Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, mostly from EPP, as you initiated this resolution, if you truly want to tackle cyberbullying, let me give you one piece of advice. Call your fellow party member, Ursula von der Leyen, and tell her to enforce the DSA properly. Tell her that we need to have social media with safety by design, where our safety comes before profit, and where our values are reflected in platforms' algorithms. Tell her that age verification and banning minors from social media is not the solution to all of our problems. But most of all, remind her that economic interests like Germany selling more cars to the US must not come before our safety when she negotiates with Trump. Call your numerous ministers across Europe and tell them this: stop cutting funds for education and NGOs fighting against this issue, enhance education, empower parents, and don't push back on banning nudifiers. And finally, don't spread hate: make sure that women, the queer community, and everyone else feel safe and welcome in Europe.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Armenia is on the front line. What we saw in Georgia, what we witness in Moldova – the disinformation, the cyber attacks, the hybrid pressure – is now being tested in Yerevan. This is not a coincidence, this is a playbook. Foreign interference does not only target elections, it targets trust. It targets the belief that your vote matters, that your choice and voice cannot be bought, manipulated or silenced. Armenia has shown courage, but courage alone is not enough. We need strong institutions, transparent legal frameworks and genuine partnership with civil society, because civil society is often the first to see the threat and the last line of defence. The European Union must deliver concrete, targeted support – not declarations, but action.

Madam President, dear colleagues, just last plenary, this Parliament firmly rejected Chat Control 1.0, demanding no mass scanning, strict limitation of scope and full protection of encryption. Last Monday, when the Council refused to negotiate on the scope, the trilogue ended without an agreement. Yet today, we are being asked to reopen that decision. The EPP now considers our position too ambitious; talking about children while blocking real help in their governments. Let me be clear: this is not how parliamentary democracy works. We already voted. Our position has a broad majority and is legitimate. Reopening it sends the wrong signal. It tells the Council that if they hold out long enough, the Parliament will bend. Voting for this repeat vote would weaken our own mandate and undermine the credibility of this Parliament. So, I urge you to stand by our and your position. Defend our independence.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the arrest and detention of Droa party leader Elene Khoshtaria mark another troubling step in Georgia's democracy downfall. Elene was detained for writing protest messages against the ruling party and now she is facing years in prison if prosecuted. She is, again, one of many others who are part of politically motivated processes in intensifying repression of any protesters, civil society and media. This has turned into the complete erosion of democracy and the consolidation of anti‑democratic forces. In addition, there is another legislation sweeping through the Georgian Parliament, banning even basic activism and organised civil society. The EU must finally respond with targeted sanctions against those responsible. I do not care if two Member States block that in the Council. What about the 25 other Member States? Can they not apply the sanctions? What is preventing them? Otherwise, silence and inaction only embolden the anti‑democratic forces and send a dangerous signal that Europe leaves the repression of former candidate country citizens without consequences.

Mr President, dear colleagues, George Orwell once warned us about a world where surveillance becomes normal. At least for now, we can still treat this book as a warning, not as a manual. There was always a better way: law enforcement focusing on real suspects, on targeted investigations and on bringing criminals to justice. Parliament today chose this way. Thank you, colleagues, but mainly thank you, citizens, for fighting for your rights. We did not give in to pressure or blackmail that suggests the only way to protect children is through indiscriminate mass surveillance. Protecting children and protecting our fundamental human rights are not opposites. They can and should always go hand in hand. Today, Parliament showed that both are possible. Thank you and stop Chat Control.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Jimmy Lai is being punished for exercising his freedom of speech. He practised journalism. He engaged with the international community. And this is not an exception. This is the true face of the Chinese Communist Party. Jimmy Lai has been detained for years. He is 78 years old and now faces the possibility of life imprisonment for exercising rights that are explicitly protected under international law, and the reason for that is simple: to silence further dissent and intimidate others into passivity. The national security law has devastated Hong Kong. It has dismantled press freedom, undermined judicial independence and erased political pluralism. It has extinguished the autonomy that was solemnly promised under international agreements. Independent journalism is not a threat to security. Peaceful criticism is not a crime. A regime that jails journalists is not strong. It is afraid. This resolution must not remain symbolic. It must be followed by action. Action to secure the immediate release of Jimmy Lai, an action to bring an end to politically motivated prosecutions in Hong Kong. And that is why we also call on the Council and Commission to respond with concrete measures, including targeted sanctions against those responsible and the suspension of Hong Kong's status under the WTO. Our credibility depends on it.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner who controls our digital future and under which values? Who controls our critical infrastructure and our sensitive technology in peacetime and in conflict? Cybersecurity today is inseparable from sovereignty. Europe's hospitals, energy grids, public administrations and democratic institutions depend on digital systems. If those systems rely on opaque technologies, foreign dependencies or standards written elsewhere, then our sovereignty is fundamentally undermined. At the same time, security cannot come at the expense of fundamental rights. A Europe that protects its network by undermining privacy, enabling unchecked surveillance or weakening encryption would betray its own legal and moral foundations. The Cybersecurity Act must strengthen European capabilities, not lock us into permanent technological dependence or any outside technological power. Certification schemes must promote accountability and genuine security by design, not merely compliance on paper. This law is really an opportunity – done right, it can anchor cybersecurity in European values, open standards, trusted technologies, and strategic autonomy. Let us work on it together.

Madam President, imagine waking up to discover your body stripped and shared online for the pleasure of strangers. Imagine it is your 12-year-old daughter who wakes up to her AI-generated nudes displayed for the whole vast world to see. No consent, no dignity, just violence. This is what men do, through Musk's tool, Grok, to children and women. This tool should have never existed. But instead of removing it or even pausing it, Elon Musk chose to monetise it by locking it behind a paywall. And to make it worse, he made fun of the victims by posting a picture of himself in a bikini - what a disgrace. That is why I am calling on the Commission and users and advertisers to join me in boycotting X. The platform has become a space dominated by extremism, violence and far-right propaganda. Europe must build its own alternatives. The EU is already a leader in digital rights. Now let's turn it into a competitive advantage.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, our entire internet economy is dominated by US and Chinese monopolistic platforms. These platforms breach our privacy rules regularly, and the fines that we impose on them are irrelevant and embolden them to only ignore our rules further. TikTok, X and Meta have cornered the market of our digital attention. They are manipulating our elections for money and for their ideology. The US has explicitly named the destruction of the EU as its goal, and Chinese counterparts did not shy away from the same idea. Platforms do not comply under the DSA, we do not use our existing tools and the Democracy Shield honestly gives us nothing. For this Commission, breaking our privacy and mass surveilling us is a yes. Stopping digital oligarchs and their addictive designs? A hard no. These online monopolists are all sitting in the US or China. The only way to protect our public space is to create our own European digital champions that follow our rules. That means we require that hardware cloud capacity to run our own companies, and that means we require to mobilise enough private investment, paired with public money, to scale our own companies for a market of 450 million people. A European capital markets union, then, must be our answer. No more irrelevant fines and no more pretending that we do not have a problem. And please, Commission, if you are not part of the solution, you are part of the problem.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, when my homeland reached independence from Russian fossil fuels, they still paid Putin for it, with the argument that it's cheaper. I was baffled by this. Phasing out Russian gas is not just energy policy. Europe is at war – this is a security decision. Russia will now lose almost EUR 1 billion every month because of Parliament's negotiation. There is an immediate, tangible and measurable impact. The European Parliament shows it's not here just to vote on temporary sanctions that get renegotiated every six months. On banning Russian oil, we have not gone as far and fast as we could have. The Commission is committing to phasing out Russian oil in the near future. That is, however, too slow. At least we ended constant abuse of sanctions by certain Member States, and that uncovers the true strength of the European Union. Together, we can do what no Member State could achieve alone. It's never cheaper if it is paid by human lives, peace and international rule and democracy.

Mr President, dear colleagues, did you know that not only ChatGPT, but also Facebook, X and LinkedIn have all, at some point, trained their AI models on your personal data without your consent? And guess what? This is exactly what the Commission intends to make a general rule with its digital omnibus. You may have noticed that none of these companies are European: it is a sell-out of our values to American pressure. Big tech gets exclusive rights to our personal data, while European companies struggle to get access to quality data. In parallel, the Commission has decided to delay important rules safeguarding our rights and ensuring that AI systems are safe when they involve high risk for our societies. We are talking of AI for biometrics, education, employment, law enforcement. While other pathways were available, the Commission decided to go along with the biggest players' demands, and the Commission has also extended the possibilities to test high-risk AI in real-world conditions. Kids could be faced with real-world testing of AI toys. You folded to the pressure of the big ones and the rich ones, and we will make sure that we will not give up on our standards because Trump asked us to.

Madam President, dear colleagues, China's strategy has shifted 180 degrees. From biding their time and hiding strength, China is now in a full-on global trade war. We are collateral damage, and we are also seen by Beijing as weak, divided and expendable. Otherwise, the recent rare-earth restrictions would not hit EU companies and force our Commissioner to ask for fast-track licenses in the way they did. Our trade and trade defence system have been built for a world that doesn't exist anymore. If the two largest trade partners are hostile and mercantilist, we must adapt. I urge my colleagues from the Council and Commission to help Parliament to adjust our defences. Concretely, we should make the ACI less political and allow the Commission to initiate it. We must reform our export control system to meet China and the US on an equal footing. That means no more national fragmentation, that means building up deterrence, and that means attaching a high cost for coercing European trade globally.

Mr President, dear colleagues, every euro that still flows to Moscow through energy trade is a euro funding Russia's war machine. We have heard today from the far right so much about funding the war – these flows are funding the war, and funding it we are. In 2024, the EU still imported almost EUR 22 billion worth of fossil fuels from Russia – more than the aid paid to Ukraine in the same period. In the ongoing negotiations on phasing out Russian gas and oil, the Council has included several loopholes. These carve-outs undermine the effectiveness of our sanctions and prolong the war in Ukraine – something everybody in this room claims they do not want. The Union already has the instruments to support this transition for Slovakia, for Hungary, including the REPowerEU plan, large-scale investments in renewables and improved interconnections between Member States. We as the Czech Republic are very happy to help Slovakia. To continue as we are is to fund the aggressor. So it is time to close the loopholes and stop the money flows and prove that the EU speaks and acts without hypocrisy.

Mr President, dear colleagues, after four long years of investigation into Google's surveillance empire – sorry, they call it advertising – the Commission finally acted: a fine of EUR 3 billion for Google for suffocating European competitors and abusing its dominance. But, let's be real, EUR 3 billion for Google is nothing. The company made around USD 1.3 trillion in ad revenue during those years. That's not a penalty – it's a parking ticket. It's not deterring, it's not dissuasive – it's barely a rounding error. Our full dependence on a single foreign monopoly in any industry is an unacceptable risk. Whether it is online advertising or rare earth, we are putting our economy, our innovation and our sovereignty in someone else's hands. It's time we get serious about breaking up monopolies so that European companies can finally compete, and Europe can stand on its own feet again.

Mr President, colleagues, the Commission promised to President Trump more than EUR 1 trillion in purchases and investments into the US without any binding nature, any way to measure them, and without even distinguishing them from plans already in place. What happened on 27 July was presented to the public as necessary damage control and to me, as an MEP, as a hidden win for European industry because we supposedly avoided 30 % tariffs. In truth, it was little more than performative politics. It was a petty shakedown by a hostile American administration, and the costs should haunt the US for years. We can play the same game. We can fairly tax US digital monopolies and support our own digital champions. We can stop relying on US weapons and build our own military capacity. When the US undermines its global trade and monetary role we should be ready to step in when the dollar falters. Otherwise, what are we really expecting from giving the bully our lunch every day?

Madam President, dear colleagues, Council, Commission, the upcoming EU–China Summit is more than a diplomatic event. It is a test of Union's credibility. We often hear – and we have heard it today from the Commission – that the EU should engage with China as an equal partner, but it's time we actually behave like one. We allow our markets to be flooded with heavily subsidised Chinese goods, and also allow blocking our companies entering Chinese market, undermining them. Most gravely, we ignore China's support for Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine. Yes, ignore. I have heard you saying: 'We are very concerned. We will continue criticising.' When have you ever done that? That has never been done. What's the success of the Commission? Has any heavy machinery not been sent from China to Russia thanks to your doing? I've never seen that. China runs massive trade surpluses, and after a trade war with the United States, it really needs the European market. And do you know what that is called? Leverage. So I thus urge President von der Leyen, – or please, Mr Šefčovič, if you could convey that message, because she left – to stand firm in Beijing and defend our strategic interests. And our strategic interests are Ukraine, not German cars.

Madam President, colleagues, High Representative, whether we end up spending 3 % or even 5 % of our GDP on defence, the core principle must remain the same. We have to spend it on what we actually need. It's not just about more money. It's about smart money. Due to high costs, poor coordination and low efficiency, we don't get the military capability we should pay for what we spend. Throwing more money at broken systems will not protect us. We must learn from the most experienced and adaptive army in the world today. The Ukrainian armed forces. They have shown how to do more with less. How to be agile, innovative and focus. Ukraine teaches us, for instance, that asymmetric drone swarms can beat all of our current weapon systems, and cost only a fraction of them. This cannot be a race of national egos or parallel procurements. It must be a joint European effort. Coordinated and goal driven. Air defence, cyber resilience and battlefield readiness are not optional but essential. And let's not forget the why. This is not a blind ramping up of military budgets. It's about securing our democratic way of life against a aggressive regime that wants to see us divided and paralysed in an ever more polarised world. Delaying action only makes the final bill higher. So yes, 5 % is a big number, but the real threat is doing too little, too late.

Mr President, dear colleagues, today we remind ourselves of the 110th anniversary of the Armenian Genocide, notably the death of 1.5 million Armenians who were the victims of Turkish radicalisation and unchecked nationalism that led to the genocide. Remembrance of such horrible events should not be just about the past, but about the lessons we carry forward and confronting the injustices of today and the future. Europe, built on values of peace and dignity, has a duty to uphold these principles and constantly and consistently stand for human rights, demanding the accountability of those infringing these values. We cannot continue closing our eyes when it is convenient for us and pat ourselves on the back when we cherry-pick the case of suffering we stand up for. We recently witnessed the forced displacement of ethnic Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh. And yet, European Member States are still importing oil and gas from Azerbaijan and, together with the Commission, keeping the memorandum of understanding on energy with them – all while Aliyev continues his internal political oppression, crushing any dissenting voices. We should use this opportunity to reflect on how we act, rather than using mere rhetoric. Let's start with terminating the oil and gas imports from Azerbaijan and supporting the last remaining and standing democracy in the region.

Mr President, Europe is arming, not out of a desire for war, but because an aggressor in the East is killing our neighbours and friends and a former ally in the West is turning away from us. Yes, the eighty-year-old power system is coming to an end, and in the new one we have to take care of our own security. To grow up. It is a historic moment of European independence and unfortunately we are behind. There is talk of hundreds of billions of euros in defence, but concrete plans are lacking. We don't necessarily need more resolutions, and we already know what's in that white paper. We don't even need another summit. What we urgently need now is an investment worthy of a global player with a 15-trillion-dollar economy. We must show authoritarians around the world our true economic strength and ability to act. This is our moment. Well, we have to act now. If we have any time at all, it is the time that Ukrainian defenders buy us with their lives. Let's think about it! Glory to Ukraine and Glory to Europe!

Mr President, today marks three years since Russia launched its brutal aggression against Ukraine. Unfortunately, the question has arisen several times today as to whether it makes sense to support Ukraine. So let me ask you something else: What would happen if we didn't? Where would Europe be today if we remained passive, if we did not open our doors to refugees, if we did not show unity? Today, Russian tanks might stand on the borders of Poland, Slovakia or the Baltics, and there would be genocide of the Ukrainian population in Ukraine. Aggressors around the world would see that war pays off and that both the West and Europe are weak and to be dismantled. If you don't care about values, you're very poor with me. But to speak in your language of transactions, the cost of neutrality would be incomparably higher than the cost of our assistance. That's why we have to stay firm. That's why we have to keep going. Glory to Ukraine!

Thank you for the question. In fact, this legislative proposal is already on the table in Europe. It was prepared by our former Czech colleague Věra Jourová. Basically, it's kind of like the American law, just a lot more sensitive, because in laws like this, you have to be very sensitive about whether you're suppressing free speech, but you're really just striving for more transparency. I think the proposed law goes in that direction, and I will definitely work closely on it in the Committee on Constitutional Affairs.

Madam President, dear colleagues, imagine a platform where fake accounts and AI-generated content influence public discourse with precision. A platform owned by a foreign actor in close relation to their state leadership. A platform with algorithms engineered not to inform but to provoke, amplifying the most divisive and negative reactions. A platform that dominates our digital landscape. Now consider a platform benefiting specific individuals during an election in Europe. What platform did each of you imagine? Was it TikTok or X? These parallels should be striking to us Europeans. Long gone is the time when social media giants just wanted to increase their profits. Now there are political motivations behind our feeds, endangering our democracies. Extremists will accuse us of taking their free speech rights while they are owning the main means of public communication. Don't act neutral. Standing in the middle between autocracy and democracy just means standing on the side of autocracy.

I feel really strange hearing all of this from especially this side, so you will be the one to take my question about it. I feel like you did not really read the DSA, which we are discussing today, because you talk about censorship. Can you explain how legislation which makes the influence of a few chosen ones on our minds and lives transparent is censoring anyone? The only ones who need to be a little bit more upfront and open – so more transparent – are the big owners of the big tech such as Mr Musk. So can you tell me why Mr Musk's freedom of speech, so-called, on a platform which he owns, is more important to you than what your citizens and what your voters know?

I would like to ask you about the comparison you have made. I would like to know: Why do you think that the Constitutional Court in Romania threatens democracy in Romania more than the Chinese spy app? Let me just remind you that it's not Romanian, it's Chinese, which is a third country. Thank you for the explanation.