Speeches

Thank you very much, Lukas. Of course, I will be gladly explaining this, because we have major studies saying that, as I said, these companies want one thing and one thing only, and that is your attention. To keep the attention for as long as possible to target you with the targeted advertisement. They, of course, hired the best psychologists of the world to keep our attention there, with which, however, they are promoting the more and more radical content, with which the minds can stay for longer periods of time. This, based on studies, leads to psychological problems of children, of teenagers, especially young girls and young boys going into the incel direction or going into hatred of their self-image. I think this is very dangerous.

Thank you for the question. No, I don't agree with your basic premise. Because what you obviously call the Internet are social networks. But social networks are digital oligopolies or digital monopolies that have taken over part of that decentralized, anonymised internet for which all the Pirates have always fought, except for you – sorry you were there and we accepted you. Because social networks have monopolized the space, they keep all their users there in the narrowest possible space so that advertisers and, of course, misinformers can target them.

Thank you so much for the question. I think it's a bit of a pity that you didn't find out anything about me or the Pirate Party, and you're attacking me here, because then you'd find out that we've been the only ones for the last 15 years who have always sounded the alarm for everyone about this. Like the shutdown of the web in the Czech Republic, we were the only ones to criticize it very intensely, because this is how, despite the individual cases, shutting down the web, especially at a time when we have the internet with VPNs and so on, obviously makes no sense at all. After all, Donald Trump himself immediately relocated to other alternative platforms, by the way, just as the Pirate Parties had to in the past, when they were also not yet mainstream. So I understand you in this respect, not in this nationalism, but in this respect I quite understand. However, we, of course, also resist this, but we want systemic changes here to those centralized social networks that centralize all power under themselves.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, how much benefit of the doubt should we extend towards social media platforms? While this House banned TikTok use internally last mandate, we still pretend that it is just a harmless entertainment app. The United States will ban the distribution of TikTok through app stores in 25 days. Australia has banned all social media for teenagers already. I don't say I agree with all of this, but major democracies are waking up to the poison that is unregulated social media occupying our digital space and freedoms. It can even be poison for our elections and poison for our childrens' developing minds, as every major study shows. And where are we? Europe doesn't have mass-scale indigenous social media companies. We don't have access to the recommended algorithms of either Chinese or American apps in the single market, either. We are literally blind, and thus we at least need stronger enforcement of the Digital Services Act, and a clear roadmap for when these companies do not oblige – be it fines or the end of their services on European soil.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the European Union is one of the world's top destinations for university students. We have some of the oldest and best universities in the world, and we produce valuable research and technology that hostile states want. Our geostrategic enemies are going to great lengths to catch up with us and outpace us on key emerging technologies. So I very much welcome the Council's recommendations on how to defend our research. I agree that we need to urgently identify our most valuable technology sectors and corresponding PhDs, and train them in operational and research security. We should also coordinate this work with European intelligence agencies – after all, they will often be the first to uncover foreign interference and we should not pretend that this is an actor‑agnostic issue. China and Russia are our main sources of foreign interference, so while we welcome students with ties to these nations into our universities, we should not be naive and grant easy access to cutting‑edge technology to everyone. We must be vigilant, though not paranoid. The strength of our universities lies not just in their innovation, but also in their openness. Our challenge is to build walls of wisdom that safeguard our research without erecting barriers to the free exchange of ideas, because the future will belong not to those who fear knowledge, but to those who can protect it while sharing it.

Madam President, dear colleagues, this is what we call an escalation. Up to 10 000 soldiers from North Korea now support Russian forces. Russia has been amassing Iranian ballistic missiles. Putin revised his nuclear doctrine to lower the threshold for nuclear weapon use, and immediately followed it up with deploying a hypersonic missile. This escalation has a clear goal: to tire us, to frustrate us, and to drag this for so long that we either give up on Ukraine or our citizens are manipulated by fear of further prolongation into voting forces sympathetic to Putin. We need to formulate a response. So I am formulating: yes, for a true peace, there needs to be a negotiation table, but what Putin is offering is a bombarded table with splinters all over the ground and Ukraine sitting on them. We can ensure a table with two equal chairs through the only thing Putin will respect – force – and Ukraine needs from us the means to use such a force. Are we clear?

Madam President, I really do not want to repeat again Mr Sieper's words. However, I counted: we have 25 RCVs ahead of us. If we do this for each and every one of them, the 10-minute break for the IT department will be shorter than the 25 RCVs.

Madam President, dear colleagues, every couple of years we get a new report that tells us basically the same point: spend more on being prepared for disasters. This year's report is no different, but the circumstances are very different. We cannot rely on the US anymore, we cannot rely on Russia and China remaining cooperative players anymore, and thus we cannot continue to pretend that 27 Member States, some as small as mid-sized cities, all need a veto when it comes to foreign policy and to our common defence – that illusion must go. I am in favour of improving our capacity for deterrence by denial and deterrence by punishment. However, you should not mistake the breaking of encrypted communication as some kind of advantage for our cybersecurity. A backdoor for the good guys is a backdoor for our enemies. That is why Mr Niinistö probably felt compelled to add the sentence 'without undermining cybersecurity'. Well, that's like swimming without getting wet – just don't.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, I urge this House and the Commission to recognise the glaring security risk: Russia's exploitation of financial loopholes right here in the European Union. Despite overwhelming evidence of corruption, state‑backed organised crime and financial entanglements with other high‑risk regions, Russia remains off the EU's high‑risk list for money laundering and terrorist financing. This inaction is no longer tenable. The EU cannot be a passive observer while Russia continues to undermine our financial integrity. Designating Russia as a high‑risk third country is not just a bureaucratic step. It is a shield for our citizens, our institutions and our market. We must act immediately, enforce stringent due diligence measures and send a clear message that Europe will not participate in any way on financing aggression and subverting our values.

Mr President, dear colleagues, I have witnessed Georgian elections in 2021 and I have not witnessed any direct manipulation. Already then, however, we were cautious not to call them fair due to suspicions of voter buying or imbalance in financing of coercive electoral campaign. Almost three weeks ago, I have personally witnessed direct manipulation in various parts of the country. Shocking instances of ballot stuffing, blatant fraudulent behaviour, absence of voting secrecy, intimidation. Let us also not forget that this was part of a broader pattern of democratic backsliding in recent months by the Georgian government. If we were cautious then, in 2021, there is absolutely no way we can call these elections fair now. That's why we need an investigation into these violations, as well as targeted sanctions on those responsible. We must stand firmly with the Georgian people in their rightful pursuit of democracy.

Mr President, honourable Members, we stand here today not just to discuss a financial transaction, but to reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the people of Ukraine. This is not a traditional MFA package; it is an extraordinary initiative. It is not just an act of solidarity; it is an urgent necessity. Without this assistance, Ukraine's fiscal stability – and therefore its ability to resist Russia's aggression – will be gravely jeopardised. This funding will help Ukraine balance its fiscal sheets, ensuring the country remains functional in the face of war. Let me remind you that this MFA, like all others, comes with the usual preconditions: respect for democratic institutions, the rule of law and human rights. However, we recognise that Ukraine is in an extraordinary situation. We do not seek to impose further sectoral conditionalities. Instead, we must acknowledge their ongoing adherence to the IMF programme and the conditionalities of previous MFAs. I especially appreciate the new mechanism that has been developed to support the repayment of the Ukrainian debt. Extraordinary profits from frozen Russian assets, totalling around EUR 210 billion in the EU, are generating yearly returns of up to EUR 3 billion. This revenue, which is neither sovereign nor belongs to the Central Bank of Russia, can help ensure Ukraine's repayment obligations and that they are manageable. Our support for Ukraine is not just about financial assistance. It is about standing by a nation fighting for its very existence. By voting in favour of this MFA, we send a clear message: Europe will not allow Ukraine to fall, and we will continue to support their fight for democracy and sovereignty.

(Start of speech off mic) ... not an option, I assume? So I will answer in English because I understood my Czech colleague, of course, very well. Well, the difference is that the Georgian law of foreign agents is actually drafted based on how the Russian law is, and not how the US or the potential European laws. They are completely different. These laws need to be very sensitive in how they are drafted, so they are not against NGOs and, of course, any public involvement. And the Russian, of course, is drafted so that it diminishes and suppresses any public involvement. So yes, the Georgian Dream colleagues that drafted this drafted it, and we saw it, paragraph after paragraph, based on the Russian law. So that's the difference. Thank you for being able to clarify, thanks to your question, because there's a lot of confusion about it, even among my colleagues here.

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, I've always had a special place in my heart for Georgia, and I had high hopes for its European path. The Georgian Government, however, had different plans. A series of actions and laws proposed and adopted prove that the current government has no interest in the European future. It is shifting its policies to be tighter with Russia and even changing its laws to become a conduit for Russian oligarchs. I can just wish that Georgian citizens, who predominantly see their future in the European Union, will also see who is leading them away from it, and I wish them strength into the upcoming weeks. However, I am also part of the European institutions. We are not bystanders, we are involved. We granted candidate status and we can take it away. We granted visa liberalisation and we can take it away. We delayed individual sanctions in a hope we won't lose Georgia to its occupant, Russia. But we are losing and we cannot lead the fight – yes, as we are not Putin and the ever-interfering Kremlin – it is for the Georgian citizens and politicians to lead the fight. But we can surely aid them in their fight. We can make it more difficult for Russia to take over. We have so many examples of Europe being too late to the fight. Can we for once be on time?

Madam President, colleagues, since 2020, the authorities in Belarus have carried out more than 40 000 politically motivated arrests. More than 1 300 people are still imprisoned in horrendous conditions and six political prisoners lost their lives due to deprivation of adequate food, water, medical assistance and due to constant beating, overcrowding, unheated cells and sleep deprivation. So, what do we do as a political body, as a parliament, as a continent of 27 countries? Are we really together incapable of a reaction? We could simplify the visa residence permit process for people fleeing political oppression in Belarus – and those countries who stopped giving visas altogether, can you come back to your senses? We could also actually enforce sanctions in areas which hurt Lukashenko and his cronies. Yes, we took microwaves and fridges from the Belarusian market, okay, and now they are buying it from the Chinese. But Belarus does have critical sectors which make the richest even richer. But that would mean some European companies knocking on your doors and demanding compensations, right? So I don't feel that we are being blocked from action to actually help Europe get rid of the last proper dictator, but we lack courage. If you watch your neighbour's house burn, don't be surprised when the fire spreads onto your house.

Mr President, dear colleagues, every European with an internet connection is exposed to the unregulated, commercial, surveillance-based social media. These trillion-dollar companies destroy our attention span, our democratic institutions and trust, and our mental health for a little profit. The DSA – as ambitious as it was in the beginning – has not shown its enforceable teeth yet. Our current legal framework must ultimately lead towards algorithmic transparency so that everyone can regain agency to what they are recommended online. Information technology is too important to be controlled exclusively by the rich and the intelligence agencies. The DSA and our framework of rules must set a path for a surveillance-free, private and secure way to take part in the online sphere. That is the goal – not unilateral decisions about individual imprisonments and attempts to surveil anyone and everyone, which would be directed to the Hungarian Presidency if they were here.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I am really glad that our colleague Andrius Kubilius from Lithuania has become Commissioner for Defence, because other countries have certainly never taken such a responsible approach to our common defence. While Germany has consistently negotiated one air defense system at a time, it has uncompromisingly reduced its financial support to Ukraine. France and other countries are hesitant not to finally begin to respect international law and allow Ukraine to use weapons on military targets on Russian territory. But the crossed red lines at Kursk hurt us so much – which is sarcasm. The Czech Republic and parts of Eastern Europe are still taking most of their oil from Russia and are successfully sending more money to Russia than they are sending to Ukraine. Well, all countries have problems enforcing sanctions, and exemptions for companies are expanding, not decreasing. I hope that Andrius Kubilius will lead our common defense in spite of this and these states and will not be inspired by cowardly politics, and that there will be enough of us who will find the courage to fight even now.

Mr President, it is a sad honour that I dedicate my last speech in this room, under this mandate, to human rights and to civil society in Azerbaijan. I have met today with Zhala Bayramova, the daughter of Dr Ibadoghlu, listening to her father’s hardship. After negotiations with other Members of Parliament, I have no doubt we realise how catastrophic the situation has become since last autumn for journalists and human rights defenders such as Dr Ibadoghlu and Mr Guliyev. But I guess the governments of our countries and the Commission do not realise it, given they still consider Aliyev a strategic partner. The memorandum of understanding with Azerbaijan should be suspended. And we cannot consider Azerbaijan as a host for COP29, where we will send all sorts of civil society representatives. This is a stance we all must maintain until they release all political prisoners.

Madam President, a year ago, many of us expressed that the passing of foreign agents law would hinder Georgia’s EU prospects. Yet, after getting the candidate status, the government broke its promises and is forcing the law through. In addition, there are plans to restrict LGBT+ rights in Georgia and peaceful protesters are facing repression once again, this time from Zviad Kharazishvili, head of Special Tasks Department. All of this violates EU norms and values. Allow me to offer one comparison. Where one country occupied and attacked by Russia does everything to get closer to European values – and by that I mean Ukraine, obviously – it’s ever more painful to watch Georgia get closer and closer to Russia’s system. The candidate status is not a permanent achievement, and there can be financial consequences. Please don’t take away from your citizens the European path too.

Mr President, dear colleagues, although knowing that security services across Europe are monitoring and mapping disinformation networks is making me calmer, their job is to monitor and map them for us, for policymakers, so that we can decide what is a security threat to our democracies and protect them based on this. That politicians are paid by foreign states to undermine our system, or that there are media outlets with malign intent is no surprise if you weren’t living under a rock for the past ten years. Yet we do not have strong anti-disinformation legislation. We do not have resilient societies still. And some, or few even, use this information themselves in their current campaigns. We don’t need Voice of Europe, or ID MEPs, to show us that we have a big effing problem. The problem is cowardice and opportunism. And good luck working with that in the upcoming mandate after our elections are decided by Putin and fear.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, I fully support imposing sanctions on Russian and Belarusian agricultural imports to the EU. It is incomprehensible that this has not been done yet, since the agricultural sector is very vocal about Ukrainian exports. This raises questions about the actual political intentions and reasons some Member States have for the Ukrainian export blockade. I find it deplorable that the Polish authorities are allowing Russian and Belarusian grain into the market, even doubling the numbers in 2023, but still allowing the illegal blocking of Ukrainian exports to the EU market. Russia’s disinformation campaign has misused the situation as well, trying to aggravate the problem with our farmers through lies and propaganda and decreasing our generosity in the trade liberalisation proposal with Ukraine. I urge the Parliament not to give in. The main culprit is laughing at us while we fight among ourselves.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, Mr Shipton, Julian Assange – a candidate for the 2022 Sakharov Prize – brought to light documents revealing cases of war crimes and human rights violations. For these efforts, Julian has received recognition from numerous organisations advocating for freedom of speech. A couple of hours ago in this plenary, we mourned the unjust treatment and death of a man who stood against the authority of power – a man who received the 2021 Sakharov Prize and who brought to light abuse of power and corruption. Alexei has also received recognition from freedom fighters across the world. Why am I speaking about both of them? Because we acknowledge with one of them that the person can be a symbol, regardless of their mistakes or disagreements we might have – a symbol of the fight against injustice, oppression, corruption, of David standing up to Goliath, not afraid of the consequences. We condemn consequences for one of them. I stand before you to also voice my unwavering support for what Julian Assange’s work represents: the right of citizens to be protected against states’ abuse of power, to be informed, and the right for journalists as well as individuals to expose such abuse and not fear punishment. You don’t get to pick your favourite whistleblower. You either stand with all of them or none at all.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia, but also a shift in Bosnia and Herzegovina and other countries. We are working on a common future and making sure that we want to strengthen our relationships. Obviously, we all want the same result. But do we choose a viable path to it? Like the citizens of the European Union, the European Parliament has repeatedly asked for the opening of the founding Treaties, for fundamental reforms in the right of veto, in how we decide who and how we represent the country, in how we elect the Commissioner. However, there is no appetite in any Member State after Treaty change and, in fact, after major reforms. We now have many years before the accession countries meet the entry criteria. We have time and we waste it on political cowardice. Where did the visionaries go? Or rather, why aren't any of them allowed back to the wheel? We need more courage. Think about it in the election.

Mr President, colleagues, in 2022, the Azerbaijani gas imports to Europe rose to barely 3 %. The contract, on the other hand, earned Baku EUR 15.6 billion last year. Azerbaijan also imports 65 % of its oil to European countries. But within our energetic mix, they are just under the category of ‘others’. Do you see it? We are not, by any stretch, dependent on Aliyev imports. The only one who benefits from all of this is Aliyev himself. Now compare: as a result of ethnic cleansing, more than 140 000 Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh were forced to flee their homes and were starved for months during the Lachin corridor blockade. This is not even the classic dilemma between our own stability and prosperity and between human rights. So I am asking you to relay a message to Mr Borrell, who is absent again: what will you do to help Armenia? And will you persuade your Commission colleagues to cut us off the measly gas and oil imports from Azerbaijan to free our hands?

Mr President, dear colleagues, the fraud elections in Belarus are coming. One would think Lukashenka gives up this charade after 30 years, but no, he has to pretend he still has power over the country. And thus the authorities got inspired in Russia and North Korea, I guess, and intensified their oppression of journalists, lawyers, activists and even families of those who ran away. As if people in Belarus would not know, without mass protests in the streets, that the system is rigged and Lukashenka should be out. As if we here in the European Union could acknowledge his regime this time around if only he silenced all opposition. No, no, no, no, no! Our sanctions will remain. Our support to opposition remains, and our help to get people out and grant them asylum and support remains. Let’s have a coordinated response at the European level. Lukashenkas and Putins of this world shall soon run out of breath. The civil society shall prevail.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, self-regulation is a concept that has proven a spectacular failure in many industries in the last decades. Only if all market actors are equally forced or motivated by the state to improve their product, at the cost of their profits, only then they will do it. It is therefore no surprise that companies with billions of users are cutting their disinformation-related staff and expenditure, and continue to profit from disinformation through engagement. Our citizens, only months before the European elections, have the choice between several US and Chinese social media apps that will flood them with conventional and now also AI-generated disinformation. As lawmakers, we have failed to hold these online giants to account. If the DSA should have a value after all, let it be the knowledge to the next legislature that self-regulation is self-delusion.