooded fanatic took the life of two young people will last a very long time. Matthew and George, we will never forget. Today I want to remind you that we have one recipe for hatred that is immediate and effective. Our words have great power. People in the public space, please be very careful about how we talk to LGBTIQ+ people, what messages we send them in politics. Each of us not only can, but above all must be a dam against ridicule, hurtful allusions and vile hatred. Let us rebel against indecent words and stand up for the people that others are attacking. As politicians, we also need to come up with measures that make our LGBTIQ+ fellow citizens, neighbours and friends' lives easier and truly equal their daily functioning. We have a long-term debt to them, which it is time to repay, especially in countries such as Slovakia. Ladies and gentlemen, I believe we have it.

Mr President, Mr Vice—President, Minister, colleagues, Russia deliberately sparks the worst in us and amplifies it for political gain. It weaponises our differences, undermines free discourse and seeks to destroy our democracy. While we still do have physical borders, with the rise of social platforms and hostile domestic actors readily willing to spread foreign state propaganda from both extreme left and extreme right, European information space is more exposed than ever. Fabricated lies and political propaganda that we tolerated for years, and that have eaten away at our democratic institutions such as quality public media, are no longer acceptable. We must take concrete measures to fight back. I am proud that this House has created a body with precisely this in mind – our special ING2 committee, which diligently listens to world—renowned experts and formulates concrete proposals for action against disinformation. We know exactly what to do. We stand against an enemy who uses manipulation as a strategic tool. We need to defend our institutions, our own pillars of security, our allies. We must cooperate better and faster than any time before. We need more resources. We cannot be dependent only on a few dozen experts – not against the enemy who uses the whole state apparatus to attack us and our values. We must support strong independent media, and demand from social platforms not to amplify lies. We need to support our reliable allies through EU enlargement and strong cooperation with like—minded partners. We must not only free Ukrainian land from Putin. We must also free people’s minds and protect our citizens.

Mr President, unprecedented attack, aggression, war crimes, nuclear threat, mobilisation, referendums, annexation. Words about what escalation means in practice. Russia is gradually crossing the imaginary line, destroying Ukraine, threatening European security and trampling on the international order. The European response, ladies and gentlemen, must be clear. We must be united, decisive, join forces with allies in the world, support Ukraine even more and show that we will not allow ourselves to be blackmailed by Moscow. Russia has taken a path from which there is no return. It has left the society of developed countries and joined the outcasts of global politics. Every investment in Ukraine's victory is an investment in our European freedom and security. It is an investment in European democracy, in a better future in which Ukraine will succeed. As a candidate country, it will become part of our political space. Let's stand by Ukraine. He's in a fight for his territory, his values, his people. Ukrainians know best how to win this war. Listen to them and give them what they need. Glory to Ukraine.

Mr President, Commissioner, thank you for your constructive cooperation. I am pleased that today we have a report that shows where Europe must not relax, but rather add. For me, it is above all the fact that Roma children do not have an equal chance of full-fledged education. That several Member States have resigned to a robust rule of law that is resilient to populist political changes and serves the people. We are also witnessing, ladies and gentlemen, a major social change in the way news and information is disseminated online. Unfortunately, we have not yet found sufficiently good answers to protect European citizens from lies, half-truths and organised disinformation campaigns. Compared to other years, my member country, Slovakia, appears more often in the report. This is bad news for two reasons. The first is the cause itself. Continuous and repeated efforts to curtail the rights of women, which have not yet been approved only with a great deal of luck. The second bad news is the context in which women's rights are being attacked. In Slovakia, ladies and gentlemen, for many years there has been a social agreement on women's rights, a broad compromise. And this is a functional compromise, which is obvious from the fact that there is a long-term decrease in abortions in the country. Nevertheless, there are political forces in Slovakia and elsewhere in Europe that need social conflict and cannot exist without it. They create passions despite the fact that the majority of the population does not want the changes proposed by them. Dangerous fundamental rights abusers are living off the spark of conflict because they lack a different political agenda. The report that we are endorsing this week comes at a time when Europe is living in a war in a neighbouring country. And at a time when we have a really difficult time ahead of us. We have a lot of evidence that there is an aggressor, a Russia that is just waiting for consciously or unknowingly active politicians who like to exchange a strong and united society for their own profit in elections. Ladies and gentlemen, don't let them! We strive to protect fundamental rights, we strive for truth, we strive for European cohesion in protecting our values.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues. I welcome today’s debate, which reflects the importance that the PEGA Inquiry Committee attaches to this topic. Parliaments across the European Union must have appropriate scrutiny over matters such as the recent developments in Greece. Equally, political institutions, including the European Parliament, must guarantee safety to their representatives. In this context, I do welcome and will observe closely the work of the Greek Parliament’s investigative committee. This investigative committee, as well as our own PEGA Committee, are crucial for understanding the situation in Greece. We need clear communication about the use of these systems in Greece. We also need transparency and political leadership in making all facts available to the public. There are issues with spyware technologies and their usage across multiple EU Member States. Our answer must be based on solid rule—of—law principles. Where the rule of law is robust, there is less doubt on the use of spyware. Striking a balance between legitimate surveillance respecting all legal provisions and eradicating the misuse of these systems is hard but crucial. We must find this balance, colleagues. Otherwise, we risk losing European society’s trust in democratic institutions.

Madam President, in the light of the developments in the region last week, which have raised tensions in the region but also put into question the EU—facilitated dialogue between Belgrade and Pristina, I propose to move the following oral amendment on the 2021 Report on Serbia. After paragraph 78, it should read as follows: ‘Regrets the rising tensions related to attempts at resolving the issues of licence plates and freedom of movement in Kosovo; reiterates the crucial importance of addressing all outstanding issues through the Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue transparently, consequently, timely and in good faith.’

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, I want to thank all of you who took the floor today. I would like to thank those who see Serbia as a strategically important partner in the Western Balkans, and who understand that Serbia’s successful EU path is more important now than ever. I have noted all of your concerns and I will communicate them to the Serbian political leadership. Let me just say three things. One: accession talks are not single issue talks. Serbia did open Cluster 4 last year and can make progress on accession talks if it makes progress on domestic reforms. I do believe – and this is my second point – that Serbia belongs in the European Union. But much has to be done by the leadership and the new government and new parliament in Belgrade. Third point, when I look at the past 100 years of Serbian history, I certainly do not see Russia as playing a dominant role. I hope that all the relevant pro-European and Serbian political forces can discover and rediscover this part of their history and base their decisions on this when looking to the future. I am convinced that Serbia has a European future and Serbia’s place is among the EU Member States. But at the same time, after the April 2022 elections and Russia’s war aggression, there is a real sense of urgency that all parties in Serbia move forward decisively on their European path. This report reflects factually on the complex political reality in Serbia and encourages all pro-European forces in that country to focus fully on progress in rule of law reforms, the Belgrade—Pristina dialogue and alignment with EU international positions. We note – and I think all of us heard it today – that much can be done for Serbia’s move towards the European Union. As the European Parliament’s rapporteur, I stand ready to engage with the new leadership in Belgrade in order to work on the European future of Serbia.

Mr President, Mr Commissioner, dear colleagues, it is my pleasure to present to you the 2021 report on Serbia. Let me begin by thanking all of those who have contributed to the report, especially my shadows. It was my ambition to set out a fair, realistic and accurate report on the current political developments in Serbia with a particular focus on Serbia’s EU path. The draft of this report was prepared as Russia’s aggression against Ukraine unfolded. And, as for most issues linked to world affairs, February 2022 was a defining moment that will change Europe’s history and certainly Europe’s future. We are committed to Serbia’s European Union accession. This is very clear and it is stated in the first paragraph of the report. The European Parliament’s political priority has not changed over the years. It remains solid. This House remains a staunch supporter of EU enlargement. As the European Parliament reiterates its support for Serbia’s EU membership, it also recalls that a credible enlargement perspective requires political will, sustainable efforts and irreversible reforms in all areas, particularly those linked to the rule of law, as well as unwavering commitment to European standards and values. How do we measure the accession pace? The report reiterates that the progress on the rule of law and fundamental rights chapters, full alignment with EU foreign security and defence policy, including sanctions against Russia, as well as the normalisation of Serbia’s relations with Kosovo, will determine the pace of accession. This is no news to our partners in Serbia. The EP’s position has been clear on this point in many years and in other EP reports during previous years. And while repetition might sometimes seem a bit dull, it remains important to be consistent. Certain open issues remain as open as they were at the opening of the accession negotiations. This regards improving electoral conditions, fight against corruption and organised crime, improving media environment, and repeated calls for cross—party consensus on EU—related reforms for ensuring the country’s progress on its EU path. And we do not have to look far in history. We can just look at this year’s events when we do regret that even after three months since the elections in April, we are still weeks away from forming a parliamentary majority in Serbia. The official results were announced today and this is good news, I welcome it. And this happens, however, at a crucial time in Europe’s history, marked by major geopolitical shifts, socio—economic problems, and as war in Ukraine rages on, Serbia is without a new government. So, I do believe valuable time is being lost. A time to make strategic choices is value even more. EU accession is Serbia’s strategic priority and it is Serbia’s strategic decision. So we need to see it treated strategically by political leadership in Serbia. It is therefore important to start moving towards the EU, not sideways. This report is a complex political document that tackles the most pressing issues linked to Serbia’s reforms and EU accession path. It is meant to be read as such. It is not a single—issue report, and credit is given where credit is due. For instance, in the successful conduct of the 2022 referendum on constitutional amendments. Also, the April elections were a step forward compared to the 2020 elections, and rightly resulted in a more pluralistic parliament. We welcome the constructive role of the opposition and, as parliamentarians, are glad that an electoral boycott was averted. This resulted in a more pluralistic parliament, which is ultimately the most important thing in a modern parliamentary democracy. And I would like to take this opportunity to thank my former colleagues, Tanja Fajon and Knut Fleckenstein, for their work in the inter—party dialogue and pay tribute to the late Eduard Kukan, who worked on issues related to Serbia’s EU future until the very last days of his life. I am sure he would like to see Serbia moving forward on its European path, and as this report underlines, there is a clear map and a clear plan how this can be achieved. But the ball is very much in the hands of the new leadership, in the hands of the new government. And this relates to all the key issues which I have outlined: rule of law reforms, dialogue with Pristina, as well as full alignment with the EU’s international positions. I hope we can make progress on this, and as the standing rapporteur of this House, I stand ready to help to work together with our partners in Belgrade. And, of course, I look forward to listening to the Commission, and also to colleagues, and I look forward to a fruitful debate on this report.

Mr President, Madam Vice-President, Minister, colleagues, as we live in unprecedented times, as war of aggression has returned to our continent, we must take a close look at how the EU can do more and better for Europeans. While many of our foundations continue to serve us well, Brexit, together with several European crises, led us to the Conference on the Future of Europe with a forward—looking ambition. Now, I believe the conclusions of this Conference, combined with a fragile state of our Union, make a clear cut case for a forward—looking Convention. We cannot turn a blind eye to public calls for change as the world around us has changed so much. Europe’s role continues to be challenged across our continent and globally. I see the Convention as the best way to seek honest, well-prepared and evolutionary answers to the requests made by European citizens. Europe must be ready to provide security, protection and international leadership in coming decades. We must be an attractive project, a magnet ready to accept new Member States from the Western Balkans and offer a clear EU membership perspective to Ukraine. Widening and deepening, dear colleagues, have for many years been a source of the strength and resilience of the Union. The Convention must take place and we should embrace it as an opportunity. It must be a forum for open and genuine discussion, and we cannot prescribe its outcome now. Today we can support the democratic process, creation of a credible platform that can deliberate for a stronger and more effective Europe, and tackle possible Treaty changes on the basis of clear principles. This is why I support today’s resolution. Our change is the key to our survival. The Convention should seek the best ways for Europe to succeed. And, Mr Minister, we need some clear answers from the French Presidency. Are you with us?

Madam President, success in the Eastern Partnership is key to the EU’s security and defence policy success. To use a common phrase, without a ring of true and close friends around our borders, our geopolitical ambitions will remain limited. We must therefore respond to Russia’s aggression in Ukraine with clarity. We must give unequivocal support for territorial integrity in the Eastern Partnership countries, including their rights to govern their own exclusive waters, seas and ports. The Eastern Partnership must be a European partnership. Our Eastern partners must get a solid message from us. If you are with us, we are unconditionally with you, and we fully support your freedom to choose your own destiny, on your own terms, without Russia’s blackmail. Those who want to be our European partners must benefit from close strategic ties by aligning with EU values, principles and positions, including on security and defence. We have an historic chance to offer a strong security guarantee to our Eastern Partnership countries by underwriting their European future. Those which are serious about joining the European Union must be given a fair chance to do so. A clear-cut candidate status for Ukraine later this month would be the best security and defence move for the Eastern Partnership and the EU itself.