What Valérie spoke about.

Madam President, if need be, this proves that it is fundamental and urgent to defend the right to abortion throughout Europe. Second priority... (Applause and exclamations) Second priority: the economy. We expect you, Mrs von der Leyen, to act for the prosperity of the continent, through a triple shock: simplification shock, investment shock, innovation shock. Let's simplify the lives of our entrepreneurs and SMEs, accelerate our investments and build projects. And for that, we need a real European law to speed up the issuing of permits. Let us also accelerate the Capital Markets Union to increase investment and savings opportunities tenfold. Let us give ourselves the means to bring back our factories. Let us make our Europe a land of excellence and innovation, a land of cutting-edge industry that serves our strategic autonomy. And, at the top of our industrial priorities, there is, as you also mentioned, defence. I come to my third point. Europe must be able to defend itself. It is no longer an exercise in thought, it is a vital emergency. We need to strengthen the European Defence Fund and that is happening tomorrow, Madam President, with the presentation of the next multiannual financial framework. We must invest to create a real European defence market. The United States has only one type of tank, the Europeans seventeen. How can one claim to be effective by being so fragmented? Of course, it is not just about us. We promised the Ukrainian people, who are pushing back against the Russian invasion, that we would stand by them. as long as it takes, as you said, Mrs von der Leyen, but more needs to be done: we must do so without delay, as soon as possible. Finally, Madam, there is another threat to our future. Climate change. So we ask you clearly: Do not back down on the Green Deal. Don't back down. Let's get out of fossil fuels, launch a climate adaptation pact and support all Europeans, households, businesses, with the strengthening of the Just Transition Fund. And I do not forget, of course, the agricultural world, which has been hit by a major crisis in recent months. We responded with emergency measures that were necessary. We must now move forward with the structural measures on price and fair competition, as you mentioned. That's what we expect from you, ma'am. The work ahead of us is huge, but we are determined to do it and we will do it, because together, for five years, you have, we have held the bar. Together, we protected Europeans from the pandemic and launched an unprecedented recovery plan. Together, we have brought our economy into the 21st century, adopted the Asylum Immigration Pact and put Europe on the path to decarbonisation. We heard you this morning, Mrs von der Leyen, your roadmap is in line with the ambitions of my political family. My political group will always be a demanding but reliable working partner. Our demands are clear, so is our will. We will have only one course, the best interests of Europeans. And I trust that we share this commitment.

Madam President, Madam candidate, I reassure you that there are many other pro-Europeans left in this Chamber. Europeans made their voices clear on 9 June by bringing a clear pro-European majority to this Chamber, with no displeasure to those who want to make people believe otherwise, and with no displeasure to those who do not want to recognise the outcome of the ballot box. Mrs von der Leyen, freedom is what founded Europe and it is what guides all the commitments of my political family. Through it, our core values are played out. Freedom to be who you want, freedom to love who you want, freedom to work, freedom to do business, freedom to live in a healthy environment. Freedom is what makes up our Europe, our future. Our roadmap for the next five years is clear. Our expectations, those of Renew Europe, are for the sole purpose of guaranteeing Europeans their freedom. Four points are essential. First, our European values, including the rule of law. We all know that there are leaders in Europe today who no longer respect our basic democratic principles, first and foremost, say Viktor Orban. Mrs von der Leyen, you have the power to move Article 7 forward. You also have the power to strengthen the conditionality mechanism. It is no longer time for hesitation. But our values do not stop at the institutions alone. As we see across Europe, the temptation to backtrack on fundamental rights is real. So I ask you to do your utmost to enshrine the right to abortion in the European Charter of Fundamental Rights. (Applause and booing) The second priority is the economy ...

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Ukraine must once again become a free land, for its territorial sovereignty, for peace, for our geopolitical balance. This is a moral imperative, for the lives of the Ukrainians under attack and for its sovereign neighbouring countries. Let me be clear: Despite all the disinformation launched by Moscow and its allies, in this war there is an aggressor and an aggressor. And if we are talking about Ukraine today, it is because the security of Ukraine is also ours. This is evidenced by Vladimir Putin’s destabilisation attempts on our soil while the bombs fall on Kyiv: in Finland, border provocations; in France, the red hands on the Holocaust memorial, the false coffins of soldiers; in Germany, the revelation a few days ago of a plan to assassinate the country’s largest arms producer. War of aggression in Ukraine, hybrid threats and interference in Europe: in either case, the only answer that is worthwhile, ladies and gentlemen, is firmness. Firmness against Vladimir Putin, firmness against those who relay his propaganda in this Chamber. So let's not weaken. On the contrary, let us strengthen our support for President Zelensky and his courageous people. Let us not give in to Vladimir Putin's allies. Let us not allow Viktor Orban, who travels to Moscow on a self-proclaimed peace mission using Europe without any mandate on his part, to do so. Viktor Orban, who tramples on our institutions and endangers our Union by courting the Kremlin, which two days later bombs a children's hospital. Colleagues, let us rise to the occasion. Ukrainians are, as they embark on difficult and courageous reforms while defending their country with a view to moving forward on the path to joining our Union. They're counting on us. So our European Parliament must continue to respond to this call. We have been united with them from day one by welcoming Ukrainian refugees, adopting EDIRPA, a valuable tool for the purchase of ammunition and equipment together, adopting the €50 billion Ukraine Facility. Today, we wanted to say it again to the Ukrainian people, as early as the inaugural session of the European Parliament, without delay: we will continue to support them until they win. And, ladies and gentlemen, you will always find our Renew Europe group on the side of the most ardent defenders of Ukrainian freedom, for a genuine European defence revolution, for massive investment in our common security, for, finally, joint arms purchases in Europe. The time has come for a strong Europe that supports Ukraine alongside the Atlantic Alliance, whose readiness to prepare Kyiv to join it I welcome. Colleagues, our words alone will not change anything. Our votes, on the other hand, can. So let us be worthy of the mandate that is opening up.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, a prosperous Europe is what we all aspire to in this Chamber. All right, all right. The question now is not whether we want this prosperity, but how we build it. I welcome the report by Enrico Letta, which makes fair findings. These recommendations must now be followed up with facts. We must take decisive steps to ensure our competitiveness. The United States massively subsidizes its industries. China is overprotecting its own and flooding our European market. Europe cannot remain a spectator. Brave actions are needed to end our addictions. For several years now, we have been sounding the alarm and crises have dramatically exposed our vulnerabilities. 80% of our active ingredient production is now carried out in Asia. Result: Shortage of paracetamol, amoxicillin, antibiotics and painkillers, even, to treat our babies here in Europe. Today, 70% of chips are produced in Taiwan and the US, 80% of our solar panels in China. Result: our technological development and ecological transition depend on the stability of the rest of the world. This state of affairs, ladies and gentlemen, is severe. However, ending our strategic dependencies is not our only task. We also need to better integrate the internal market and finally achieve the Capital Markets Union, which has been in the making for so many years. Colleagues, Europeans have €33 trillion in private savings. So much wealth that could and should be mobilised for our strategic investments, with concrete returns for Europeans and their portfolios: opportunities, their jobs. Madam President, we cannot allow a gap to widen between the European Union and its international competitors. Last week's European summit seems to have started a jump in this regard and I welcome it. Renew Europe had already warned for a long time about the need to ensure our competitiveness. I am glad that the EPP is finally taking over the problem, a year after actually splitting on the European Parliament resolution on the subject. One year after failing to put in place a crucial tool for our competitiveness, the Sovereignty Fund, yet promised by you, Madam President. We will expect from the next Commission, regardless of its political colour, a proactive approach to ensure that the Europe we leave behind in 2029 will also be one of the giants of this world.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, I am outraged to learn that members of this House and candidates for the European elections have been paid by the Russian government and its proxies to spread Kremlin propaganda and to work against the interests of those who elected them. That is why we, Renew, demand names, names and numbers. Who paid? Which party? Through which intermediary? For what purpose? And for how much? This information is absolutely essential, because it is an attack on our European worldview, on our Parliament, on our democratic mandates to all of us here. Yes, it is, let us say, a new interference. But it is also, and above all, treason. A betrayal on the part of hypocritical MEPs and candidates, MEPs and candidates who do not want to act for Europeans, MEPs and candidates who in reality have only two obsessions: Make easy money and serve Putin. Colleagues, there is an urgent need for the identity of those involved to be communicated as soon as possible, also so that our institution fully cooperates in the investigation and takes the necessary measures and sanctions. There is an urgent need, because in two months' time the European elections will be held and Europeans need to know who they are voting for; because the best weapon to get Putin's followers out of this chamber for good, let's say, is the ballot papers in June.

Madam President, Madam Vice-President, Prime Minister, many in this Chamber have always regarded Finland, your country, as a land of tranquility and serenity. So much so that many have forgotten that Finland shares Europe’s longest border with Russia. A border that was, as you recalled, the scene of a hybrid war with the instrumentalisation of migrants last winter by Vladimir Putin. With the arrival of spring, it is likely that this will be the case again soon. This is unacceptable, and the European Union must continue to provide the necessary support, as it has already started to do by mobilising Frontex officers. Whatever Vladimir Putin's maneuvers, we will oppose them. We will oppose it, as we oppose its propaganda – propaganda that would make it appear that NATO would be a force expanding like an empire to encircle Russia. This is a lie, and Finland’s accession to NATO is further proof of this. It is not NATO that extends itself, it is sovereign states that democratically choose to ask to join our alliance. Not the other way around. If new states want to join NATO, it is obviously not by chance. This is because they understand that the world has changed and that Russia is threatening them to such an extent that they are ready to renounce a policy of neutrality rooted for decades in their political identity. Prime Minister, ladies and gentlemen, all this shows that Finland has its place in Europe’s strategic awakening. And to do so, the European Union must strengthen its policy for the Arctic, where the interests of Americans, Chinese and Russians are growing. Actors, let us say, who do not necessarily have the same hopes as Europeans in this area. That is why we need a real strategy that not only tackles climate and biodiversity protection in the region, but also the defence and diplomacy challenges at stake. It is now a geopolitical imperative for Finland, for all these regions and for Europe.

Madam President, dear colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, thank you for being so inspiring, for mobilising, inspiring and being role models for so many generations of girls and women, even today. Really, thank you for who you are and what you do. I would like to talk to you – I could talk to you – following this International Women’s Day, about my pride in seeing one of our states enshrine in its Constitution the right to voluntary termination of pregnancy. This right, which has been obtained for women and by women after decades of fighting in many countries. But I would also like to go beyond this debate alone, because the challenges faced by women are not limited solely to the right to dispose of their bodies, although this is obviously a major one. Gender-based and sexual violence, access to contraception, the unjustifiable gender pay gap, barriers to labour market participation, fair mental burden sharing in our personal lives: so many subjects that call for a mobilization of every moment, by all of us and by all of us. I am talking about all of us here in this Chamber. But women’s rights – or rather the lack of rights for women – take on a much greater dimension outside Europe. So, I cannot help but think about those who struggle for access to education, who want to go to school, but who are banned, those who dare to remove their veils in Iran and elsewhere, at the risk of attracting the wrath of the morality police, those in whom society does not trust, crushed by the weight of archaic traditions. It is time to end these inequalities. There can be no tolerance for those who violate women's rights, choices and bodies. I am proud that this Parliament has always been such a strong advocate for women's rights around the world. However, ladies and gentlemen, we are under no illusions: rights obtained after decades of struggle should not be considered immutable. In our societies and in this Parliament, forces continue to intimidate women and undermine their rights. It is up to us to denounce them, to fight them, for all of us here, but also for all those in the rest of the world who are fighting for the rights of those who constitute no less than half of humanity.

Madam President, Madam President, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, once again, at this summit, the Heads of State or Government will have the essential task of making Europe speak with one voice. One vote for Ukraine. Ukraine, which continues to bravely confront the Russian aggressor. Our support is and must remain unwavering. The launch of missiles in the vicinity of a European head of government will not intimidate us, nor will the publication of a research notice against a European head of government – quite the contrary. Our determination to ensure Ukraine’s victory is strengthened. So no, there will be no pause in our support. No, Ukraine does not have to stop defending itself or raise the white flag. No, Ukraine does not have to negotiate on the integrity of its territory. We must maintain the balance of power, colleagues, because if years of discussions with Putin have taught us one thing, it is that he has little interest in exchanging words – but only words to justify his war. Because we all know here what we are looking for in the event of a weakening: not only a disaster for the Ukrainians themselves, but also a threat to the European Union that is out of step with what it is already experiencing today. That is why it is crucial that leaders agree on military aid now, because the urgency is there. The security of Ukraine is the security of Europe. Ladies and gentlemen, once again, at this summit, the Heads of State or Government will therefore have the essential task of making Europe speak with one voice, I repeat. One voice to reiterate our support for the people of Israel in the face of the horror of the Hamas terrorist attack on 7 October and for the hostages still held, who must be released immediately. One voice also to be outraged at recent developments in the region. I'll be clear: The latest images are unsustainable, unspeakable, unacceptable. Israel, which has so much touted its democracy, must live up to its values. That is why it is imperative that all the humanitarian aid needed by the civilian population enter the Gaza Strip without coercion, without gunshots, without casualties. At the same time, our group reiterates the need for an immediate and lasting ceasefire as a precondition for any relaunch of a two-state solution. The two-State solution, which we call for, and which, more than ever, is necessary to ensure peace and stability in the region.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the right of women to freely dispose of their bodies and to have access to voluntary termination of pregnancy is at risk. It is in danger in the world, but also in Europe, threatened by reactionary populist forces who want to impose their program on us. We have seen it in the past in Poland, we have seen it in Hungary, and each time it is women who pay the price. The European Union must be at the rendezvous of women, of their freedom, of all their freedoms. That is why we are calling for a debate to include the right to abortion in the European Charter of Fundamental Rights, as our group has been doing since 2022 and as already supported by the European Parliament.

Madam President, dear Ms Navalnaya, before I address this Chamber, I would like to address you personally. Obviously, this misfortune has an international political impact, but it is above all a personal and human tragedy. I would like to express my sincere condolences to you, who have just lost your husband, and to your two children and loved ones. Your courage is exemplary and admirable, and all Democrats here salute the memory of Alexei Navalny. Alexei Navalny is a symbol of courage, self-sacrifice in the face of injustice and corruption, without ever weakening. He will have faced to the end a regime whose only response to any challenge is repression and assassinations. Because we have to say it clearly today! Yes, the full responsibility for this assassination lies with the Russian state, and in particular with its President, Vladimir Putin. Alexei Navalny had exposed the deeply corrupt Putin system that has locked all doors of power and institutions. So if we really want to pay tribute to him, we have to do what he has always expected of us: Asphyxiate Putin and his loved ones by all means! Sanctions are one thing, but they do not do everything, as you said, and neither do statements. We must fight all the organizations that found its criminal system. Colleagues, we cannot leave the Russian opposition alone against Putin and his followers. It is up to us to oppose this, too, every day, because now their assassinations and propaganda are also exported elsewhere in Europe. This propaganda and lies that only benefit the same people, Putin in Russia and his extremist relays at home – extremists who, once they come to power, rush to play the Kremlin game. Dear Mrs Navalnaya, I will conclude by reaffirming to you all our support, but also all our determination to accompany you in your courageous fight for this democratic and free Russia that you call for with your wishes. We won't leave you alone. We will be there by your side until the end!

Madam President, Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen, for too long we have ignored the signs of the world's turning point. Increasingly, our values of freedom and democracy are now under attack, physically or virtually. Despite these threats, we have become too accustomed to some comfort. This comfort, it could make us forget at times the harsh reality that can inflict on us the jolts of geopolitics. The habit of peace, this formidable European miracle, has become a situation taken for granted, whereas this peace is the essential element for our freedom, for our prosperity. Colleagues, by relying only on our American allies for our defense, we have ended up with chronic underinvestment in our defense capabilities. The awakening could only be brutal! Two years ago, Vladimir Putin launched an invasion war on European soil. The worst atrocities were committed. The worst threats are now hovering over our heads. Colleagues, since 24 February 2022, naivety has made its time, and that is why, alongside its heroic population, we will support Ukraine until its victory. And we too must be concerned about our safety! Our ties with our allies are valuable. To question them would be irresponsible. But once there is a risk that our strategic priorities will take different paths, we must no longer procrastinate. We will not be able to wake up in the aftermath of the US elections without anticipating the next world. We Democrats refuse to leave our union at the mercy of the aggressors, unlike those whose links with Putin are known and documented here, on the far right and far left of this Chamber. Do not rely on them to defend neither our continent nor their own country. Ladies and gentlemen, I would also like to send a message. There is no need to attack our Heads of State here and there. They're the key! This is a sterile debate. Otherwise, we can remake the world and look at who led us to our addictions. I wouldn't do it! Let us be collectively responsible, otherwise we play Vladimir Putin's game. And I ask the question: Who better than Europe to protect Europe? Colleagues, it is time to act. And it starts with ending unanimity in European foreign policy, where today a single government, even if subservient to a foreign power, can jeopardise our vital interests at all. We will then have to think about new initiatives, and here I am thinking of the creation of the European Military Academy, at a time when our armed forces must be fully interoperable. But we must also invent new forms of funding for our protection and build a true single market for defence so that we can finally protect ourselves. It's about our safety at all!

Madam President, Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Romania is entering an election year: parliamentary, presidential, European and local elections. These elections will be crucial, and it is a strong symbol to see that Romanians will write both their national and European future within a few months, as the values and interests of Romanians are firmly rooted in the European project. I could mention our fight against corruption, our strong support for the EPPO and for the work of your compatriot, Laura Codruța Kövesi, who is doing dantesque work across Europe after having done it from Bucharest. These values, this rule of law, are the basis of our community of European destinies. Our family, Renew Europe, will fight to the end to protect them, to strengthen them, to fix them. The elections I mentioned will be part of an era in which foreign interference is multiplying on our soil. The institutions will have to be robust because cyber protection and the fight against disinformation are a major challenge, as well as the discourses of the extreme right, which serve only division and hatred, in Romania as elsewhere, unfortunately. Your responsibility – to protect democracy and the institutions – will therefore be great, Mr President, and it is because we form this community of destiny that I welcome the lifting of air and sea border controls with Romania, but also, next month, with Bulgaria. I assure you today in this Chamber: our political group will continue to advocate the lifting of land border controls, too. This is fundamental and a priority. This community of destiny is also our close bond with the Ukrainian people. His fight is also ours. His safety is also ours. I welcome in this House Romania’s major role in supporting Ukraine because, when the security of our continent is threatened, we act together. I also want to have a word for Moldova. I and my group are delighted that these two countries are continuing, and even accelerating, their journey towards our Union. Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, this election year is of crucial importance, not only for Romania, but for Europe as a whole. Our freedoms, our institutions are at stake. It is the responsibility of all of us to protect them.

Madam President, Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, last Thursday Europe took up its responsibilities. Last Thursday, the whole EU sent a clear message to President Putin. Until Ukraine regains its full territorial sovereignty, Europe will stand by the Ukrainians. €50 billion until 2027 will be used to support Kiev to protect itself, to finance its schools, hospitals, and ultimately to rebuild itself. The summit on 1 February was a further demonstration of the unity of the 27, and a further demonstration that the EU will always be at the forefront of crises, united: alongside Ukrainians who risk their lives every day to repel the invasion and alongside – should we remind ourselves? – Europeans themselves. For, let us not fool ourselves, the interest of Europeans does not lie in complicity with the regime of Vladimir Putin. Those who serve this discourse are the pyromaniacs of Europe, and their calls for peace in the form of a ceasefire, we know very well what they cover: Kremlin’s ambition to make Ukraine a Russian territory. Europe is taking responsibility, ladies and gentlemen, and this summit was also marked by budgetary progress. Without financial means, there are no public policies. That is why we need to be even more ambitious. An agreement on the revision of our budget is good; A good deal is better. Because, ladies and gentlemen, we will not fund our future with tips. Our future, our ambition as Europeans, is to be free. Free to produce on our own soil the strategic goods that Europe needs – medicines, batteries, vehicles – free to choose our partners in confidence, free at last to decide for ourselves and for ourselves our future. That is what European sovereignty is all about. This sovereignty is also our food sovereignty. Here too, Europe is once again taking responsibility for its agriculture, because it has a duty to feed those who feed us. Farmers have sent a clear message to all of us: we must allow them, too, to be free, free to live from their activity and to devote themselves fully to it without suffocating under paperwork. Let's make no mistake about the target: our farmers are the architects of the green transition, and I am proud that Renew Europe protected the CAP until 2027 and doubled the funds earmarked for young farmers. European agricultural policy is not only designed to be built for farmers, it must also be built with them. While populists of all stripes want, as usual, to exploit angry movements, I have a question for them: to you who say that Europe is abandoning rurality, where were you when we supported and even increased the resources allocated to the agricultural world? You vote the standards and you don't give a single euro. Whether you like it or not, Europe is growing, and it is not about to stop, because we will not weaken our support for Ukraine, nor the climate, nor the future of our farmers. This is our course, and we will not deviate.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, on 1 February the eyes will be on what will happen in Brussels. It will not be a summit like any other, because what will be decided there is the path that Europe will take for the coming years. The reality, colleagues, is that leaders have no choice. Since 24 February 2022, Ukrainians have been fighting valiantly to defend their territory and thus that of the European Union. To ensure that their hospitals, their schools, their administrations are always functional is to avoid the collapse of the Ukrainian state. Equally crucial, of course, is support for military capabilities, because if Ukraine were to collapse, it would be the European Union itself and all its states that would now be insecure. That is why, Madam Minister, Viktor Orban cannot dictate his law to all of his partners. It's time for the 26 to get their hands back. This is essential for Ukraine, but also for our other current challenges: immigration, the production of strategic goods on our soil, but also the sound management of our debt, without forcing Parliament to cut into the programmes that make the reputation of our Europe, without betraying the promises of the great European recovery plan. We will pay particular attention to this here in the European Parliament, be assured when negotiations with Parliament begin. But for now, Commissioner, it is up to you to help your counterpart in the European Council work towards an agreement between the states. Know that, where there will be ambition, we will obviously support this path with all the demands that major decisions require.

Madam President, Prime Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Belgian Presidency of the Council that is opening is part of a pivotal period for Europe. A pivotal period because at the end of your presidency, Prime Minister, as we all know, the European elections will take place. What is starting today is the path our Union will take tomorrow. There is no doubt, as we gather in this Chamber, that Europe must take its destiny back into its own hands. In a few months, our American allies may revert to isolationism and animosity towards us. But in a few months, Ukraine may not yet have regained its territorial integrity, and I refuse to embrace the idea that we have to wait, over and over again, for the worst to finally happen. Europe must take its future into its own hands now to ensure that Ukraine does not collapse, to accompany the states destined to join us, to fundamentally reform the way our Europe works. Unanimity can no longer be the rule in a Union of 36. To enlarge without reform would be to embark on the path of immobility. I know that your presidency, Prime Minister, will be keen to lay the foundations for the revolution to come. So, of course, institutional reforms are one thing, but just as fundamental is the question of our values. Prime Minister, as Poland returns to democracy, as the free press comes back to life in Slovenia, we must set these successes not as exceptions, but as concrete examples that in politics there is no inevitability. We therefore call for a final finding of a serious and persistent breach by the government of Viktor Orban of the fundamental values of the European Union. We must move on to the second stage of the Article 7 procedure, Prime Minister, so that these attacks are also relegated to the status of parentheses in the democratic history of Hungary and the European Union. Prime Minister, you are at the head of a country that matters. You are also a member of our political family, Renew Europe, and you can count on our unwavering commitment to you to respect our values and ambitions.

Madam President, Commissioner, Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen, what is happening in Slovakia? Slovaks, pro-Europeans deep in their souls, see their new prime minister, Robert Fico, dismantle their institutions, built in pain and sweat. The guardians of democracy – prosecutors, magistrates, police officers, journalists – are intimidated, dismissed. Because they want to end impunity, those who want to punish the corrupt are threatened. Threatened because they bring out the truth. By considering the dissolution of his country's anti-corruption prosecutor's office, Robert Fico is taking a new step, an unacceptable step for the Democrats, an unacceptable step for this Parliament, unacceptable for the European Union. Commissioner, I appeal to your authority and firmness to put an end to what amounts to a slow "orbanisation" of Slovakia, which no one among the pro-Europeans will accept. For Slovakia and for democracy.

Madam President. Commissioner, Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen, I will not go around the bush: There's an emergency. We urgently need to strengthen our European budget to deal with all the crises that are hitting us – the migration crisis, the debt crisis, the competitiveness crisis – and, of course, for Ukraine. Ukraine, which could give up any hope of defeating Russia in three weeks, three weeks, if we do not help it here and now, with or without Orbán. That is why, Secretary of State, we need to review our budget. It is not a whim of the Commission or the European Parliament to have more and more money. It is a question of the viability of the European Union for the next four years. Then we see the compromise documents pass one after the other: 66 billion, then 36, 34, 26 and finally 22. You cut into the migration by crossing your fingers so that civilians stop fleeing conflicts. You cut strategic investments in the hope that giga-factories will grow on their own in our campaigns. But above all, beyond these cuts, states are putting a mortgage on the future of Europe. All analyses agree that Europe's debt will be higher than expected. You cannot refer the search for a solution to future annual negotiations. You know very well what's going to happen. What is going to happen is that the states are going to put the knife under the throat of the institutions every year to cut European programmes, in order to make room for debt. But where is common sense? Where is Europe Power? Mr Secretary of State, it is time for a start. This Friday, Heads of State or Government will have to decide which Europe they want in 2028. A Europe on the brink or a Europe that holds on. It is your responsibility.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen: dependence on Russian gas, massive subsidies to '', increased international competition, especially from China... The changes the world is going through are hitting our Union hard. These crises directly affect the daily lives of our citizens and businesses, which have to cope with rising prices and the increased risks of relocations or shortages. In an interconnected world such as ours, a European strategy to protect our economy is therefore necessary. Ladies and gentlemen, the answer to these challenges can never be withdrawal, populist, nationalist temptation and isolation, as the extremes in this Chamber would have us believe. On the contrary, it must be European. It is by using the power of our internal market, diversifying our international partnerships or jointly supporting our strategic industries that we will be able to protect Europeans. However, this strategy can only succeed on two conditions: we must be able to agree on a shared vision of economic security and we must be prepared to put the necessary financial resources into it.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, let us make it clear: States have lost part of their fiscal sovereignty. It is now clear that Europe needs to respond on the right scale to this challenge of the 21st century. This is what we have done, for example, by imposing a solidarity contribution on fossil energy giants, because there are tax bases that can no longer be understood at national level alone without leading to a leakage of revenues and activities to other countries. The reality is that nation states can no longer tackle certain issues in isolation, whether in times of crisis or not. I am of course thinking of climate change, digital giants, financial transactions, tax evasion and fraud. Colleagues, it is time to take on these challenges, without any taboos, because if there is one level of power that can bring more tax and social justice in addition to the states, and especially in times of crisis, it is Europe.

Mr President, Commissioner, Secretary of State, ladies and gentlemen, this year, even more than the others, our annual budget negotiations have demonstrated the impossibility for Europe to adapt forcefully to the challenges of the moment. EUR 340 million was the amount we could discuss, with the rest almost fixed in stone. I would like to congratulate our rapporteur-general, Mr Mureşan, and our rapporteur for the institutions, Mr Ušakovs, on all the work done despite the constraints we are experiencing. We were able to get a substantial increase in humanitarian aid for Palestinian civilians, for health research, and for young farmers. Ladies and gentlemen, let us not be mistaken, this common agreement is neither historic nor sufficient. Our support here will only aim to ensure continuity of European programmes in 2024, because the real fight will have to be on the Multiannual Financial Framework, the only political battleground where we can release substantial sums to end our critical dependencies, manage our borders and migration flows and of course, help Ukraine. I therefore call on States to make as much progress as possible in their discussions on this crucial issue. Yes, the discussions, as we know, will be long, they will be arduous, they will be fraught with pitfalls and sown with political choices to be made. So, to overcome these difficulties, we need to raise our heads, look where we want to lead Europe to draw a clear line and a horizon. It is time to make choices, time to turn words into deeds.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, our debate has only strengthened my intuition: The time has come to regain leadership. And not just any leadership. I am talking about the leadership of yesteryear with the visions of the founding fathers. Raise your head, look away from the accounting tables to see where we want to lead Europe, we parliamentarians, heads of state, ministers, civil society, Europeans. Own resources, far from their technical aspect, are above all a political issue. It is they who will determine the confidence that markets will continue to place in the European project. It is they who will determine whether or not the European Union will have a free hand to play the same game with the US and Chinese powers in the coming decades. Own resources will define the reality of the European Union of tomorrow: a club of around 30 United Nations for the lowest common denominator, or finally a strong geopolitical, industrial and ecological entity. So, Commissioner – I would have liked to say this also to the Spanish Presidency, which is not present – believe in my support and our full support for the work you are doing. This is probably one of the toughest technical, political and ideological battles in Brussels for decades. So keep in mind that if you succeed, your victory will only be better.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, since 2019 we have taken up with José Manuel Fernandes, whom I welcome here, the torch of own resources. An emblematic file, and for some a sea snake. I have to admit that all this time I have sometimes wondered how national leaders in the 1950s agreed from the very first moment that Europe should be financed entirely from genuine own resources. This was the time when large companies active in the coal and steel sectors paid a tax directly to the ECSC, to the European institution. At a time when Europe’s financial autonomy was a clear will of national leaders. This desire was even renewed in the 1960s with customs duties. But, it must be acknowledged, this spirit has withered over time. National contributions have emerged as the new norm. States have regained control. As a result, there is no longer a budgetary negotiation where net contributors do not tap net beneficiaries. Far, far from the spirit of solidarity that founded and which I still believe characterises our Union. When we talk about money, it is national selfishness that takes over. Over-reliance on national contributions has led us to an impasse, with a budget blocked at 1% of EU GDP for, I want to say, almost eternity. So, ladies and gentlemen, I ask an existential question: will Europe be able to expand, or rather will it be able to operate under these conditions: with even more members, but with the same anachronistic rules, the same way to finance our common future? I do not want a Europe where 35 national finance ministries, each with their own constraints, pull Europe's action down because of a lack of political will. Colleagues, the time has come. The time has come to uphold the promise that was made with this stimulus package. The debt incurred will not have to be repaid by the states with the taxes of the taxpayers. It is also out of the question to go through cuts in our healthcare or in Erasmus. The time has therefore come to act on these new own resources. Are the rights to pollute the European carbon market that have existed since 2003 European? They therefore go to the European budget. Is the carbon tax at borders European? It therefore goes to the European budget. Are large multinationals thriving thanks to the European market? They therefore contribute to the European budget. Let us get out of this feverishness, and assume forcefully – let us even impose – what is obvious and should have remained so. If a European policy generates money, then that money must go back to Europe. And beyond the obvious, beyond coherence, let us defend what has now become paramount. In 2028, just over four years from now, the European Union will be legally required to start repaying the debt incurred for the recovery plan. We are talking about €20 billion a year. If states do not decide to take a political course, the political course they committed themselves to in 2020, then we are entitled to the solution that no one, no one wants: Reimbursement by the States. And by voting on this report today, we are also signalling to states that such a scenario would not be the responsibility of parliamentarians.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Europe must define its course on the conflict between Israel and Hamas. But carrying a geopolitical Europe also requires a Europe that gives itself the means, that accompanies the necessary positions. And this summit was also a discussion about its means. Now, all of us here make the same observations. We face migratory flows that we struggle to manage, for lack of means. We are highly dependent on other powers for our strategic products. Ukraine, without our support, would collapse. And if it collapsed, tomorrow Russia would be at the borders of Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, Romania. This is the reality of the challenges of today's Europe. I would like to thank the European Commission for proposing a new budget that largely addresses these challenges, even though the promised Sovereignty Fund has not yet been created, Commissioner, with great regret, of course, on our part. So what a disappointment to hear some heads of state questioning the very idea that we need to refinance ourselves to face these challenges, and others even going so far as to blackmail. However, Europeans wonder where Europe is, and when it responds ‘present’, as if at last finding a way through the management of immigration, some Heads of State and Government, the same ones who ask us for better management of migration flows, refuse to put the necessary means to ensure the return of those who are not destined to stay, the means to ensure the integration of those who have the right of residence. One wonders if one is not walking on one’s head. What justifies such a discrepancy between ambitions and actions? All this will not happen without money. The Asylum and Migration Pact must be financed. What will happen if the situation in the Middle East turns into a new migration crisis? Colleagues, which state in the world would decide to cut off its healthcare or student mobility to ensure its security in its neighbourhood? None. None. So why should this be the case for the European Union? I therefore call for the Heads of State and Government to be held accountable. Let us discuss the figures, the amounts, but let us get out, Mr President, of this eternal temptation to undress Peter in order to dress Paul. Let us have a vision for Europe, a vision that is not fair accounting, a vision that lives up to the challenges of today and tomorrow.

Mr President, Commissioner, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, in recent weeks Europe has been shaken within itself and at its borders, with the conflicts in the Caucasus and the Middle East. And there is no one who is not moved by the ambient cacophony that reigns within our walls. Who speaks for the European Union? What is our position? Colleagues, the world is watching us. Europe must regain clarity and unity. Our unity with Russia, with Ukraine, cannot remain a parenthesis in the geopolitical history of our continent. That must be the new norm. But clarity alone will not be enough. For there are words and there are deeds. This summit will also be earmarked for the European budget. If we do not revise our budget, Europe will not be able to continue to support Ukraine, manage migration, manage our debt and end our dependency on critical technologies. In short, to ensure its geopolitical dimension. So let us never lose sight of the fact that we are acting in the interest of all Europeans. And making promises without giving us the means to do so leads to disillusionment and drama. Heads of State or Government must have this in mind and finally give Europe the power it needs.