Speeches

Madam President, the decision to endorse Poland’s Recovery and Resilience Plan was neither easy nor is it a blank cheque. The approval of this plan is linked to clear commitments by Poland on rule of law issues and the independence of the judiciary. ‘A first payment will only be possible when the new law is in force and ticks all the boxes under this contract.’ This is a direct quote from the Commission President and, frankly, the most important aspect of this plan. The plan is indeed a contract with mutual obligations and the ball is now in Warsaw’s hands. The money allocated to Poland is linked directly to specific milestones and targets, clearly outlining the Commission’s expectations, our European expectations, and they must be fully met. Will it be an easy conversation with Warsaw? For most governments, the answer would be yes. Sadly, as the Polish ruling party has showed us in recent years, the current Polish Government tends to create obstacles, likes to bend the rules to the maximum, even break them. I will always stress and I repeat here: Poland can do much more and much better if there is will and true commitment to work on remedies by the ruling majority. Now the Commission must follow up on its decision with full diligence. Steps that can unlock the disbursement of EU funds rest with the Polish Government. The leadership in Warsaw must take clear-cut decisions that will lead to general confidence in the independence and fairness of the Polish justice system. As we focus on the facts on the ground, I hope that all of those responsible for necessary changes are going to put the interests of the Polish citizens above political egos and more petty fights with Europe.

Mr President, the wheels of justice are moving. But we need to make sure they are moving swiftly. Heroic efforts are being carried out already by both Ukrainian and European professionals to secure evidence of war crimes in Ukraine and from Ukrainians across EU Member States. These efforts deserve our utmost political, legislative and financial support. Victims of war crimes need credible evidence in order to seek justice. We must, therefore, diligently support appropriate mandates and resources of EU institutions, especially Eurojust, in order to safeguard the analysis and preservation of all evidence of core international crimes committed by Russia against the people in Ukraine. Only admissible evidence gives due process and justice a proper chance. Only well-guarded facts stand a chance against Russian malign propaganda and deceitful methods. Dear colleagues, Ukraine must win this war, and Russia must face consequences for its aggression. There can be no impunity for war crimes and we shall stand by victims of this brutal attack until justice is fully and duly served.

Madam President, I think it’s important that we discuss rule of law in this Parliament as much as possible. I also want to thank the rapporteur for the reports, and I’m glad this has become a regular exercise. Let me focus on one aspect, because I do believe that the 25 February and Russia’s attack against Ukraine has been a game changer in so many respects, including also the way we discuss rule of law issues. It has altered the reality of innocent people of Ukraine, but in many respects, our lives too. Our strong institutions are more important than ever. Our functioning democracy and our freedom are invaluable. The rule of law and democracy can only flourish in an environment with quality, free and independent media, and free of manipulative propaganda. In this House, we do have several tools to tackle the consequences of malign foreign interference. We, thanks for the work of the INGE Special Committee, know that we have to defend our democracy in the information space. We know who the malign foreign actors are; we know what Russia has been doing to undermine our freedom for many years. Sadly, with COVID and Russia’s war, we find ourselves in an increasingly vulnerable information space within the EU. Fake news and the resulting disinformation aimed at EU citizens is a threat to democracy and the rule of law of our Union, as the spread of disinformation polarises and weakens our institutions. The Digital Services Act was a step in the right direction, but more needs to be done, especially in the European Media Act, and a set of rules aimed at tackling disinformation to create fair conditions for the media sector and the spread of free and factual information in online platforms. We need free and fair debate, we need facts, and this is the best way to fight for rule of law as well.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, I stand here with my most sincere condolences to all Ukrainians who have lost family members, friends and colleagues in this brutal war. It deeply pains me to hear the horrific stories from Ukraine. Every story, every picture, every emotion. We see you. We hear you. Your stories are being documented. Your stories will not be forgotten. Ukrainian women have demonstrated enormous courage since the Russian invasion. They have left their jobs, their families, their daily lives, to fight for freedom, for their future, and for democratic values. While we speak of European values and freedoms, Ukrainian women live and fight for them. We must continue to listen with our full attention to the stories of women from Ukraine. We Europeans and the international community must urgently work on justice for all victims of war crimes in Ukraine. As Russia’s aggression continues, we have to make sure that we are ready to start prosecuting war crimes as soon as possible. This means pooling international resources together. I am proud of the EU’s leading role – for instance, Eurojust’s Joint Investigation Team into alleged core international crimes committed in Ukraine. Let us encourage justice authorities across Member States to gather evidence and testimonies on war crimes against Ukrainian women who have fled Russia’s aggression. We must seek justice that will be speedy, not dragged out. Justice that provides a safe and trustworthy space for victims and gathered evidence. Justice using the most advanced forensic methods. Justice for Ukrainian women that is free from Russian malign interference and is exercised not only through the media tools of Russian propaganda, but also through Russia’s position in global affairs. The crimes against Ukrainian women will never be forgotten. We must do everything to bring their perpetrators to justice. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, today we are here to honour and to protect the work of journalists. The job of a journalist is a brave job. A reporter in Ukraine today is also a freedom fighter on the frontlines of Russia’s aggression. Dear journalists in Kyiv and everywhere in Ukraine, you who report on Russian attacks and war crimes, you help shield millions of citizens in any of our European countries from foreign propaganda. All of you who write and work as war journalists, local fixers across Ukraine, cameramen, producers, all of you working for the media that deliver news from the front, all of you provide your citizens with information that literally saves lives. You are heroes who might come under fire even if you wear the ‘press’ sign. You may be abducted or you might simply die because you do your work for a democratic society that we may enjoy in no small part thanks to free and independent media. Journalists and journalism face different threats in different parts of Europe. Across the Western Balkans, journalists are exposed to verbal attacks and smear campaigns. This is a region of deeply polarised politics, where the notion of free and independent media is constantly challenged by the idea that journalists serve either the government or opposition politicians. Quality journalism and quality media anywhere, however, are about the constant search for facts and the truth. We are not immune to attacks against journalists who seek to uncover the truth in EU Member States. Many reporters, anchors and well-known people in the media are constantly attacked online. Women journalists especially are vulnerable to abuse on the internet. Some of those who investigate corruption, the dark side of business and politics, have tragically paid the highest price for their work. Daphne Caruana Galizia was killed in Malta and Ján Kuciak and his fiancée, Martina Kušnírová, were brutally murdered in Slovakia. We must bring to justice all perpetrators of crimes against journalists. The courage of those who produce and write the news for us is an invaluable part of the fabric of European democracy. It deserves our full attention and protection. As we continue to face Russia’s brutal attack against Ukraine, we must bluntly acknowledge that Russian media outlets are tools in the Kremlin’s war. Disinformation kills. We must not allow any malicious actor to exploit our freedoms. Across the European Union, we must support independent and quality public service media for lively and free democratic debate. We must give support to organisations of independent journalists, but be vigilant about those who falsely present themselves as journalists. Let us show zero tolerance towards attacks, harassment, violence and threats against journalists. We must swiftly work on the Commission’s proposal on the safety of all these persons, including an anti-SLAPP instrument. We need to protect journalists and foster a culture where attacks are unacceptable. Dear colleagues, today we are paying attention to journalists because it is their special day. Let us work so that every day is special for journalism and media in Europe. This is the only way forward for meaningful democracy and freedom.

I don’t think transnational lists are going to improve the European Union. We can lose any other Member State because of the way we don’t connect our domestic politics to European issues and European agenda to domestic politics. And this is not going to be done through transnational lists. Well, we have to be actively engaged. We have to have a much longer, much more massive campaign. We have to have a permanent campaign in our constituencies and bring the issues back to our voters. Talk to our voters, connect with them, and do this through diligent work, not through social engineering, such as transnational lists.

The answer is very simple. We are elected on a single list. With two lists, you create two different classes of MEPs, two different classes of candidates, two different classes of people running for political office, and that is the problem. You also create different constituencies. At the moment, my country is a single electoral district. Very simple, very clear. This sort of revolution would not make – believe me – a positive difference when it comes to participation in European elections and a tie and connection between those who vote and those who are elected. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Mr President, I’m really enjoying this discussion. I hope we can actually bring it to our constituents in the Member States but I do believe the moment I begin talking about transnational lists back home, you know, there will be a big silence. The discussion just goes dead, that is the reality. And that’s why I want to say, as a convinced European, that transnational lists are creating a problem rather than fixing it. If I am to be blunt, transnational lists are a problematic solution to a problem that did not exist to begin with. Transnational lists go against the very principle of European unity and equality of European citizens. They could create a division among MEPs based on their constituencies, creating confusion as to which constituencies are represented by which MEPs. This whole notion could add more distance between the elected transnational MEPs and their voters. It would, in turn, create questions about the legitimacy of the elected MEPs and the applicability of their vote. Possibly, it could trigger a discussion on European versus local MEPs, thus creating an additional dividing line in European politics. Indeed, I could go on and on, but I think this concept only deepens divisions in Europe, and this is the fundamental problem. I don’t see any valid data that would tell us otherwise, and we don’t have any examples from other political systems. We can always argue Europe is sui generis. It is! But let’s not experiment. Let’s look at practical solutions, how we can bring more voters to the European elections in 2024. I’m saying this as somebody, who is coming from a country that has seen the lowest turnout in European elections, and I can tell you convincingly, transnational lists are not going to resolve the problem. We should rather strive to bring Europe closer to our citizens by honest and diligent political work, not by creating transnational lists. (The speaker agreed to respond to a blue-card speech)

Mr President, the Roma in Central Europe have been particularly vulnerable for a long time. Many Roma communities have been socially excluded for decades and their position and prospects for a better future remain slim. Every European is affected by the consequences of the COVID pandemic and the brutal Russian aggression. In crises, however, the weakest suffer the most. If we do not support them, we will not give an opportunity for a dignified life, the current problems of the Roma will be even worse in the order of a few years later. Many solutions are in the hands of individual Member States. More than three decades after the fall of communism, we have not solved property rights in Slovakia over land and land in municipalities where many Roma live. While we have examples of successful social enterprises and local business initiatives offering work to Roma, they are rare swallows rather than a coherent system. A successful evaluation of the European recovery plan must also include a look at those who are at the worst. Today, Member States have European money to support projects that can fundamentally change the quality of life of Roma children. Social isolation during the pandemic has shown how much they lack access to decent education or healthy drinking water. In addition to finances and ideas, however, we need above all the political courage to work for equal opportunities and the integration of everyone into the wider society. If we want to help the Roma, we must act hand in hand with European values in Brussels, in Bratislava, in Jarovnice. I am convinced that the social support for the life of the Roma in Central Europe will be returned to all of us.

Mr President, in Russia there is a ban on talking about war, there is a ban on speaking the truth. Anyone who has the courage to tell the truth is exposed to violence, police brutality and abducted judicial power. Russia is spreading its cruelty not only in Ukraine, but also at home to its own population. Alexei Navalny's re-imprisonment is a symptom of problems that have been growing in Russia for years. Putin is a brutal dictator who is destroying civil society, independent media, freedom of speech and pluralism of opinion. As long as Russia is a dictatorship, nothing will stop Putin in his expansionist ambitions. And after Ukraine, ladies and gentlemen, he will not hesitate to attack Lithuania, Poland or Slovakia. As long as political opponents are imprisoned in Russia, Russia will be a threat to Europe. Alexei Navalny said Russia would not be able to imprison all those opposing the regime. He's right. Europe must support those who fight the Putin regime with words and deeds. I am proud to have awarded Alexei Navalny the Sakharov Prize. Hopefully one day he'll come in person.

Madam President, Russian aggression has changed the world. It strengthened our attitudes. She opened many people's eyes to dictatorial evil. However, some of the pictures from Bucha are not enough. Unfortunately, in this case, we cannot help. Now is the time to stand up for freedom, for democracy and for human rights. Now is the time to defend European values. Poland can be extremely proud of its citizens and their huge wave of solidarity. People in Poland are on the right side of history without hesitation. Every day, they prove it with their actions, helping those fleeing Russian aggression. I therefore call on my colleagues, the representatives of the Polish Government, to find the courage of their citizens to catch up. Warsaw can show good will to take steps to promote the much-needed unity of our Europe. Europe is strong when justice works, when we do not squander ourselves in disputes that we can resolve. We have to say some unpleasant things to our friends. The Polish government's willingness to understand justice issues is still low. The key to a strong and strong Europe is now in Warsaw's hands. I will be brief on the situation in Hungary. I would like to be optimistic, but the first words of the winner of the Hungarian elections threaten me. Unfortunately, Hungarian politics is shattering Europe. It tramples on the values on which the European project is based. It is time to use all the instruments, including the financial instruments, Madam Vice-President, to defend Budapest's democracy and justice fully together. We must not hesitate any further.

Madam President, today we need the unity of the Member States, the political determination of the European institutions and unequivocal support for Ukraine in the face of the impending Russian aggression. What steps can we take? Let us send military aid to Ukraine, as many of our allies have already done. Let us stand behind clear and harsh sanctions in the event of a Russian attack, including the disconnection of Russia from the SWIFT payment system and the harshest sanctions against oligarchs in Putin's immediate vicinity. Let's help economically. In this situation, it is disadvantageous for Ukraine to borrow money and investors are not too willing to lend under these conditions. We can also help Ukraine financially. I unequivocally support the Commission's proposal for macro-economic financial assistance to Ukraine, which we have decided in the European Parliament. We also help humanitarianly. The war in Ukraine has been going on for a long time, and civilians are really suffering. They need help in these winter months. Finally, let's be informative. Let us counter the destructive Russian disinformation that is overwhelming our information space. It's about truth, ladies and gentlemen. And Mr Borrell, it is important that European diplomats stay in Kiev and defend the facts. And for Ukraine and for all of us.

Madam President, congratulations to the rapporteurs McAllister and Loiseau on their reports. European foreign and security policy is currently undergoing a major test. Years of work on external policy and sanctions regimes must make sense and deliver concrete results right now, when we are at risk of Russian aggression right at the border of the European Union. Europe has the strength to be an international player, not a spectator of international relations. Supporting reforms and democratic regimes through our European parliamentary diplomacy and mediation in candidate and third countries are important tools of our foreign policy. Functioning democratic countries in our neighbourhood will contribute to a safer Europe. The current Russian threat underlines just how important it is to continue the enlargement policy so that our partners in the Western Balkans are a geopolitical part of the European Union and act strategically in line with their own European ambition. Europe, ladies and gentlemen, must be readable in the world. It is important that our foreign policy decisions are not blocked by one or two member countries. We cannot tolerate stowaways in European foreign policy and must not settle for the lowest common denominator in security crises. We must be united, courageous and decisive, because in our neighbourhood our future is also being decided.

Mr President, let me express my deepest condolences to the families and friends of those who have lost their lives in the past weeks in Kazakhstan. The exercise of freedom of expression and peaceful assembly should never result in the images and violence we saw in various cities across Kazakhstan. Kazakhstan is an important member of the international community. It also carries a lot of geopolitical weight in Eurasia. What happens in the biggest country in Central Asia has a direct impact on all countries in the region. Therefore, the political responsibility of those in power towards their own domestic issues is important, both within and outside of Kazakhstan. It is imperative that the political leadership of the country follows and abides by international obligations. To put it plainly, it is unacceptable that peaceful protesters are shot in the streets. Kazakhstan’s international standing and image has suffered over the past weeks. The pictures of violence and indiscriminate shooting have circulated around the world. It is imperative that the country’s political leadership and public institutions address and investigate thoroughly the events of the past weeks and release political prisoners. Kazakhstan’s international standing will also be judged by its approach to freedom of information. In times of crisis, citizens have the right to be informed, and journalists must be allowed to carry out their work freely. Tools such as internet blackouts and inviting foreign troops to its territory fundamentally question the country’s international place, but also the domestic capacity to govern in line with Kazakhstan’s declared commitments. Kazakhstan, as a matter of fact, enjoys the most advanced bilateral relations with the EU in Central Asia. The Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreement provides the basic framework for our bilateral relations, and we should use it to address the consequences of the recent crisis, but also to build a deeper engagement with Kazakhstan. We must step up our engagement in Central Asia, not only in times of crisis, but also in day—to—day cooperation. We need to be firm, but also to keep our communication channels open. If we don’t, we shall remain mere spectators from afar and Kazakhstan’s big neighbours, China and Russia, will happily overpower us. In our policy we must be both principled and wisely consequential.

Mr President. Tomorrow, we are voting together on the Digital Services Act. If I am to evaluate what this vote means, I say that this is the first successful step. I am fully aware of the huge opportunities that online platforms have brought to our lives. It enriches and simplifies life. Yes, today we normally communicate, shop, make decisions, have fun or culturally live online. But ladies and gentlemen, online platforms serve us, but they must not grow over our heads and become our masters. I am particularly sensitive to this situation as a citizen of a smaller country. Small states are in themselves a less interesting market for large platforms. However, this note belongs first and foremost to you, dear platforms. This is the European space. The same rules must apply to everyone here. And every user, regardless of the Member State, must have the same conditions. I therefore appreciate the legislation that draws attention to those who matter most to us. On users, citizens, ordinary people. They deserve to have an online space similar to offline space. Safe, where clear rules and responsibilities apply. Our citizens pass on a lot of information about themselves to large online platforms in order for us to demand a much greater transparency of the platforms vis-à-vis the content they distribute. Online advertising must be unambiguous, clearly labelled, including who finances it. Ladies and gentlemen, I myself would like to see much more commitment in this legislation. Some online platforms have put their profits above the values that make our company work. Extreme opinions often dominate discussions, emotions prevail over the safety of users. It scares me that platforms are not interested in providing the same services to those who do not use them in English. However, this week, ladies and gentlemen, I believe that we will take the first and successful step towards making our online space a slightly better place.

Mr President, first of all I would like to take this opportunity to welcome today’s good news: the opening of Cluster 4 with Serbia. It is an important political signal towards all partners in the Western Balkans that EU enlargement is making progress. I’m hoping for some good news for the region, notably when it comes to opening accession talks with North Macedonia and Albania before the end of this year. I would also like to reiterate the particular importance of Cluster 4 in light of the recent political developments in Serbia, as this cluster deals with the acquis chapters related to the green agenda, including environmental issues. Today’s decision is timely as the demands for a greener and cleaner Serbia are being voiced throughout that country. We all know that organised crime is the best example of regional and European cooperation. Criminal enterprises don’t know borders, they don’t dwell on recent history or historical grievances, and they are united in their understanding that money talks. I would therefore like to congratulate our rapporteur, Lukas Mandl, on his timely report. The best answer to fighting organised crime in the Western Balkans is a more tangible and more decisive Europe in the region. We must reinforce our political commitment to enlargement and our practical work on European institutions and practices in the Western Balkans. Cooperation with Eurojust, Europol, Frontex and the EPPO are fine moves but, honestly, we must work on the transformation of the domestic institutions of the candidate countries. Societies in the Western Balkans must become more resilient from within in order to tackle corruption, organised crime and trafficking more effectively. This is a long—term goal tied to the European perspective, and the frontrunners in this process, namely Montenegro and Serbia, could lead by example. Meanwhile, it is important that across the Western Balkans we safeguard those who report on criminal activities and who pursue them publicly. Investigative journalists, whistleblowers and vibrant civil society deserve our European support as much as police officers, judges and prosecutors committed to justice, as well as officials who work diligently on EU—related reforms. We can never get rid of all organised crime, but we can diminish space for the operations of criminals by working together with our partners in the Western Balkans and by turning this region into well—functioning European states.

Madam President, in 2013 few people could imagine war on the territory of Ukraine. However, the rapid annexation of Crimea and the ongoing hot conflict in eastern Ukraine have come. Today, despite Biden's latest talks with Putin, the concentration of Russian troops at the border continues. We must therefore prepare for every scenario of conflict with Russia. The security and territorial integrity of Ukraine is in the vital interest of the European Union. They are in the vital interest of Ukraine's immediate neighbours, including Slovakia. Ukraine must decide its future freely, without the threat of attack and invasion from Moscow. In recent years, ladies and gentlemen, we have been reactive and defensive towards unilateral military activities from Russia. It's time to change that. Otherwise, Russia will continue to show that it reigns in the space of the former Soviet republics and will not be able to breathe into pro-European and democratic forces in the region. Even thirty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Moscow has not changed its behavior on the European continent. In Belarus, by occupation of Crimea, Georgia or Transnistria, but also by hybrid activities directly in the European Union, in ammunition depots in the Czech Republic. The European Union must be united and decisive, colleagues. Putin understands the strength and must be clear that an attack on Ukraine or a redrawing of the border would bring huge economic and financial damage to Moscow. The European Union has levers to freeze the accounts of Russian oligarchs. It can stop the Nord Stream 2 project and impose long-term sanctions on representatives of Russian power. It is high time to make full use of European strength to prevent a major war in Europe together.

Madam President, it is important that we debate the current situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but I regret that once again this debate is taking place late at night, away from the political spotlight it needs. The challenges of the Western Balkans deserve to be a central issue in this House and across all European capitals. Dear colleagues, our discussion here is not merely about the regional problem or a dispute between federal entities. Because of the failures in the 1990s, Bosnia and Herzegovina has been a European issue, and the stalemate today is a symptom of our own insufficient European engagement in the entire Western Balkan region. The European Union has a political duty to work relentlessly on pulling the countries of Western Balkans towards our values. The more we succeed in this effort in the region, the better we can convince our partners across Bosnia and Herzegovina to work on their meaningful future, which respects the territorial integrity of their country. We still have a chance to fight for Bosnia and Herzegovina that is politically, economically and socially anchored in the European Union for the sake of all people in the Western Balkans. Let us not waste this opportunity.

Madam President, European democracy must be more resilient, especially in this era when we are facing increasing foreign interference in our democratic processes, including through targeted and well—orchestrated disinformation campaigns that are often supported from abroad through illicit means and aimed at undermining our democratic fabric. This is an important resolution, dear colleagues, with a number of points that can make political parties in Europe stronger and thus make democratic life of Europe both richer and more secure. However, we have to get the specific steps right. First and foremost, we must focus on making a better link between our voters and Europe. Let us be careful as we finalise this resolution. There is no single pan—European constituency in the EU. If we want to turn the European Union into a fully—fledged representative democracy, we must respect its dual nature as the union of states and union of citizens. Geographical representation next to ideological representation is crucial. Any institutional steps that run against the principle of territorial representation and would put smaller Member States candidates at a competitive disadvantage compared to those of larger Member States would weaken democracy in Europe. Second, we must increase the engagement of voters. When I look at the levels of turnout in European elections across Central Europe, we have a deep problem with low participation of voters. The key here is to make better links between European parties and national parties, including through votes—based funding schemes for political parties in European elections. We must work on a more pluralistic political environment at European level, and this resolution suggests a solid way forward.

Madam President, this report is a good and reasonable compromise. I believe the rapporteurs appreciate all too well how difficult it is to propose feasible instruments in such a complicated and sensitive environment as the media sector. Freedom and independence of media have been under increasing pressure across the Member States, and we cannot sit idly in EU institutions. It is our duty to support journalists and activists in Europe. In Central Europe, my region, we have learned on many occasions that it is precisely their work – the voice of independent and free reporters – that keeps us from sliding into impunity when authoritarian politicians catch our public institutions. We need stronger Europe and clearer European rules to fight SLAPPs that undermine the efforts of brave journalists. Journalists deserve public respect, solid and secure working conditions, just like other professions in any vibrant democracy. In an era dominated by manipulated disinformation, our public information space needs true professionals and Europe, dear colleagues, must help them thrive.

Mr President, the EU Western Balkans summit took place in arguably a very difficult period for both the European Union and our partners in the Western Balkans. The COVID-19 pandemic is not over. It continues to limit the lives of people and put a strain on the healthcare systems in the region. I would like to welcome the unprecedented assistance that the EU has provided and continues to provide to the region during these challenging times. In this respect, I would like to praise also Serbia for becoming a regional vaccination hub. However, it is now time to deliver the vaccines to the people in the region. Our European commitment is all the more important as we are witnessing inflammatory rhetoric in a number of countries across the Western Balkans. It is crucial that we categorically stop any further de-escalation and support a European spirit in reconciliation and bilateral issues. In this respect, I do welcome this week’s joint statement by State Secretary Antony Blinken and High Representative Josep Borrell on EU-US joint engagement in the region. We across the European Union must show genuine interest in the European perspective for the countries in the Western Balkans. This means, at the very least, opening the negotiations with North Macedonia and Albania, and including our partners actively in the Conference on the Future of Europe as soon as possible. This week, we also discussed the 2021 enlargement package. Allow me a couple of quick remarks on two countries. One, Serbia, is entering a super election year. It will therefore be very important for the country to assure the upcoming months are dedicated to opening up the political landscape for free, competitive and fair elections. This means, on the one hand, that implementation of the European Parliament-led inter-party dialogue agreement is crucial. On the other hand, that all political forces compete in the elections. Also, the situation on the ground demonstrates that we need serious and continuing engagement from both Belgrade, and especially Pristina, towards work on a comprehensive and legally-binding agreement. Montenegro has been the frontrunner in the accession process for many years but has been standing still during the past year. We need to see clear pro-European action by politicians in Montenegro, not only declaratory words about Europe. Last sentence, if we demand deeds from our partners in the Western Balkans, we have to be serious about our own delivery.

Mr President, this debate is about Europe, our Europe and every European. It is about European commitment to principles and public trust across our Union. The European project flourishes thanks to the predictability and responsibility of political and legal institutions. The alternative is pure power politics based on numbers and force, power politics in which all of us in Europe can only become losers. Polish citizens were united in their support of Poland’s EU membership in the referendum that led to their accession. Polish citizens fought very hard to be part of this community and there is no way that one party, that a couple of reckless politicians, will step by step undo this historic commitment. As a student in the UK in the 1990s, I remember very well the beginnings of a movement towards Brexit. The Poles today, just like the Brits back then, kept on swearing their fully-fledged and unwavering allegiance to the European Union, until the UK referendum in 2016 changed everything. Nobody, nobody should underestimate the treacherous power of public anti-EU campaigns. Polish institutions have a responsibility towards all European citizens, but also geopolitically towards their neighbours. I ask the Prime Minister: how can Ukrainians and Belarusians fight for their democratic and European aspirations if Polish politicians begin to dismantle the very principles of our own community? I was happy to see hundreds of thousands of Poles who peacefully and resolutely demonstrated their attachment to European Poland at main squares across their country and who protested against their government, which is trying to undo Poland’s successful return to Europe. Dear Poles, we are here to support you, for what really is at stake is Europe’s future, peace and the stability of our common institutions.

Madam President, today I will listen very carefully to every single word that the European Commission says. The questions we have asked you are factual and concrete. I firmly believe that your answers will be the same, Commissioner. The problem we face in today's online world is huge. It is not something that is solved by one initiative, one, albeit skillfully set code. We will only make the online space healthier if we join forces and transfer decisive responsibility for the content they disseminate to social platforms. We need the sincere conviction of major political players and legislators that regulating the online space is the only reasonable way to protect facts, scientific knowledge and a functioning democracy in Europe. We know that large social platforms prefer the cheap, short-term profit they gain from conflict, from perfidious attention-grabbing, often at the expense of a democratic society. And thanks to the pandemic, we know what the consequences of their business look like. Europe is full of doctors whom people don't trust, who experience daily quarrels in ambulances or harassment of self-sacrificing medical personnel. Untruths on social media have literally found their way into the bowels of our lives. We know that social platforms are not just defenseless actors. We know they know their own problems. They know very well how their algorithms affect teenagers' self-image. We know how antivaxers have found an extraordinary breeding ground in the online space and are literally crippling our health. We see that our online space is carried away by lies every day. We see how much impact it has on our health, education and safety. Let us stop pretending that the health of our information space does not concern us. Ladies and gentlemen, it is our fundamental duty to take care of how online space affects the real life of Europeans.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, colleagues, today we must pay our respect to all those who are fighting for a democratic Belarus. My thoughts are especially with those who have been detained or imprisoned for their political beliefs by the regime in Minsk. Lukashenko is currently using two important weapons against his own people and against Europe. The first is manipulative disinformation. The regime in Minsk is conducting a thorough brainwashing disinformation war. We in the European Union must fight for the perseverance of quality news. The EU has to support actively everyone who can still report on the reality on the ground – Belarussian journalists, including those who are in exile and those who are bravely still working from their own country. Lukashenko’s second weapon is hybrid warfare through exploitation of human tragedies connected to organised criminal enterprises disguised as managed migration. Here our answer should be clear. The EU sanctions targeting industries involved in financing the regime in Minsk must be linked to the intensity of Lukashenko’s hybrid war against EU Member States. Dear colleagues, Belarus has a political alternative. It has an exiled government. Let us work with the government in exile in order to prepare for the moment when democratic forces are going to rule in Minsk. (Exclamation in Bielarusian)

Madam President, we would not be here today discussing Poland if it were for a single misstep in this important Member State. Unfortunately, I am sorry to say that we have been observing a dangerous political trend in Poland with potentially existential consequences for the European project. As a central European, proud of my region’s return to Europe after the fall of the Iron Curtain, I am sad to observe recent developments in Poland. This great country deserves to be in the headlines for its success. Instead, we are reading news about attempts to silence the judges, about the lack of tolerance across Poland. I am convinced that Polish people deserve a political representation known and recognised for its engaging and constructive role in the European Union, known for supporting thriving democratic institutions and public openness, known for respecting European institutions and principles that apply to all EU citizens. In our discussion, we must clearly distinguish between citizens of Poland and the government in Poland. It is worrying that we are observing a growing gap between the European preferences of most Poles and the public disservice that the leadership in Warsaw is doing to Poland’s firm place in democratic Europe. Silencing of journalists, using state financing to turn media into propaganda tools is not just a dangerous political trend inside the EU. It is also a sign of political weakness of a government that may not be able to compete on a level playing field. I therefore remain hopeful that just as fair play, facts and solid information are the lifeblood of European democracy, they will persevere decisively in the hearts and minds of the people in Poland.