What Valérie spoke about.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, yes, indeed, like José Manuel, I would like to thank all the colleagues who have spoken in this debate and to thank the Commissioner. Some elements of reaction: This is a lesson that I have not heard and which I would like to share with you this evening, and then, of course, an update on one of our favourite topics with José Manuel, namely own resources. Interventions have shown to a large extent how successful this recovery plan is in many respects. It must also be borne in mind that this success is proof that getting out of our budgetary dogmas can pave the way to a better world. This must even be a necessity when it comes to protecting and asserting Europe in a world in crisis. If I say otherwise: Let us not rule out the possibility of taking out other European loans, in particular to get out of our dependencies, which weaken us every day. This is what is at stake in the future European Sovereignty Fund, which we have been calling for since last spring, Commissioner, and we are awaiting concrete proposals from the Commission following the announcement made by President von der Leyen last September. Second element, indeed, own resources – this has been recalled by many of you. Let us remember collectively that Europeans will only see the recovery plan as a full success if we respect the repayment agreement. We have collectively decided that it is the big polluters, the foreign CO2 importers, the big multinationals who do not pay their fair share of taxes, the financial speculators, who would bear the burden of this loan. It is not only a matter of tax and social justice, it is also a matter of respecting our collective commitments and our credibility with investors. We promised them, we MEPs, committees, Member States, we promised them that this would not be done by raising taxes or cutting European programmes such as aid to farmers or Erasmus. So yes, let us be happy to see our economy re-established, but let us not consider that the work to make Europe more powerful and independent is over. We still have a lot of work to do.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, two years ago we launched the first major recovery plan for the European Union, a concrete achievement creating de facto solidarity, as promised by Robert Schuman in his time. De facto solidarity through the award of grants that have made the project unprecedented in history. I say unpublished. For which regional groups in the world can boast so much solidarity in recent history? Can we imagine the countries of Southeast Asia or South America borrowing together? No, no. This is why the creation of this common loan that binds Europeans to emerge stronger from the crisis is absolutely remarkable. Remarkable as was our Union in the purchase of vaccines to end the pandemic. No forgotten state, no European put aside. So will this recovery plan be a single chapter in all European history textbooks? Undoubtedly. However, what we are trying to determine in Parliament’s first report assessing this large loan is whether it will also be part of the economics textbooks. After more than a year of implementation, we say it bluntly: yes, the recovery plan has allowed states to relaunch. Yes, investors trust the EU. Yes, the common loan is a success. Some predicted that Europe, by borrowing $150 billion a year, would disrupt markets, that investors would turn away from sovereign bonds, undermining Member States’ strategies to meet national needs. That is not the case. States have come out stronger, with always the same interest of investors for their national bonds. But in addition, these investors had a demand for European bonds ten times higher than what was available. Europe has thus been put on an equal footing with other major European and international issuers, but without ever jeopardising states and their national needs. In addition, the EU has become the largest supranational issuer. As a result, it has a positive impact on the stability and liquidity of capital markets. It has improved the continent's economic prospects. It complemented the macroeconomic architecture of the euro area. And it has strengthened the international role of the euro. Finally, ladies and gentlemen, the EU has also become the largest issuer of green bonds in the world. Claimed by many for years, these green bonds have finally become a reality. For €250 billion, the equivalent, dear José Manuel, of Portugal’s GDP – €250 billion, just in green bonds. As the COP has just ended, it is an extraordinary fact that many nations around the world would do well to take inspiration from in the fight against climate change. Now, as the world leader in green bonds, it is up to our Union, Commissioner, to set benchmarks for sustainable investments around the world and for the Commission to continuously ensure that any attempt at greenwashing is ruled out. But our work does not stop there. That is why we are making a number of recommendations in this report, which we are about to vote on. And one of them is particularly close to my heart, Commissioner, and you know it well: we need to allow Europeans to directly acquire European bonds, as is possible in some states around the world. Let us give Europeans, you, me, the opportunity to hold European debt. Let’s not just let central banks, managers of large international funds, hedge funds and pension funds invest in Europe. Let us also give every European the right to have a piece of the history of our integration, whatever the technical difficulties.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, there is a short rumour that the Commission is about to give in to the blackmail of Viktor Orbán by offering him EUR 12 billion to redeem his veto. Orbán despises everything the EU stands for and represents, except its money. Commissioner, this rumour does not reassure anyone in this Chamber, let alone the taxpayers. So can you confirm that the 17 reforms are already in place, that they have solved all the corruption problems in Hungary and that they are irreversible? Can you guarantee that the independence of judges and the media will be restored after 10 years of dismantling democratic principles? Because, as it stands, no one here believes in it. Commissioner, the responsibility of the Commission is great, as you know. We expect the Commission to protect the rule of law, not to bow to apprentice dictators, who use and abuse European money. We expect nothing from the Commission and its President.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, in the face of the energy crisis, Europe is once again present: gas price cap, price corridor, joint purchase of natural gas from our partners... The Heads of State confirmed measures that my political group, Renew, had called for. So yes, since the beginning of the crisis, Europe is moving forward and Europe is here. But, it must be said, the temptations of withdrawal too. And we must respond with de facto solidarity and demonstrate once again that Europe stands with Europeans. This was the case during the health crisis, it still has to be in the face of the energy crisis, and we need to speed up measures to protect Europeans. I am thinking of the energy shield, the reform of the electricity market or the strengthening of the mechanism. (inaudible name). So, Mr. President, Mr. Vice President, the ball is in your court. Expectations are high, and you will always find the European Parliament at your side to build this Europe that protects. But beyond these measures, to address the immediate challenges we face, we must also be clear-sighted. It is our independence and strategic autonomy that is at stake. President von der Leyen mentioned this in her State of the Union address, and my group and I proposed it at the beginning of this year: we need a real European fund dedicated to the strategic autonomy of our Union, a fund to stop relying on fossil fuels, to ensure our food security, to invest in rare materials and the technologies of tomorrow, and to support key sectors such as defence, cybersecurity or space. So let’s not wait any longer! We do not have that luxury. As President von der Leyen said, this may be the last wake-up call before it is too late. On this issue of strategic autonomy, Mr Vice-President, we expect concrete progress, well beyond the announcements.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, every day we are now confronted with the words and ideas of the extreme right, on social media, in particular, in the form of insults or . Ms García Pérez is no longer present in this Chamber, but I would have liked to have answered her. I would have liked to reply that on social media, these insults are of the same caliber as the shameful insults of former Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico to President Čaputová, never condemned by Socialist Vice-President Monika Beňová, who kept her company. I would have liked to have told Ms García that we did not wait to dissociate ourselves from the Swedish Liberals. While some of your parties are protected despite their business, such as the Maltese Socialist Party or the Bulgarian socialists close to the Kremlin, well, your president's words were unworthy. I come back to my original point, ladies and gentlemen. Unfortunately, it has become commonplace to read or hear homophobic theses. Theses lead to the worst, like the murder of two men in Bratislava a week ago. The untruths are rife, from the alleged deadly effect of vaccines to the harmless nature of COVID, to the so-called Nazi Ukraine. And I don't think I'm the only one here, unfortunately, to make this observation. These ideas and lies always come from the same networks serving the extremes and in particular the far right. So I appeal to all pro-Europeans and to you too, socialists. Let's wake up, let's wake up together! It is high time to fight these shameless lies, to restore the truth. Let’s defend our values, let’s defend our journalists, let’s defend the right to love whoever we want, let’s defend the right to dispose of one’s body, let’s defend the right to protection of people fleeing war or oppression. Let’s not be ashamed! Let's defend the planet, let's not give in to climate skepticism. Let us defend the independence of the judiciary, the freedom of our media. Let’s defend our Union and everything it stands for. Let us be proud, let us be confident, let us be courageous and let us send these ideas back for good to the past, to the past to which they belong.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, October 2011, Marine Le Pen states, I quote: I admire Vladimir Putin. February 2014, Putin invades Crimea. Marine Le Pen states, I quote again: Crimea has always been Russian. September 2014, seven months later, Marine Le Pen receives a €9 million loan from a Russian bank. She eats in Putin's hand. February 2022, Putin invades the rest of Ukraine, Marine Le Pen campaigns against sanctions. I'm talking about Marine Le Pen here, but unfortunately, I could mention others. Matteo Salvini, Viktor Orban, again he, women and men who relay lies and propaganda, whether in their speeches or on social networks. Women and men who act in the interest of Russia long before the interest of their homeland. In short, let's say it false patriots. These false patriots, they bear the responsibility for our insecurity, an insecurity that they feed by trying to divide the Europeans in the face of the invader. It is therefore our duty, ladies and gentlemen, as democrats, to defend our values. No compromise with the pro-Putin, no alliance, no excuse.

Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the best childhood friend who becomes the richest plumber in Europe, the son-in-law who receives a juicy public market for Christmas. Cases of corruption have become legion in Hungary by Viktor Orban. Systematic corruption, in the European Commission's own words, corruption against which the judiciary does not want to do anything, I mean, does not want to do anything and not can do nothing, because judges and controllers have been placed in strategic control bodies by Viktor Orban and his party precisely to control nothing and precisely to close their eyes. So I call for an end to impunity. Either Orban restores the rule of law in what has become an electoral autocracy, or we cut off European funds. And I'm alerting you here, Commissioner. That Fidesz deputies adopt reforms on paper is one thing. That they effectively put an end to breaches of the rule of law is another. It is therefore in the light of the results that we will have to decide whether or not to thaw the funds. The same goes, of course, for the recovery plan. Europe's money and by extension, Europeans' money, cannot support anti-democratic projects, slip into the pockets of apprentice oligarchs. If we do not suspend the funds, we are complicit in building a corrupt state within our union. And that, of course, is out of the question.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it has been Russia that has been driving up energy prices for more than a year. Putin is cutting off our gas. And yet, no blackouts this summer, neither in France nor elsewhere in Europe. Thanks to what? Well, thanks to our European energy market. So, to the National Rally and its pro-Putin allies, I say it unambiguously: Russia is responsible for the energy crisis, not Europe. The truth is that Europe is still protecting us and will protect us tomorrow, because we will contribute the energy giants that are making extraordinary profits in these turbulent times: 4 billion for ENI, 5 billion for Total, 11 billion for Shell. It is time for them to stand together. It is time for these superprofits to be donated to the most vulnerable. So indecency would mean abandoning everything, as some are advocating on the far-right or far-left side of this Chamber, to the delight of their friend Putin. But as far as we are concerned, we will remain on the side of Ukrainians and Europeans.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, over the years, Europeans have come to forget our Union's greatest success: peace. This peace has allowed us to build our prosperity. This peace that has led to academic exchanges, which has been the fertile ground for our freedoms, freedom of movement, freedom to exchange, freedom to undertake, freedom to live in peace. This freedom that no one today would want to do without. This model has made us attractive. And by wanting to prevent Ukraine from marrying him, Vladimir Putin has only strengthened his willingness to join. Colleagues, the far right can promote the end of the Union. The extreme left can find any pretext to discredit it and oppose any progress. But we know what we owe Europe and what remains to be done to make it independent and sovereign in an increasingly uncertain world, to make it a stabilising power. We will do this for Ukraine, for Moldova and for all states that share a desire for peace.

Mr President, Madam, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we have done so. In less than a year, we managed to negotiate the most ambitious texts in the world to regulate the digital giants. Faced with the hegemony of Chinese and American companies, the model muzzled by an authoritarian state or surveillance capitalism, we are building a fairer, more transparent and more protective internet for Europeans. "Great speeches," some will say. Well, no. No, Amazon will no longer be able to allow counterfeit products to flood our markets. No, Facebook will no longer be able with impunity, through its algorithms, to help promote calls for violence and radicalization. The digital giants are weighing on the functioning of our democracies, so they must bear the right responsibility: This is what protecting Europeans is all about. Colleagues, Europe is moving forward. We must now ensure that our institutions have sufficient means to enforce these new regulations, otherwise we would have failed.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, because imagined for the first time, the European recovery plan was perceived as politically unfeasible. And yet, we did. And since its launch, the effects on our growth, on our GDP, have been significant. The financing of 'MaPrimeRénov' or the Ségur de la santé in France, the modernisation of hospitals in Romania, high-speed lines in Italy: This is very concrete for Europeans. Nevertheless, these successes are not the result of chance. If the recovery plan is successful, it is because the countries benefiting from it share one thing in common, Commissioner: they have respected the jointly agreed objectives and conditions for receiving this money. Some have embarked on courageous and historic reforms. They respected what they had promised their partners. Today, Commissioner, Poland does not respect the conditions assigned to it, in particular by the President of the European Commission herself – the re-engagement of judges who have been arbitrarily removed from office; end of judicial reform; abolition of the Disciplinary Chamber or any other similar body. And so we in the European Parliament remain determined – and particularly at Renew. Not a single euro should end up in the pockets of those who unravel Poland’s democratic institutions that have been so badly torn from history. The same goes for Hungary, of course. Colleagues, the European recovery plan is a success, it is undeniable. We must now complete it by finalising the own resources for its reimbursement and preventing it from being paid to those who persist in not respecting the values that underpin our Union – the Union that is at the origin of these funds.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Madam President of the Commission, like many of my colleagues, and while I understand a number of your Commissioners as well, I consider that your decision to approve the Polish recovery plan is a political error and an unacceptable renunciation. The question was, however, simple. What concrete progress has been made by the PiS government to return to the rule of law since October, that is, when you yourself set three clear conditions for a green light? Have the independent judges sanctioned by the government regained their seats? No, no. Has the Polish government dissolved the Disciplinary Chamber, which cuts off food for judges applying European law? No, no. Has the Polish government ended its judicial reform that allows it to place relatives of the party? Not yet. Clearly, the conditions are not met, Madam President, for a single euro to be paid to Poland, as the most basic democratic principles are still being flouted. The independence of the judiciary, as I mentioned, the freedom of the press, the rights of all, especially women. The European Commission cannot turn a deaf ear to calls from Democrats across Europe to bend apprentice dictators. It must honour its primary mission: upholding the law and above all protecting our democracies. Madam President, it is your responsibility to the Poles who fight every day for their freedom. I will be, together with my group as a whole, intransigent about the abuses of the Polish government. We were elected in 2019 to fight illiberalism and certainly not to support it.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President, Minister – dear Chrysoula – ladies and gentlemen, every day we look with alarm at the devastating effects of climate change. For decades, leaders have blamed themselves and blamed themselves for their lack of courage. But, since 2019, we have started the necessary reforms and efforts: we have declared a climate emergency, we have negotiated for months for big polluters to pay more and for the most vulnerable to pay less, we are the ones who will finally implement this carbon tax at the borders, because it is no longer acceptable for products imported from the other side of the world to derogate from our environmental rules, and we have ensured that the recovery plan, which invests so much money in the green transition, will not be reimbursed by citizens, but by those who do not pay their fair share of taxes today. Large polluters will contribute, and this is also the case, to tax and climate justice. Our promises are therefore fulfilled here. So let's be very clear: It is now that we are going to see who really wants to save the planet. We will remember that those who oppose this transformation – for whatever reason, for that matter – will be on the wrong side of history. I have no doubt that they will be in the minority in this Chamber – because in the end, who really wants to destroy the planet we live on? Who really believes that our businesses will thrive in an environment that struggles to survive? Colleagues, the climate emergency is everyone's business. It must not suffer from conservatism, demagogy or manipulation. This week will mark a historic turning point in the fight against climate change. Let us be proud to make Europe the world leader in this field.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, every day we send 800 million euros to Putin through our purchases of oil, gas and coal. These 800 million allow him to feed his soldiers and recharge his tanks. As long as we continue, the horrors will not stop. So yes, we must suffocate this war economy and not fuel it. But Commissioner, it is illusory to believe that Europeans will emerge unscathed from this situation if there is no solidarity with those who will be most impacted. I am even convinced that this is the condition for going further. We must therefore pool the costs of this war for our households and for our businesses. If we impose sanctions as Europeans, we must also bear the consequences, as Europeans. But that’s not all: dressing wounds is one thing, anticipating problems so that they do not arise is another. So, ladies and gentlemen, let us take a step back, would we be as much at the mercy of Vladimir Putin if we had undertaken the necessary investments eight years ago, when Ukraine was amputated from Crimea? Wouldn’t history have been completely different today if we had moved away from our dependence on Russian hydrocarbons and even hydrocarbons at all? Yes, there have been strategic mistakes that have been made in recent years. Undoubtedly. This invasion and its consequences must therefore sound like the ultimate alert. So, here I recall my and our conviction: we need to create SAFE, a fund for our strategic autonomy in Europe, a fund to get out of our dependencies by the end of the decade: hydrocarbons, agricultural inputs, critical industries, defence too, of course. It is our responsibility to finally assert ourselves, to finally take our destiny into our own hands. We were elected, ladies and gentlemen, to make Europe a Union that protects: The present times compel us.

Madam President, Secretary of State, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Viktor Orbán tells us that his electoral victory is so great that it can no doubt be seen from the moon, and certainly from Brussels. So yes, we have been seeing it from Brussels, from Strasbourg, for twelve years now. Twelve years of cleverly building his system to ensure his re-election: prohibited opposition of air time, tailor-made electoral breakdown, disinformation. A further proof, if necessary, that once the extreme right reaches power, it stops playing the game of democracy that it claims to defend. So you, to the right of this Chamber, the friends of Le Pen and Zemmour, yes, you are playing. And you who play the autocrat apprentices, we will remain firm until the end, in this Chamber, in the polls, in Hungary, in Poland, in France too. Because over your lies, because over your destructive projects, our democracies will always prevail.

Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, we all want a strong, independent and sovereign Europe here, but we must not lie either: The reality, ladies and gentlemen, is that we have only a few billion left in our European budget. So redeployments, leverage and everything that can be invented to avoid putting fresh money on the table will not be enough this time. Let us therefore be consistent and create SAFE, a new fund for Europe’s strategic autonomy, just like the recovery plan, to wean our hydrocarbon states, to ensure agricultural independence, to strengthen our armies, to Europeanise all strategic sectors for our future: chips, batteries and semiconductors. Commissioner, Minister, nobody here wants a Europe weakened by a flurry of dependencies. If we really want a Europe that protects and assumes itself in an increasingly unstable world, then we will have to take courageous action.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we thought Europe was rid of barbarism forever. We had come out of two world wars with confidence. Never again. Never again the sounds of boots on our borders. Never again tanks invading a European country. Never again are families displaced by the bombings. Peace is never achieved, even on our continent, which has been bruised by the worst atrocities. As I speak, respect for human rights is once again shamelessly trampled on by military personnel blocking humanitarian corridors. Colleagues, we are witnessing a dirty war, a war that Ukrainians are paying for with their lives. By sending missiles, by propaganda, by cyberattacks, Vladimir Putin is attacking a peaceful people, but also our European values and democracies. That is why, until Russia is defeated, we will have to welcome all those who are victims of Vladimir Putin’s crimes. Dear friends of Ukraine, our doors are open to you. Never doubt it.

Madam President, Minister, Commissioner, the Court ruled: Orbán and Kaczyński just lost – unsurprisingly, because, frankly, we all knew that this mechanism was legal – but during that time we lost more than a year. A year when opponents and Democrats were wiretapped with Pegasus, a year when Orbán was able to pass his anti-LGBTI law, another year when Polish political justice banned independent judges. Commissioner, these democratic attacks have been on the rise for more than a decade now, and they are stained with oil. These leaders have become omnipotent; They sit on our democratic principles. When the judges finally agree and confirm that we have the right to act as we have been hammering for more than a year, what does your president say? She replied that the Commission would draw up guidelines in a few weeks' time, based on assessments of the reasons for the judgments and their possible impact. But no! It is now that we must act, because tomorrow will be too late, and because, Commissioner, the day an autocrat sits in your place, do not believe for a single second that he will refrain from cutting funds to pro-democracy NGOs, journalists and those who defend judges. There, we will no longer have a hold on them, and there, it will definitely be too late. So now we're going.

Mr President, Commissioner, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, today we are finally legislating against illegal content, for our online protection, and that is what is remarkable. Europe is the first in the world to have such legislation. We vote for fair rules adapted to the different digital players. We call for a greater fight against fraud, against the sale of illegal products, against counterfeiting. Large digital platforms need to do more to assess the risks they pose to our citizens and reduce them accordingly, of course. Colleagues, I think we can welcome this, because by defining the internet of tomorrow, we are proving once again that Europe, this normative power, can weigh on the international scene against the American and Chinese giants. Here we propose a fairer internet model that guarantees the rights of Europeans, that protects the youngest, that allows the smallest actors to grow. To those who defend a weaker Union, who believe that our treaties and laws are inferior to national law, we are still proving the weakness of their project today.

Madam President, Mr President of the Republic, welcome to this Chamber. Colleagues, we are not here in the National Assembly or in a campaign meeting. We are here in the European Parliament and we are here in the European Parliament to build political majorities to change the lives of Europeans. Not to make the buzz for the presidential candidate. And then leave the Chamber without having received an answer to the question. Clearly, some here have not yet understood this. I do not want this debate, which is so important for our Europe, to be so misguided that it is tainted by bad faith. You cannot both complain that the Presidency has not been postponed and systematically regret that we are not moving fast enough. You cannot claim that France is isolated when your own political groups share the political priorities of this French presidency. You cannot take the European idea hostage for your political calculations. Mr. President of the Republic, you are here in friendly territory. You will find a strong majority there to transform Europe, don’t doubt it.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Europe is investing like never before, and these investments are the guarantors of our economic recovery, but also of our future. And it is this future that investors are optimistic about when they over-subscribe seven times – seven times – the amount of planned European bonds. This means that investors – who feel the economic situation – give their money to the EU without hesitation. Already 80 billion this year, much more in the years to come. Because they know that Europe will reimburse them, because they know that Europe will reimburse them through own resources, as we have collectively committed ourselves to and which are due to be presented on 22 December, Commissioner, I remind you. Because investors know that in 40 years the EU will be there again and again. More and more strong. Because they have confidence, as we have confidence in Europe and its future. Colleagues, the success of this great loan is a failure for sovereignists and Eurosceptics of all stripes. It marks the defeat of their ideas that Europe should not interfere with economic recovery, that Europe should cease to exist tomorrow and therefore not be able to repay. Well, to those, I say: You're wrong. And the attractiveness of this large loan has just proved it again.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, this summit will have the task of coordinating us in the face of our enemies, Omicron in the lead. It will also have the task of advancing our common defence through the Strategic Compass. So, remember. Remember, on March 5, 1953, Stalin died. And then the Soviet pressure started for a moment, the idea of the European Defence Community went away for decades. Commissioner, Minister, it is 15 December 2021, 67 years after a genuine joint force was beered, that Russia has just deployed 100 000 troops to the Ukrainian border. Seven years after illegally annexing Crimea, almost with impunity. History shows us this: not having common strategic autonomy, common defence, has not made us stronger. It has threatened us no less, quite the contrary. So let’s go, because the urgency is there.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the adoption of the budget this year has the scent of victory, that of having been able to release an additional EUR 1.4 billion for vaccination in the most disadvantaged countries. However, it did not go smoothly. As every year, states have found themselves at the negotiating table with their national budget constraints and demands for cuts on health, on environmental protection, on development aid. That is why I would like to recall here that the Member States are also obliged to defend the interests of all Europeans. This is not the only job for MEPs. It is therefore urgent to change software. And this call is also addressed to the Commission, Commissioner. Colleagues, this year marks another victory. And next year, it’s Renew’s turn. Rest assured that we will negotiate even more firmly for a Europe that delivers on its commitments and provides the means to do so. I would really like to thank all the rapporteurs and teams involved in these negotiations.

Mr President, Madam President, Prime Minister, I have listened carefully to you and your explanations – if you can be considered as an explanation – are clearly not up to par. There was a time, not so far away, in your country, when a central power kept the judges a little too free. A time when judges were appointed for their party cards. A time when judgments served to strengthen the power in place. It was the time of the Soviet Union. So, Prime Minister, let's face the reality. Today, the judges sitting in your Constitutional Tribunal have nothing to envy those of that time. Yet in 2004, the contract was clear: your predecessors had done this work of building a rule of law. This was the condition for reaping the benefits of our integration. Madam President, we say stop. Stop impunity. For years, the PiS government, among other things, has been challenging our basic democratic principles. Years of hesitant dialogue have taken us to where we are. So if Europe is no longer able to uphold its democratic foundations through strong and concrete actions, it will have failed in its primary mission: protect our rights. This is your responsibility, Madam President, as you yourself have recalled.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we hear the sounds of corridors: the Commission would be close to approving the Hungarian and Polish recovery plans. But frankly, are we really going to send the President to shake hands with Viktor Orbán and his Polish sidekick? There are still anti-LGBTI zones in these states, areas that attack the most basic rights of Europeans because of what they are. However, these areas are being dismantled one after the other, thanks to threats of sanctions and, it must be said, to pressure from the European Parliament. It would be absurd to stop halfway, while Orbán has still not withdrawn its homophobic law. I say it all out of go: I will not accept, we will not accept that our values continue to be trampled on and that Europe continues to finance the illiberals. So, Commissioner, I have a simple question: Can the Commission ensure here, publicly, that the widespread corruption put in place by Orbán will stop? Can the Commission ensure that ultra-conservatives will no longer discriminate against their citizens and stop punishing judges, forcing them to retire, buying the media, dismissing independent journalists and enriching their childhood friends with public funds? These conditions are absolutely essential, they are the emanation of our democratic principles and our principles of sound management of public money. This is where we will all be collectively judged when the time comes to take stock. For now, however, what we are seeing are the checks and balances collapsing one after the other. I sincerely believe that Europe is the last bulwark in the establishment of kleptocracies in the heart of our continent. If she does not act, who will, I ask you? Commissioner, I will be very clear: this money is intended for Hungarians and Poles; This is why we refuse to allow Orbán and Kaczyński to divert this aid to enrich their loved ones, and why we refuse to allow them to continue punishing judges who defend fundamental freedoms. Colleagues, 43 billion is the money for Hungary and Poland. These 43 billion will only be returned to them if these governments provide the necessary democratic guarantees. It should not be otherwise for the defenders of democracy.