What Valérie spoke about.

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, Mr President Costa, ladies and gentlemen, one word has come up in recent years: that of crisis – cgeopolitical rise, trade crisis, democratic crisis, but also climate, economic, social, health or migration crisis. Fortunately, it is said that Europe advances only in crises. This has been demonstrated in recent years, with the way we have responded to Brexit, COVID-19 with vaccines and the historic recovery plan, the war in Ukraine with the deployment of defence Europe and the strengthening of our energy independence, and global warming with the Green Deal. The Renew Europe Group has been the driving force behind these concrete achievements, with an obsession: protect our middle and working classes, the hardest hit. But today, ladies and gentlemen, the European Union must do even more. That is what we felt at the end of the last summit, Mr President. I welcome, of course, the progress made by the 27: on unanimous support for European defence, on strengthening our competitiveness and on supporting the Commission in trade negotiations with the US, in order to reach a swift and pragmatic agreement. But on many other subjects, ladies and gentlemen, let us go further! Let us not forget, of course, Ukraine; Let us not lose sight of the danger that Russia poses to our own security. As regards the lack of unanimity on the 18th package of sanctions, let us say: this is a failure. As we know, Fico’s Slovakia and Orbán’s Hungary are two supporters of Vladimir Putin and they are thorns in the foot of Europe. Let us also not forget what happened during the presidential election in Romania, where Russian interference was clearly demonstrated. Vladimir Putin’s Russia has only one objective vis-à-vis the European Union: to encourage agents of division in the Member States to instil doubt about the necessary support for Ukraine, to influence our decisions here in this Chamber, thanks to relays that are now perfectly identified, and to encourage the lack of unanimity in the Council. The time we are wasting here has only one consequence: to favour the Russian forces in their work of undermining the Ukrainian resistance. Today, Europe is Ukraine’s biggest supporter. Ladies and gentlemen, on this subject and on all the others, there is an elephant in the room: Donald Trump's United States. America is a challenge for us today: Who has global leadership? Ladies and gentlemen, Europe has everything to enforce itself (a market of 450 million consumers, rules that protect us...), but it must be at the initiative, not to suffer, not to be shy in the implementation of its legislative agenda, to preserve its unity on Ukraine, to strengthen its partnerships with allies who share our values – and I am thinking, in particular, of the United Kingdom. That is why, ladies and gentlemen, we must act, propose and move forward. My group, Renew Europe, will always be on the side of Europe’s architects, and what I propose here is a triple plus: faster, stronger, further – because we need Europe!

Madam President, Madam President von der Leyen, we have just listened to Nicola Procaccini. We can see that Mr. Procaccini is embarrassed, because half of his group wants to bring you down. Then there are the Patriots. So there is no ambiguity, because they, for their part, want to bring down Europe. But what world do they live in? A world without the horrors of Ukraine and the Middle East? A world without Trump or Putin? A world where Europe has not already proven its worth? Of course we need Europe, and we have never needed Europe so much! Today, Madam President, you are witnessing the impasse that is yours and that of your political family, who have allowed the EPP to make ad hoc alliances with the far right. So I ask you clearly: Who are your allies in this Parliament? Your true allies? Because you have to choose: A year ago, we elected you head of the European Commission. Today, none of our Members signed this motion of censure. None! I hope this has been noted. At the same time, I must say that this debate comes at an opportune time, because Parliament has things to say to you, particularly on transparency and governance. I'm sorry to say that, but it's still the hospital that doesn't care about charity! Before giving lessons, it would be a good idea for the far right, but especially the EPP, your own political family, Madam President, to stop blocking the establishment of the ethical body. Beyond transparency, it is the institutional balances that are now being undermined by this cooperation with Europe’s enemies. Answering them on ecological claims, Madam President, without respecting our rules, has been a major mistake, a symptom of everything that has been dysfunctional for a year and must stop. There is one thing I also want to say to you, Madam President: What is Europe doing? What's up with the Draghi report? What about the Capital Markets Union? What about the protection of minors on social networks? What about sanctions against platforms that relay false information and interference? The statement today, Madam President, is clear: the Commission is too centralised and sclerotic, and the European Parliament is totally unstable. With Renew Europe, we defended the majority that elected you, Madam President, on a pro-European programme, the same programme that is now slipping because of a break in the method. It is skating because ideology prevails over political agreements. It is slipping because Parliament's balances are poorly calculated and anticipated by the Commission. So, Madam President, I must now tell you: nothing is taken for granted. Bring order back to your political family! We are waiting for you to get your hands on it so that, at last, the political agenda that we are carrying, both substantively and with you, can come to fruition.

Madam President, High Representative, dear Kaja, ladies and gentlemen, we owe Europeans a truth. The global balance between great powers is often based not on understanding, but on fear. And in international law, this fear has a name, deterrence. To quote Raymond Aron, deterrence is based on the certainty for the opponent that the risks he takes are greater than the benefits he could hope for. Deterrence, ladies and gentlemen, is peace, it is the guarantee of the balance of powers. Yet, for decades, Europe has denied this reality, even treated it in the United States, in NATO, with a guilty form of strategic naivety. Article five, this promise of collective defense, was always the others, it was never us. Today, ladies and gentlemen, the consequences of this attitude are catching up with us. We have not only underinvested in our defense, we have hidden the possibility of being under threat from a foreign army again. And here we are. We lived in the certainty that the peace dividends would never cease. 24 February 2022 was a complete shock. We were not ready, not ready to help Ukraine militarily, not ready to defend ourselves, not ready to produce, to supply, to deter. NATO, ladies and gentlemen, is the most powerful pillar at the disposal of the allies today, with its dual posture of reassurance and deterrence. Burden-sharing has been unbalanced since the alliance was founded. And this sharing can no longer remain a promise on paper. It must finally become a reality. Not to please Donald Trump, no, for our independence, for our security, for the security of Europeans. And setting a number is obviously an important step. Going to the 5% is the right direction. But let's be clear, this does not yet answer the question of our strategy. This does not say how to finally create a single military market that Europe urgently needs. This does not answer the strategic question of Ukraine's accession. Ladies and gentlemen, after three years of war on European soil, we must decide and act. What are we Europeans doing for our own safety? My group, ladies and gentlemen, Renew Europe, calls for concrete measures to equip Europe with real defence capabilities. The European Parliament has adopted a concrete programme for the European defence industry. We call on the Council to implement it without delay, to close the current strategic gap, to create a genuine single market for defence, to streamline procurement and to strengthen industrial cooperation in Europe. It is also high time to take forward discussions on European deterrence. No more taboos! We are advocating for an expanded French nuclear umbrella. We advocate the development of a military culture between Europeans with a European military academy. We call for a European Security Council for this new defence matrix. These are the issues at stake at the next NATO summit.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, "global warming is a hoax invented by the Chinese to harm American industry", "the noise of wind turbines causes cancer", "the European Green Deal is a communist manifesto", "a disinfectant is more effective than a vaccine against COVID-19", "cod liver oil reduces measles-related mortality", "teachers are the enemy, we must aggressively attack universities". These statements are the work of Donald Trump and his administration who have made science and scientists enemies of America. Ladies and gentlemen, it is not only in the United States, but everywhere in the world where extremes are on the rise, that scientific freedom is under threat. The Choose Europe for Science initiative promotes this scientific freedom. It aims to increase the attractiveness of scientific careers in Europe. It wants to accelerate innovation by facilitating the transition from basic research to the market. Commissioner, the Renew Europe Group fully supports this initiative. He is at your side to make Europe this pole of attraction for science. He stands by your side to defend our identity, that of a European democracy that protects us from obscurantism. So let's work together to give more resources to European and foreign scientists and to facilitate the return of European expatriate researchers. I tell scientists around the world: Hear this call and choose Europe to continue working. Financing, a favourable environment, administrative facilities, the mobilisation of a budget of EUR 500 million, as well as unconditional support for freedom and scientific excellence are there for you. Europe is generous because it needs scientists. Ladies and gentlemen, without research, without innovation, we will not be able to meet the challenge of our competitiveness. This is one of the conditions for making the European Union a full political power. The equation is posed. So let's move on.

Madam President, I would like to raise a point of order regarding the Rule 11 on the Rules of Conduct, on integrity and transparency. Dear colleagues, last week, the Bulgarian party Revival, of the ESN Group, signed a cooperation agreement with the party United Russia, of Vladimir Putin. Secondly, we were informed that some extremist MEPs in this House – again – may accept an invitation to attend the military parade of Vladimir Putin this Friday. Dear colleagues, these are blatant attacks to our common values, but also to the Parliament's integrity and reputation. Renew Europe asks you, Madam President, to investigate whether the three members of the Revival party sitting in this House receive any financial contribution or donation from United Russia to influence our parliamentary work in their favour, and we ask you, Madam President, to make sure that no trip to Moscow on Friday is financially covered by the Parliament in a way or another. Thank you.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, Mr Minister, ladies and gentlemen, 'the old world is dying, the new world is slow to appear and in this darkness monsters appear': This quote from Antonio Gramsci is the perfect metaphor for the challenge posed by Donald Trump's trade war. This trade war questions the very identity of the European Union. It is, beyond the immense danger it represents for our economies, a political challenge, a confrontation between two models, the model promoted by this new American administration – protectionism, brutality, populism – and our European model – freedom, the force of law, democracy. The "Make America Great Again" is a frontal attack on multilateralism. It is a frontal attack on a Europe in which 27 countries play the game of cooperation. It is a frontal attack on what we built together in the aftermath of World War II. Yes, ladies and gentlemen, regulated world trade is a tool for lasting peace, the most powerful we have ever known. Yet Donald Trump has decided to launch a trade war on the whole earth; all over the world, except Russia, Belarus and North Korea. So, I would like to say three things to the American president: First, the trade war does not benefit anyone and in no way the American consumers who are the first to pay the price. Secondly, Europe will always be a fair and reliable trading partner, in line with international rules. Thirdly, if we have to play the balance of power, then we are ready for it. As you recalled, Mr Vice-President, we have all the trade defence tools to protect our citizens and our businesses. That's our position. Without ever closing the door to negotiation, the European Commission must be ready to seize these instruments. Colleagues, the cultural battle imposed by Donald Trump forces everyone to position themselves, including in this Chamber. Some of you were in Washington the night he was elected. Many have called for a Trumpism, French or European. Some, by the way, are very embarrassed today, as was the case with the speakers who preceded me. They are the same people who dream of a retreat on national borders and a return to economic protectionism. I want to tell you: Open your eyes, it doesn't work! See for yourself that it can't work. What we stand for here is regulated global trade. They are trade agreements concluded on the basis of reciprocity that do not jeopardize our farmers or our industries, trade agreements that on the contrary allow us to diversify our supplies of raw materials or our economic opportunities. This is the guarantee of our prosperity for years to come. At this time, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is anything but weak. We have a market of 450 million Europeans, attractive to many countries that want to strengthen their relations with us. We have a legislative and regulatory framework that provides reassuring visibility for many investors. So let's not let the monsters come out of the chiaroscuro. Let us not allow Europe to deviate from its path. Let us build the foundations for a new world where the European Union meets the challenge of its sovereignty.

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, ladies and gentlemen, the world is flickering. In the West, old alliances are being challenged. In the East, aggressiveness supplants diplomacy. At home in Europe, some are attacking what is the foundation of our society: our democratic model. The moment we live in is decisive for our future. Attempts to destabilise Europe must be guided by three principles: unity, credibility, boldness. Unit, first: unity is our strength at 27. Unity means standing with all those who are fighting to be free. This means standing with Ukraine. It also means taking sanctions when hostile actors manipulate the internet and pit our compatriots against each other. It is the unity of states, public opinion, our economic fabric and our armies. This is how we will weigh in on this unstable world. Credibility, then: We are a global power and we must assume this status in the face of those who seek to intimidate us. I want to have a word here about our ability to defend our interests, especially in the face of the new American administration. The priority is unity and solidarity, including with Greenlanders, who are under unacceptable pressure. I want to recall an intangible principle: the self-determination of peoples. Greenland is not for sale and it is up to the Greenlanders alone to decide their future. Beyond the territories of its Member States, Europe must react if it is the target of trade attacks. The work that you are currently doing, Madam President, to identify the sectors to be targeted and to ensure the coordination of States is crucial. Our countermeasures must be credible and strong to deter even higher tariffs. But when the time comes for negotiation, Madam President, our rules, which have been established and voted on here in this Parliament, should not be the adjustment variable. I am thinking in particular of our laws, those that aim to end the digital far west: the Digital Services Act and the Digital Markets Act. They are the emanation of our values and they can in no way be undermined. Finally, audacity. Together with my group, we welcome the new efforts proposed for our military capabilities: the White Paper on the future of European defence, the European preference finally firmly anchored in the Council conclusions. But we need to be even more ambitious. The audacity is to look for new avenues of financing, such as Eurobonds or Europeans’ savings products. These avenues will be essential for a change of scale, to really give a boost to our industrial fabric, in addition to the simplification work already underway. For all these initiatives, Madam President, Mr President, Renew Europe will be a support. We need to keep up as long as the situation demands, because the course is good, but, let us be clear, everything remains to be done.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, our farmers needed it. So thank you, Commissioner, for your vision this morning on agriculture and food. I'll tell you right away: I'm going to say hello to her. The challenges of the agricultural world are immense: climate change management, geopolitical instability, generational renewal and, what our farmers have been demanding for a long time, fair prices and clear rules that are easy to apply. Agriculture is one of the biggest strategic issues in our Europe. You were therefore expected to have an ambition in terms of food sovereignty; She's in there. We expected a willingness to develop the resilience of our farms; She's here. The demographic challenge was expected to be addressed; He's in there. The issue of reciprocity was expected; That's the case. It was expected that the remuneration of farmers would figure prominently; I read "attractiveness", I read "innovation", I read "access to land", and I can only welcome it. This work, as we all know, is only the start of a project as colossal as it is essential. He now asks that together, in responsibility, we raise our sleeves. I will take care of this with my colleagues, in my priorities as President of the Renew Group. This is an issue that our group is pushing hard to make concrete progress, starting in particular by strengthening the weight of farmers in the value chain, including by strengthening the Unfair Commercial Practices Directive. The hardest part remains to be done: set all this to music, set it down in our legislation and ensure the consistency of our policies and choices, without forgetting, of course, to devote the means of our ambitions to it; The nerve of war is money.

Madam President, Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, Minister, who could have thought a few weeks ago that the United States would support a Russian resolution against Ukraine at the UN, together with China and North Korea? Who would have thought that his president would one day say that he would recover Greenland, a European territory, ‘in one way or another’? What is happening across the Atlantic is not a simple disengagement; it is a complete reversal of alliances. I did not think I would say that one day, but today the facts are as follows: In a world where, for 20 years, Russia and China have massively increased their defence spending, the White House, under Donald Trump, is no longer our ally. Our world is increasingly hostile, and we must draw two consequences. The first is that we must know how to defend ourselves. So, Madam President, let us buy European, let us invest European and let us produce European. Yes, a hundred times yes, to this €800 billion, to get defence out of our fiscal rules and even to a common loan. Yes to a European preference, otherwise our money will go to other economies than our own. Without European preference, no strategic autonomy and therefore no sovereignty. However, we must also say the following: We'll need more. It will therefore be necessary to work very quickly, Madam President, on the European obligations proposed by Parliament and by a number of governments in Europe. It will also be necessary to work on ways of mobilising Europeans’ savings. The strategic issue, of course, is money, but not only. Coordination will be key. Our armies and our million European soldiers must be able to work together. We must also move forward on the European benefit of nuclear deterrence, without, of course, calling into question the national sovereign decision to activate it. Only then will we preserve peace for our citizens. To ensure our security, it is also urgent to continue to support Ukraine, because the security of Ukrainians is also our security. Donald Trump’s decision to stop arms deliveries and intelligence sharing reminds us of only one thing: we must take back our destiny, continue to try to convince the US administration that it is making a mistake, of course, but, meanwhile, accelerate our aid to Ukraine and be a force of proposal to offer security guarantees to Ukraine – and to ourselves. This includes sending European peacekeeping troops once an agreement has been reached. We must deter the Russian threat once and for all. The second consequence is that our democratic model is under attack: in the east by Russian interference and in the west by the Trump camp and the allies of this reactionary international, right here in this Chamber. Mr Procaccini, when you claim that the United States has given more money and support to Ukraine than Europe, that is not true. You know this perfectly well and you take up in this sense both Trump's propaganda and the Kremlin's propaganda. We stand by Ukraine, we have stood by Ukraine from the beginning and we will continue to stand by Ukraine until peace is achieved – peace is by no means capitulation. Madam President, the democratic shield must be a cornerstone of this mandate, and we look forward to your proposal as much as we need it; But let's start by applying the laws that already exist. What is the status of the DSA investigation? The fundamental principle of law is that when rules are violated, there is a penalty, and it is your responsibility to ensure that they are respected. Colleagues, Europe is a stabilising power. Our goal is peace, international order and the promotion of democracy. We have the strengths to be a political and military power. It is time to assume ourselves as such.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, thank you for presenting the Commission's work programme. You know that my group will support you, but the subject I am going to talk to you about this morning is the method. I could have reminded you this morning of my group's position on European defence, on simplification, on competitiveness, on the Green Deal, but you already know these positions. For me, the only question worth asking today is: When are we finally going to take the measure of urgency? The stall is here and it will settle permanently if we do not take the necessary measures very quickly, now. The figures speak for themselves: In 2008, we were at the same level as the United States and now we are at 15 trillion GDP when the United States is at almost 30 trillion. This trend is observed over 20 years. It is not new and it is accelerating. Meanwhile – unfortunately the Council is not represented – we feel a form of inertia. Let's just take a little perspective. The Draghi report was six months ago. The Letta report, a year ago. Their proposals, which we also supported with my Renew Group, had basically been known for years and even decades. The US Inflation Reduction Act was three years ago, in 2022. The Russian war of aggression in Ukraine and the need to strengthen our European defence three years ago in 2022. And where are we today? Where are we on the Energy Union? Where are we in the Capital Markets Union? Where are we on European defence? Where are we with own resources? So, of course, we have done things and we must salute him, but, as we all know here, we are very, very far from the answers adapted to reality, the stakes, the challenges and the threats. When will states finally get out of their inertia? When will they finally give the final necklace, so decisive? And then there's us. I must tell you, Commissioner, this has already been pointed out, many of us here are asking why President von der Leyen is not here this morning. I know that it is customary for you to be the Commission's voice in this debate on the work programme. But really, I think it would have been helpful if Ursula von der Leyen had been here, in person, this morning. We are in a turning point, potentially a year of tipping if political leadership is not assumed. Symbols matter, but not just symbols. If Ursula von der Leyen had come, I think she could have heard, she could have perceived that there are many questions in this house. Among the questions: What is the working method of the European Commission? Why does one group seem to have more information about the European Commission's work programme and ambitions than others? There are also many concerns about the majorities that will emerge. However, the only majority that is worthwhile is the majority of Mme von der Leyen. And the President has a responsibility to sustain this majority, this majority that elected her. This majority is the only one through which a positive pro-European agenda for Europeans can be achieved. So, of course, we too will play our part here in the European Parliament. I say to the Socialists, as I say to the EPP and the Greens: responsibility, it must also come from here. The moment is too serious to divide. Stop the postures, because we have to find compromises. We will get down to it, otherwise it is a sure failure for Europe. Now we all need to get started.

Madam President, Commissioner, Prime Minister, I am returning from Poland. I went to Warsaw last week with the members of my group. And what we have seen on the ground is that, indeed, Prime Minister, every day, with your coalition, which includes members of Renew, you are mobilised to restore the rule of law, which has been unravelled for years by your predecessors. We know how difficult this is and we will be by your side, day after day, to restore this rule of law, which has been trampled on by the PiS. You also know this - and I have already had the opportunity to tell you this - in this Chamber, among pro-Europeans, even though we obviously have differences of opinion, there are enormous expectations of your presidency, Prime Minister. Because, yes, you brought Poland back to Europe, and for the mandate that is opening, everything has to be done. If Parliament is in order, our expectations of states are immense. Prime Minister, as you know, we are living in unstable times. So, a question about our global leadership: Do we want to keep chasing the car or do we finally decide to drive it? To do this, in the coming six months, you must succeed in the bet of our security, of which you have made it a priority. The bet of our economic security first, in the face of competitors from all over the world competing for attractiveness and trampling on trade rules. The challenge of our physical and military security, so that we can finally defend ourselves as Europeans. The bet of our energy security, at a time when we are moving away from Russian fossil fuels. I would also like to tell you, Prime Minister, that we will have no future if we bring down the Green Deal. The Green Deal is the key to our energy independence. The Green Deal is the key to our sovereignty. The Green Deal is the key to our future, to the future of our children and their children. So yes to simplification, to real, concrete simplification, which facilitates the life of our companies, to allow them to gain competitiveness. Yes to pragmatism, but no to the questioning of our climate objectives. The challenge of our political security, finally: that of our democracies, in an era where the far right thrives, in an era of disinformation and hybrid interference. We must respond to these destabilizations. And one of them, as you mentioned, is the instrumentalisation of migration. Yes, Prime Minister, we have heard, and yes, in front of her, in front of this migratory instrumentalisation, we will help you. But I would like to remind you of one thing: the priority of the priorities in this area is the implementation of the New Pact on Migration and Asylum, and I regret that you did not support it. So yes, Europe will be by your side, but if we want to get there definitively, we need to work together, including in the implementation of the Pact. One word: 'Effectiveness', Prime Minister. Liczymy na was!

Madam President, Madam President, President Costa - welcome to this Chamber. You will see that there is always frank discussion. You will also see that you will find strong allies there, because we know that you will not have the easy task, in the coming months, to reach agreement between the States. But often, very often, you will have the European Parliament at your side to push the Member States for more ambition, especially on the issue of defence. As you mentioned, you will bring leaders together very soon on this issue. This is a very important initiative, which I welcome – at a time when Europe is struggling to be audible in this new geopolitical context that has become, as we know, unpredictable, it is time to assert itself and speak with a united voice on world affairs. First of all, I would like to talk about Ukraine: North Koreans, Cubans, Ghanaians, Sri Lankans, Indians, Syrians, Nepalese, these are some of the nationalities among Russian troops in Ukraine today. Russia chooses to internationalise its barbaric conflict. So the priority of my group, Renew, is the victory of the Ukrainian people. Victory as a path to a just and lasting peace. A peace that must be achieved for the Ukrainians, with the Ukrainians and on the conditions of the Ukrainians. Mr President, let us continue to support Ukraine and I ask you to work on sanctions. We have a real problem with their implementation. They're still bypassed. However, they need to be fully applied: against those responsible for this war, against the Russian ghost fleet, against the third countries complicit in Russia. Then there is the Middle East. Our call for peace has always been clear. Moreover, it is still relevant, because the agreement on the ceasefire and the release of hostages is indispensable. But, as the last few days have shown us, this agreement is fragile. The ceasefire in Gaza must be implemented without violation and must last. The hostages, all the hostages, must be released. Humanitarian aid must be delivered unhindered. Ultimately, we know that only a two-State solution will bring lasting peace to the region. A peace that the inhabitants, everywhere, call to horn and cry. I finally want to have a word for the Georgian people. There, democracy is under attack by Putin's supporters. In Tbilisi and elsewhere, protesters have been taking to the streets for weeks, months, after being robbed of their election. Despite the repressions, every week a little more violent, they sing our European anthem, they brandish our star circle. Among them is Salome Zourabishvili, with extraordinary courage, to whom I want to pay tribute here. We do not forget the Georgians, we hear them and we will stand by them.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, in recent hours the United States has had a new president. We all know his passive and his style. So, let's say it: Yes, the United States is and will remain a partner. But a partnership goes both ways. And little brother syndrome is enough. Listen to President Trump's speech yesterday: withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, withdrawal from the WHO ... Not a word about Europe, not a word about NATO, not a word about Ukraine. For Trump, it is a national retreat, America First pure and hard. While we Europeans know that the only method that is worthwhile is multilateralism, which we will obviously continue to defend. But make no mistake, Donald Trump does not hide his commercial aggressiveness. We obviously have no interest in the trade war, but neither do the Americans. American companies need our market. So is Donald Trump going to explain to American companies that they will no longer be able to access our market on the same terms because he has put tariffs on European products? Of course not! Of course not. We have to play the balance of power. We, too, are not weak. The second challenge is the geopolitical challenge of a sovereign, powerful and influential Europe. This is support for Ukraine, which is imperative and in the interest of all of us, including the United States. It is also our security and our unity. In Greenland, as elsewhere, the territory of our Member States is not for sale. Here again, let us assume our sovereignty. Finally, the last challenge, ladies and gentlemen, is the democratic challenge. As we have seen, Elon Musk has an overpowering algorithm with X, an algorithm that influences our public debates. I want to say a word about freedom of expression. I will be very clear: The subject is not Elon Musk’s political opinion. The point is that freedom of expression is not about allowing some people to quietly pour out their hatred of others. Because in this case, it is the law of the jungle. It means silencing everyone else: moderates, minorities, the vast majority of people who respect others. What then becomes of her, their freedom? With Renew Europe, we demand that the Commission applies the sanctions that will be imposed on X. What is the point, Commissioner - I ask you - of passing laws here in this Parliament if the Commission does not enforce them? We must also defend our rule of law and our values. Musk, Trump and all their supporters, including in Europe, have an ideological agenda. They want to undermine our democracies. It is therefore also a political and ideological struggle that we must fight. That, ladies and gentlemen, is the triple challenge we face. The good news is that we are a majority that want to act. So we have to go now.

Madam President, Minister, President von der Leyen, ladies and gentlemen, this European summit will be the summit of an ideal that we know to be under attack: freedom. Today I want to talk to you about the Syrian, Ukrainian, Georgian and Moldovan peoples. It is our moral duty as well as our strategic interest to support them in their fight for their freedom. First of all, Syria. Yes, in Syria, the fall of Bashar al-Assad is a huge surge of hope for the freedom of Syrians. I call for a transition that respects all minorities, the rights of all, but also of all. Since the fall of Bashar al-Assad, some states have already started to review their asylum policies. But let's face it! In Damascus, peace and security have not yet returned. Who can say here that today Syrians are safe in their country? Nobody. Next, Ukraine. Ukraine relies on our ammunition, it relies on us to train its soldiers. At a time when its energy infrastructure is being targeted, let us also help it weather the winter and not tolerate any blind spots in our sanctions. These flaws are unacceptable. North Korean soldiers, Yemeni soldiers, threats to our democracies: this conflict is taking on an international dimension. So, as soon as possible, Ukraine must return to a just and lasting peace, with strong security guarantees and on its own terms. Finally, Georgia. Georgians have been demonstrating for weeks to the sound of the European anthem. We just welcomed President Zourabichvili to this Chamber an hour ago. It is the country's last remaining independent institution, and the Renew Europe Group stands fully by its side. His people have shown extraordinary courage. In the face of repression, thousands of them resisted by demonstrating peacefully. They don't let themselves be robbed of their election. They do not tolerate fraud or interference, and they are right. Across the country, when the new government wants to block their desire for Europe, they stand up, united in the face of a so-called Georgian Dream, which is actually their worst nightmare, and which serves not Georgia but the Kremlin. Let me be clear: In all the countries I have just mentioned, there is one thing in common: Vladimir Putin – from support for Assad to the borders of Ukraine, from Tbilisi to Chișinău and to our Member States, which today are the target of foreign interference. Just look at what happened in Romania... Colleagues, this summit must pave the way for European unity: on enlargement, on Syria and, more than ever, on Ukraine. If Europe does not defend democracy, no one else will do it for us.

Madam President, thank you. Madam President, you were elected to lead the Commission on the basis of a work programme. It largely includes our Renew proposals and this is very good news. We are at a turning point. We are facing existential challenges. So you know my family's ambitions – three things. First, freedom. No rule of law, no EU funds. Madam President, we appreciate your support for smart conditionality. Thank you for endorsing it for the first time. And we also call for the Commission to move to the next step of Article 7. Second, prosperity. Let's answer Mario Draghi's wake-up call. We have to scrap red tape, to simplify, we have to speed up the savings and investments Union. You have announced a Clean Industrial Deal. It must be our tool to decarbonise the economy. It must serve the Green Deal. EU businesses are already on track for a clean future. They need our support and we won't accept any backtracking when it comes to protecting the planet. And third, security. 80 % of our military equipment comes from abroad. We are the target of more and more threats on our democracies here in Europe. If we don't reinforce our security, our defence market and our support to Ukraine, Europe will be at major risk. We need a true defence and security Union. There is no plan B. We are counting on your entire College to follow to the letter the direction that you, yourself, set out in this Chamber. It is a huge, huge task, but we will be by your side.

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, it has not been easy, it has not been easy every day, but we have succeeded. We come out of an intense moment of conviction, negotiation, responsibility. First of all, I would like to welcome all the candidate Commissioners. If your college is approved today, we will work together, hand in hand, for the future of Europe. I would also like to have a special word for our five Renew candidates: Stéphane, Kaja, Marta, Hadja, Michael. You've done one without fail! And in your team, Madam President, Renew Europe, the second political force of the College, will be Europe's driving force. But there are some who will not be Europe's driving force, Madam President, and you know that very well. Among them is Fidesz. I recall that in 2020 Viktor Orban advocated Russian vaccines and that he intimidates every day women who want to have an abortion. So our colleagues in the parliamentary committee were uncompromising. Thank you, Madam President, for listening to them, removing sexual and reproductive rights and the entire Directorate-General HERA from the portfolio of Commissioner Fidesz. That is the job of the European Parliament. And this work pays off. Seriousness pays off, because, let's be clear, I think we all do the same analysis of how the hearings went. Frankly, is this the image we want to send back from the European Parliament? A trade war hangs over us and, meanwhile, we spend days talking about order of passage. It was supposed to be a technical subject and not a political fight. Vladimir Putin is waging a barbaric war on our doorstep, multiplying interference here, in Europe, on our soil. Meanwhile, because a populist can weaken his prime minister in Slovenia, we are wasting days in the hearing process here in the European Parliament. And I am not, of course, quoting another national debate, which we all have in mind, and which has vampirized the process of these hearings. Colleagues, this does not work, because, in these hearings, the real question, in reality, is: Will the Commissioner for Energy propose a mix that guarantees our energy independence? The real question is: Will the Defence Commissioner support, yes or no, European industry? The real question is: Will each of your Commissioners, Madam President, be able to ensure the real simplification that our SMEs, farmers and citizens expect? This is the heart of the hearings; that's why we created this process; That is why they are important. In the light of the last few weeks, ladies and gentlemen, we clearly need to review the way in which this is happening: from appointments to evaluations, on parity, on the speed of the procedure – we have not had a single text on the European Parliament's table for almost a year now – and on how to ensure that national games and group games are no longer parasitic on hearings. Colleagues, in an hour we are going to vote on the college. The question now is: How can we work together for the next five years? As we see today, there are two possible majorities in this European Parliament. We have, on the one hand, the "Venezuela" majority. This one, it must be said clearly, will do a lot of harm to the democrats who make it exist, because it is against Europe and especially because it is unnatural. It is so unnatural that the texts, in the end, especially on the budget - as we have seen - fall anyway. Opposite, we have the only majority that is worth it, the only one possible: it is the one who made the recovery plan, the one who made the Green Deal, it is also the one who made Schengen and who made the euro in the past. This is the central majority, that of the pro-Europeans. Dear Manfred, dear Iratxe, it is this central majority that we formalized last week in the agreement we made. Thank you very much for the joint work. And it is on her, Madam President, that you will have to rely, even if – as you know perfectly well – on the issue of the Executive Vice-Presidents, we do not agree with all your choices. Because this coalition is the only one that supports Ukraine, that supports the rule of law; the only one that supports purchasing power, the environment, freedom; The only one with a positive agenda for Europe. I'd like to have a word for Bas and Terry: I know your commitment and we will have the opportunity to strengthen together the pro-European path of this European Parliament. For this majority, of course, is open to all those who want to join it on this basis.

Mr President: ‘It is not up to us to have shame.’ These are the words of Gisèle Pelicot at the opening of the so-called ‘51’ trial. Words we need to get as many people to hear as possible. For twenty years, Dominique Pelicot drugged his wife to deliver her unconsciously to dozens of men, who, with him, subjected her to rape of unspeakable barbarity. These 51 defendants are firefighters, local elected officials, bus drivers, nurses. This trial is the trial of the banality of evil. For, in Avignon, these accused are inserted, they are fathers of families, they are M. Tout-le-monde. Today, Gisèle Pelicot has made history: The woman who bulged her torso so that shame would change sides. In this trial, in Avignon, parade the most abject concepts at the helm: rape out of curiosity, rape out of fatigue, rape out of politeness, or, to quote an accused: “It’s not rape because I experienced it well.” Let’s remember: consent must be free, informed, enthusiastic and retractable. And when the "yes" does not meet these criteria, then it is no! Half of European women experience domestic violence one day. In my country, France, one in five men think that a woman can take pleasure in being forced. Today, I am also thinking of Dorota Lalik, who died of sepsis after a far-right government forced her to wait for her baby to die in her womb – because under her rule there was no abortion in Poland. I am thinking of Giulia Cecchettin, found dead at the bottom of a ravine, murdered by her former companion. A barbaric femicide, as is still the case across Europe. I think of our mothers, our grandmothers, our sisters, our companions, our daughters. Those who do not dare to file a complaint, those whose trial is closed for lack of evidence, those who fall victim to beatings. All of them. So, ladies and gentlemen, the European definition of rape must include consent, the right to abortion must be enshrined in the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, and each generation, one after the other, must be trained in consent. This fight is not a fight between the sexes: it is a societal struggle, of all kinds, against this culture of rape. So let us mobilise, until the horror of this violence stops!

Madam President, thank you. President Zelenskyy, it is a great honour to have you here today. It's been a thousand days. A thousand days that this fierce war lasts. Thousand days your people resist for freedom. In this war, there is an aggressor and an aggressor. There is a leader who for ten years has been attacking your territory and who, faced with the bravery of Ukrainians, is reduced to appealing to others to continue his murderous campaign: Iranian drones, North Korean or Sri Lankan soldiers. There is one aggressor, only one, who brought the war back to European soil. Then there's your people. Every day, Ukrainian soldiers and civilians alike are subjected to attacks of unspeakable barbarism. But despite the horror, your people hold on, with extraordinary courage and with Europe at your side. Some in this Parliament claim to be pacifists. But let's be clear: they are Vladimir Putin’s allies, and what they advocate under the guise of peace is nothing more than the law of the strongest. Because who started this war? Who is pursuing its expansionist policy? Who is being prosecuted by the ICC today? This is Mr Putin and no one else. So, ladies and gentlemen, we know this: Supporting Ukraine also means supporting Europe’s security, and that requires our ability to defend ourselves, to consolidate our European defence market and our joint military purchases, to invest to move the threat away. Europe must live up to this tipping point. Mr. President Zelensky, you are defending yourself for a thousand days, and we will stand by your side. We have supported Ukraine in unprecedented ways: military, humanitarian, financial, sanctions. For a thousand days, we have been unwavering in unity, contrary to the divisions hoped for by the Kremlin, and Europe’s support will not falter. While US support is more uncertain than ever, we Europeans must never get used to this war, which is on our doorstep. A thousand days and we will continue to support you, because there will always be a majority of elected representatives, in this Parliament, your side by side for as long as necessary, because Europe's unity is infinitely more effective than any single initiative. These thousand days have shown us that the Russian regime is capable of the worst, that peace will be sustainable only by standing up to the autocrats, who understand only the balance of power. So yes, we must strengthen our support, ladies and gentlemen. Military support through air defense systems, missiles, drones, but also vehicles. Financial support also, including through the implementation of the loan programme of the EU and its G7 partners – which loans will be repaid from revenues from frozen Russian assets. Yes, it is legitimate for Ukraine to strike military targets on Russian soil to protect its territory. Yes, the diversion of sanctions by Russia and its allies is unacceptable, and we urgently need to address all the gaps that still exist in third countries as well as on ghost ships. And yes, Vladimir Putin and his entourage will have to answer for their crimes and be brought to international justice. Yes, President Zelenskyy, your plan for victory is the right one, because it is about peace first and foremost: sustainable, free and fair. Nothing, therefore, should be worn without you. Everything must be done with you, because it is the destiny of your people that is at stake here, and your destiny is linked to ours: through the EU and through NATO, it will indeed be European. So, Mr Zelensky, with our common family, Renew Europe, with the vast majority of our colleagues in this Parliament and with all the peoples of Europe, I say to you: we will support you until the end. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, until the system is updated, I would like us to return to the way in which the vote on imported deforestation took place. It seems that 7 votes on that side of the Chamber could not be taken into account. Some amendments were reduced to three votes. I would ask that we reject, in particular, the first amendments that have been tabled on the 'Imported deforestation' law.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, on the night of 5 November the American people held the fate of the United States in their hands. But at the same time, it was also part of our destiny, as Europeans, that was at stake. And clearly, this is no longer possible. At a time when Washington's political line is becoming that of Mar-a-Lago, Fox News and Elon Musk, it is up to us to defend the European interest, to get out of wait-and-see. Our sovereignty over defence, our economic competitiveness and our commercial interests are at stake. First, Europe must be able to defend Europe. Once Donald Trump is president, it is the amount of US support for Ukraine that will waver. Support that Ukrainians absolutely need. But it is at our gates, well at our gates, that Putin is waging his war. So yes, let's redouble our efforts, it's about our own safety. But our security still needs to be given the means to do so. Because our national budgets are still too low. Our defence market is segmented like no other in the world and our industries are under-supported. 17 types of European tanks against only one in the United States. We import 80 per cent of the armaments we buy. We are investing, ladies and gentlemen, three times less than the United States in defence, at 27. So, NATO's shield will obviously remain a strategic pillar of our defence. But our security rests above all on our shoulders, and the account is not there. Nor is it about competitiveness. The direction we have taken is the right one. It is still necessary to accelerate, it is still necessary to dare, as proposed by Mario Draghi's report, the last alarm signal for finally Europe to wake up. Yes, we must adopt a genuine industrial strategy. We must allow our young companies to stay at home, secure our critical raw materials, attract cutting-edge industries and even better, give birth to them at home, on our soil, on quantum, green technologies or artificial intelligence. In the face of measures such as the IRA, we have fallen far behind schedule and I am addressing the Commission here: there is urgency and we are counting on your successors, Mr Borrell. Ladies and gentlemen, the European interest lies finally in fair trade relations for our SMEs, for our farmers, for our jobs. We must, of course, defend multilateralism, but we must also, again, defend our European interests. Donald Trump has been setting the tone for months. Faced with a future president of unprecedented commercial aggressiveness, it is time to strengthen our trade policy. It is time to fully implement all the measures we have just adopted in the previous mandate against unfair restrictions, against closed public procurement, against the immoderate subsidies granted by our competitors. We are 450 million, the third largest bloc in the world, the richest in the world. So, I tell you, let us not be afraid of the balance of power, let us assume that we are indeed a trading power and act accordingly. Colleagues, we know that on all these issues, the real interest of Europe is to act together to act stronger. Then let us finally join the arena of sovereign powers.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, 48 hours: This is the length of time that the twelve displaced migrants will have stayed in Albania. How can we be inspired by such a failure? Across the Channel, the British Conservatives had promised a deterrent effect by signing an agreement with Rwanda; Result: 18% more migrants. In Italy, Mme Meloni had promised a naval blockade to discourage crossings; Result: arrivals have exploded. Today, the transfers to Albania lasted only a few hours and are a waste, a real waste, because, ladies and gentlemen, the cost-of-living crisis is compounded by the cost-of-populism crisis. In 2024, 12 migrants in a centre in Albania amounted to €65 million: €5 million per migrant! An astronomical sum, at the taxpayer's expense, for a policy that not only does not respect our values in any way, but also does not work. Ladies and gentlemen, these politicians are deceiving themselves. With their false solutions, it is also our sovereignty that they are selling off. Indeed, where is sovereignty when one entrusts one's sovereign policy to a third party? Where is sovereignty and independence when you put yourself in the hands of another? Yes to an effective migration policy. The effectiveness is to control these migrants as soon as they arrive on our soil. The effectiveness is to register them in a common database. Effectiveness is to speed up the processing of applications, to protect those who can legitimately be granted asylum and to return others as soon as possible. This efficiency, ladies and gentlemen, has a name: it is the Pact on Migration and Asylum, which we voted on in this House last spring. I appeal to the 27: transpose the Pact on Migration and Asylum fully and without further delay. Let us complement these measures, revise the Return Directive and put an end to Russia’s instrumentalisation of migrants, but resist the cacophony of national measures and the demagogy of fake miracle solutions. Efficiency, not sleeve effects. Let us strengthen our European response to this European challenge.

Madam President, Prime Minister, Mr Orbán, it must change you to be here. You are not used to being faced with a Parliament that demands accountability from you. That's what we plan to do this morning: hold you to account. Me: I will hold you to account for our values, our money and our geopolitics. Let me start with a question, Mr Orbán: Who are you today? Where is the freedom fighter who commemorated Imre Nagy? You proclaim "Long live freedom!" and you pass laws that reduce the right to protest. You torment women who want to abort, forcing them to listen to the hearts of fetuses. You shout "Long live the family!" and you chase after all the families that don't fit your narrow worldview. You say "Long live the family!" again. You can put judges in line, by imposing a forced retirement, but that is not what will make your compatriots renounce an independent justice. You can spy on journalists with Pegasus and put your followers at the head of the mainstream media, but that is not what will make Hungarians give up freedom of expression. You can harass your opponents, you can chase Anna Donáth, but whatever your false accusations, she will continue to fight with all the opposition. Yes, Prime Minister, we are liberals and we are proud to be, because freedom is the foundation of our Europe and for you it is corruption. Mr. Orbán, what is the basis of your regime? I'll tell you what: It is a constellation of scams, which cost Hungarian and European taxpayers a fortune. For whom? For your son-in-law, who got rich thanks to bogus public contracts to enlighten Budapest, or for your childhood friend, plumber who suddenly became a business tycoon. I'm sorry, but Hungary is still the only place I know where a plumber becomes a billionaire overnight. As if that were not enough, you also gave him 2 million euros of European funds to circulate a small tourist train in your childhood village. A train that, of course, nobody takes. We had Disneyland Orlando, we have Disneyland Paris, dear colleagues, I am happy to announce that we now have Disneyland Fidesz. I also turn to your European allies. Mr Bardella, you and your so-called Patriots group repeat every day that Europe would waste the money of the Europeans, but you have in your ranks a Prime Minister, a leader who squanders every day the money of the French, who squanders the money of the Dutch, who squanders the money of the Italians and Austrians. How dare you say you are patriotic and credible? You're neither. Mr Orbán, Hungary has just broken a record of departures from the country. This is an unprecedented brain drain. Where do the Hungarians go? I'll give it to you in a thousand: They are going to Western Europe, the Europe you say so much about. And why are they leaving? They leave because of arbitrary power, because of inflation, because of corruption. You threaten to send migrant buses to Brussels. The reality, Mr Orbán, is that these buses are already leaving, but Hungarians are in them. So that's all you have to offer as a geopolitical vision, Mr. Orbán? Remember, from the moment you took over the presidency of the Council, you bowed to Putin and Xi Jinping. You block billions of aid to Ukraine, you facilitate visas for Russian citizens, you have Chinese police patrolling your own streets. Mr Prime Minister, in which direction do you look, tell us today, do you look towards Brussels or Moscow, towards Brussels or towards Beijing? Madam President, how much longer will we tolerate the blackmail of Viktor Orbán? Will we still have to wait for a new trampling of our values? It is time to suspend Hungary's right to vote in the Council. Prime Minister, the only thing you do not reject from Europe is its checks. The truth is that you do not dare to call for leaving the Union, because you depend on Europe, but also and above all, because you know that Hungarians would not follow you. And it is to them, to the Hungarians, that I want to address myself in conclusion. To those who listen to us from Hungary: Your voice in Europe is being defrauded, but we hear you, and in the face of every attempt to restrict your freedoms, you can count on us to support you. Because our common values are not negotiable, they are to be taken or left. Mr Orbán, in 2004 Hungarians overwhelmingly said 'yes' to these values. So we want to keep the Hungarians among us. But you, no one will hold you back.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, Vladimir Putin plans to increase Russia's military budget by 30%. That was 70% last year. We proclaimed it: "we stand by Ukraine", but today there is urgency. While in the east of the continent Russia continues to nibble on its territory, the Ukrainian people are resolutely counting on our support. Support that must be up to the geopolitical challenge. So yes to the continued delivery of weapons, yes to a new macro-financial assistance plan, yes to the rise of a Europe capable of defending its interests, yes to the mobilization of revenues from frozen Russian assets to help rebuild Ukraine. However, our European voice, our action, ladies and gentlemen, must in no way stop at our borders. A year ago, the Israeli people were the target of nameless barbaric attacks by Hamas, killing nearly 1,200 people and taking 250 hostages. I want to think fraternally about them and their loved ones. Ladies and gentlemen, for months, fighting has been raging in the Middle East and our Europe is far too inaudible in the face of the risk of a regional explosion. The voice of diplomacy, once again, is deafened by the sound of bombs. To contribute to the peace effort, Europe must mobilise all the diplomatic levers at its disposal. There is an urgent need for immediate de-escalation, an urgent need to put an end to the massive attacks against Israel, like those of Iran, which we strongly condemn, an urgent need to put an end to the conflict that is ravaging so many families in Gaza, an urgent need to respond to the dramatic humanitarian situation in Lebanon, an urgent need for a ceasefire and renewed efforts towards a two-state solution. Our priorities are clear: unconditional release of the hostages, massive humanitarian aid and a ceasefire to finally keep the guns quiet. These conflicts, ladies and gentlemen, have consequences for our Europe. Why? Because these conflicts on the world stage, as we know, lead to irrepressible movements of populations. We all know the answer to the migration challenge and we voted for it here in this House. This answer is the Pact on Migration and Asylum, and our top priority must be to implement it and by no means to fall into the race on migration issues, because Schengen is our common good and as such, it is in Europeans that we will be the most effective. So let's roll up our sleeves!

Madam President, Robert Fico's regime once again undermined the democratic foundation of the Slovak Republic. Yesterday, Michal Simecka, the opposition leader and our former colleague and former vice-president of this House, has been dismissed as vice-president of the national parliament by the SMER and SNS parties. This is another serious attempt to destabilise the opposition and its leader in Slovakia. Never before an opposition representative has been dismissed from a public office. And this at a time when the SMER has already attacked the press, the institutions fighting corruption, the cultural sector and the civil society, showing its discontent with the autocratic practices of its leader. For months now, Michal Simecka and his family have been targeted by false accusations from the government. This cannot continue. Our group is committed to support democracy in Slovakia. We therefore call on all Democrats in this parliament to wake up, and we will come back to you, Madam President, to consider what action our Parliament should take.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Poland, Romania, the Czech Republic, Austria, Slovakia and Hungary. Households without electricity, highways cut, dams that give way, Europeans affected by hundreds of thousands by storm Boris. First of all, I want to have a thought for all the victims and all the victims. Ladies and gentlemen, storm Boris is not due to chance, but to climate change. Its disastrous consequences are the magnifying mirror of our unpreparedness to these phenomena. That's why I'm going to be very clear: the fight against climate change is so far the priority challenge we have to face. These bad weather conditions confirm one thing: no backsliding is allowed on our climate ambition. Because the climate has no hidden agenda and because the solution, ladies and gentlemen, also involves European ambition. The more Europe cooperates, the more effective the response to crises. So we must use all available means to help the affected populations. We already have the decisive instruments to do so, Commissioner. I am thinking of the European Civil Protection Mechanism, to strengthen cooperation between countries in the face of disasters without borders; it is this mechanism that has just been activated in Portugal to deal with forest fires and which has allowed the country to receive help from Spanish, Italian, Greek and French planes. I am also thinking of the Copernicus satellites, to facilitate actions on the ground. We need to strengthen all these mechanisms. So yes, let's help, yes, let's rebuild. But while Europe must engage in an unprecedented investment shock, we must also launch a major climate adaptability plan. As you pointed out, Commissioner, this plan was promised by Ursula von der Leyen before the summer. However, we have read the mission letters of the future Commissioners that were presented yesterday and clearly, as they stand, the account is not there. Together with my group, we demand that this climate adaptation plan not be an empty shell or a mere coordination of national plans. It is necessary to identify infrastructure at risk, territories at risk to know where to invest in priority. Then, invest in the strength of our ports, our dams, our power plants to avoid disasters like that of the Polish dam of Paczków. It is also the European financial system that needs to be adapted and the climate stress tests generalised. It is all the climate resilience of our infrastructure that is at stake here, nothing less. So let's make sure Europe holds the shock. Let us make sure that Europe is ready.