Speeches

Last week, Mr Lukashenko declared that passports will be issued and renewed in Belarus only. This will effectively leave all those in exile stranded abroad without valid identification. This is another act of subjugation. This is another piece of evidence that the dictator in Minsk is ready to betray his population to secure his own power. Tougher sanctions need to be the consequence – against Lukashenko and all his henchmen that are responsible for violence, for repression and for the complicity in the atrocities committed in Ukraine. While Lukashenko is pushing Belarus ever deeper into the Russian orbit, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya, who we will welcome tomorrow noon in this hemicycle, presents a diametrically different vision. Let us elevate our relations with the Belarusian democratic forces to a more formal level. The new Consultative Group is a first step in the right direction. It is our duty – it is our self-interest even – to continue providing the opposition with the resources required to keep the Belarusian democratic dream alive.

The European steel industry is facing enormous challenges. High energy prices, weak demand and increasing import pressure due to market-distorting prices threaten competitiveness. The strategic importance of the steel industry as a base material for sectors – from cars to wind turbines, washing machines to the defence industry – is undisputed. Transforming to CO2-to master low production processes must now be acted upon. In the short term, EU safeguards should be revised and existing trade defence procedures optimised. In this way, we safeguard the transformation of the industry against overcapacity and unfair trading practices. In the medium term, energy prices for electricity and hydrogen must be reduced. Only in this way can we create incentives for the use of green steel and secure a secure and sustainable supply of basic materials. The CO is also2-Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) in the medium term – until 2026 – effective and complete. In the long term, green lead markets should be the goal. On the demand side, we create incentives for CO2-poor steel products from Europe. Time is pressing! Together we must set the course so that the European steel industry not only survives, but prospers. The announced Steel and Metal Action Plan should be a key part of the clean industry deal to be presented in the first 100 days due to the acute crisis situation.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the European Union has achieved decisive progress towards taking more responsibility for its own security over the last decade. We have created some necessary tools to do so. Initiatives such as PESCO, the European Defence Fund, EDIRPA or SAFE, to name just a few, have put us in a stronger position to develop and strengthen our own security and defence capabilities. In addition, we have developed a complementary strategy outlined in the White Paper for European Defence and the Defence Readiness Roadmap 2030. So, from my point of view, Commissioner Kubilius, you are on the right track. But, dear colleagues, these tools and strategy alone are, of course, not enough. The time for Sonntagsreden, as we call it in German – sunshine speeches – is simply over. Now is the time to deliver on the promises we have made to our citizens and to our partners. The Member States must now close their capability gaps, improve their coordination and significantly increase their defence investments. This requires political will, sustained commitment, and a sense of urgency. We can no longer wait. If Europe fails to meet this challenge, we will continue to be caught unprepared, as recent weeks, months and years have clearly shown. Preparing for what comes next means strengthening Europe's defence capabilities, protecting our sovereignty and preserving our independence now.

Mr President, colleagues, I have listened very carefully to the entire debate. I believe it is a strong signal that most of the political groups in this House act in concert towards a stronger common foreign and security policy. I would hope to see this reflected during the final vote tomorrow noon. European citizens desire a strong and confident Europe that can do both: defend our values and assert our geopolitical interests. The European Union must complement its traditional raison d'état as a normative power with that of an external security provider. The High Representative and the Commission are explicitly invited, dear Kaja Kallas, to use this year's CFSP report also as a guide for their priorities. The recently announced European security strategy will be a good place to start. Parliament will follow up on our expectations. At the end I would in particular like to thank the shadow rapporteurs, all the involved staff members and also the team of the High Representative Vice-President for the constructive cooperation on the report and also tonight's open debate.

Madam President, thank you for giving me the floor to kick off this debate on the annual CFSP and also the annual CSDP report. The first days of this year, 2026, have certainly already demanded our full attention. If we step back from the daily headlines, we see a double epochal shift. The international order forged after the Second World War based on law, institutions and cooperation is unravelling. The Russian war of aggression against Ukraine has shattered Europe's post-war security architecture and its impact is global. Authoritarian voices are rising, cooperation is giving way to confrontation. And meanwhile, our closest ally is turning away from the very order it once helped to build. We risk returning to a world where 'might makes right'. Some say we are already there. Tomorrow, noon, we are set to adopt the report that comprehensively analyses the shifting dynamics. For those who take the time to unpack it, I believe the CFSP report is much more than just a review of last year's events. It can provide orientation, it can identify priorities, it can set expectations, and it can translate principles into political direction. These expectations are structured, as I see it, around four core priorities. First, defending the rules-based international order. We do not emphasise this out of nostalgia, but out of necessity. A world without rules, where borders are redrawn by force or economic pressure, may offer short-term gains to a few, but it definitely guarantees long-term losses for everyone. Insecurity, weakened institutions and destroyed trust are the inevitable result. Second, setting non-negotiable positions we consider inviolable. Sovereignty and territorial integrity are not optional, they lay at the heart of the United Nations Charter, and they lie at the heart of our own security. This is why Ukraine can continue to rely on our support. And this is why legitimate security interests, including in the High North and the Arctic, can never justify questioning borders, including those of our Member State, the Kingdom of Denmark. Borders are not negotiable, sovereignty is not optional. The use of force cannot be normalised. Interests can be discussed, fundamental rules cannot. Third, deepening cooperation on shared interests. Defending rules does not mean acting alone. We are betting on partnerships for the future, not on the lowest common denominator, but on the greatest possible scope for joint action. And we invite all who share this ambition to join us. And fourth, it is about increasing the visibility of EU action abroad. For Europe to be credible in this environment, our action must not only be coherent, it must also be visible. This is not an act of self-promotion. Our partners need to know where the European Union stands, where we are engaged, and that our commitments are reliable. All of this, in the end, dear colleagues, requires a Europe that is sovereign, without closing itself off. A Europe that is open to partnerships, but not naive. It is a Europe that can assert itself precisely because we believe in cooperation, and it is a courageous Europe, conscious of its strength, aware of its choices, and ready to use them.

Mr President, madam Minister, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, yesterday the European Parliament honoured Mzia Amaglobeli, a courageous representative of Georgia's pro-democracy movement, as one of the two Sakharov Prize laureates of this year. That Georgians are fighting to defend their democracy speaks volumes. The country was once a frontrunner of the Eastern Neighbourhood Policy. Colleagues have already pointed out that democratic decline marked by state capture, a severe crackdown on civil society and electoral fraud should concern us all. Commissioner McGrath, the Eastern Partnership was conceived in more optimistic times. It delivered connectivity and reforms and helped to bring Ukraine and Moldova onto a clear European path. But it obviously lacks effective tools to prevent democratic backsliding or to respond to sustained malign influence, as we now, unfortunately, witness in Georgia. The deepening democratic crisis in Georgia reminds us that a solid neighbourhood policy and, in the same spirit, our enlargement policy must be clear, credible and conditional standing against those who undermine this and standing with those who choose Europe, the great people of Georgia.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, dear colleagues, the European Union thrives on the free movement of people, goods, services and capital. Yet a soldier in uniform cannot cross a border without official permission. When heavy equipment is being moved across borders, weeks of planning, permits and slots in crowded rail networks are needed. In future, our defence readiness, as previous speakers have pointed out, will be measured not in days or even weeks, but in hours of action. Dear Commissioner Apostolos Tzitzikostas, in this context I welcome the Commission's action plan on military mobility, and it is in this context that northern Germany plays a pivotal role serving as a hub for troop deployments to and through Europe; just think of ports like Wilhelmshaven, Bremerhaven, Emden or Rostock. A Europe that can deploy swiftly is a Europe that deters effectively.

Mr President, dear colleagues, what happened before, during and after the elections in Tanzania was regrettably no surprise. This was not an irregularity, but the systematic destruction of democratic competition. These elections were marred by state‑sponsored political repression, targeted abductions and manipulation. The outcome was decided well before 29 October. It began with the suffocation of civic space and the silencing of free media. It continued with the banning of political assemblies and opposition parties, and it became undeniable with the imprisonment of nearly every leading opposition representative, above all, the leader of Chadema, Mr Tundu Lissu. For nearly 250 days, my personal friend Tundu Lissu has endured solitary confinement, possibly facing a death sentence simply for demanding free and fair elections, but this is not just about one individual fate. This is the textbook example of how an authoritarian regime weaponises the law to eliminate its opponents. On election day and the hours that followed, the regime showed its true colours when the internet was shut down, when protesters were beaten, shot, abducted and jailed. Madam Commissioner, I call on the European Commission and I call on the European External Action Service not to slip back into business as usual. I will spare you the diplomatic language used in recent statements, but the tone was certainly not as clear as it should have been. Tanzania's continued pivot from the rule of law, reform and good governance demands a genuine assessment of our bilateral relationship. Colleagues, if we truly stand for democracy and human rights, we cannot stop at words. Let us use every tool at our disposal to hold those in power accountable. Tomorrow, this House will send an unmistakable message: all EU funds channelled through state‑controlled entities must be frozen immediately. The European Union must not use its fund to subsidise oppression. The time to act is now. All political prisoners must be released immediately and with no conditions. Urgently required is an independent and credible investigation into all killings, abductions and enforced disappearances. The great people of Tanzania, they deserve new, free and credible elections. Thank you and free Tundu Lissu now.

Madam President, dear Commissioner, this second implementation report on the Trade and Cooperation Agreement shows indeed that EU-UK relations have entered a more stable and more constructive phase. I thought this was also evident at last week's meeting of the EU-UK Parliamentary Partnership Assembly in London, when exchanges were substantive and serious on both sides. Economically, the fundamentals of tariff- and quota-free trade are working, yet the administrative burden remains heavy, especially for small and medium-sized enterprises facing diverging standards, complex SPS rules and additional certificates. The new security and defence agreement, signed in London in May, finally provides a structured framework for our cooperation in this area. With negotiations underway on a possible British participation in SAFE, we can strengthen the interoperability and reduce costs provided that the outstanding issues on financing and industrial participation are resolved. Commissioner Šefčovič, I sincerely hope that they will be resolved. Overall, with the TCA, we have a solid foundation and a shared willingness to move forward constructively and pragmatically. Let us continue to do that on exactly that path.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Arctic is no longer a remote periphery. It has rapidly turned into a geopolitical frontier. Climate change is accelerating competition for resources, opening new sea routes and drawing global powers into a region that was once defined by cooperation. With Denmark, Finland and Sweden – three of our EU Member States, our Arctic nations and all of them now fully fledged NATO allies – the European Union has both responsibility and leverage. European security does not stop at the Baltic or the North Atlantic. It extends deep into the High North. As the European Union, we have a responsibility and a strategic interest in ensuring that the Arctic remains a zone of peace, sustainable development and international cooperation. But this vision, as speakers have pointed out, is increasingly challenged by Russia's militarisation, its expansive territorial claims and its hybrid activities. China's growing presence adds another layer of strategic complexity. This is why we need a more assertive Arctic diplomacy of the EU; an Arctic diplomacy that strengthens our resilience against hybrid threats, ensures the protection of critical infrastructure – from undersea cables to satellite systems – and guarantees that the opening of new Arctic sea routes does not become an open invitation to coercion or destabilisation. Let me thank the AFET Vice‑Chair for this very good report.

Madam President, as we have just heard, the debate on the use of Russian frozen assets requires a very careful balance between political responsibility, legal feasibility and financial stability. In my view, the new proposal on the table is both bold and necessary. We can provide Ukraine with an interest-free loan of nearly EUR 140 billion, using assets of the Russian central bank that have been frozen here in the European Union. Politically, this plan leaves no doubt: the European Union stands with Ukraine, and the Kremlin will only regain access to its funds once it has fully compensated Ukraine for the destruction it has caused. Legally, this mechanism can be designed with a clear EU legal framework, provided the political will is there. A decision at the European Council on Thursday would enable legislation to be put forward in order to start payments next year. Financially, the mechanism safeguards the integrity of the financial system, because to use the frozen Russian assets for so-called reparation bonds leaves the Russian assets technically untouched. Ukraine must be in the strongest possible position before, during and after any ceasefire. We must ramp up the pressure on Russia's economy until Putin is ready to make peace. To use the full value of Russia's immobilised sovereign assets would provide Ukraine with the resources it needs. Thank you. Go for it, Commissioner.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, for one week there is renewed hope for a genuine, lasting peace in the Middle East. But hope alone will not sustain peace. There are many actors determined to sabotage this process; first and foremost, the terror organisation Hamas itself. Indeed, Hamas attacks on Palestinian civilians and its refusal to disarm make the ceasefire increasingly fragile. What the region needs now is our engagement, and what the European Union must offer is a united Middle East strategy. We ought to focus our energy where Europe can make a real difference. Let us work with regional partners to reinforce and deliver humanitarian aid as quickly as possible. Let us support key regional actors – the United States, the Gulf states and Israel's Arab neighbours – in securing the ceasefire. The willingness of several Arab countries to commit themselves politically, financially and diplomatically is, in itself, a breakthrough. Let us counter those who thrive on instability, for example Iran, and ensure that opponents to peace cannot derail it. Let us keep the prospect of a negotiated two-state solution alive, however distant it may seem today. Above all, let us resist the temptation to divide ourselves further. We must focus on the common denominator that unites us – our unwavering commitment to peace.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, it is indeed now three weeks ago that the European Commission presented the joint communication on a new strategic EU-India agenda. It entails more than 60 concrete deliverables. This is welcome. I can underline what the Commissioner said: India is indispensable to Europe's global reach and resilience. However, dear colleagues, let us be cautious. The European Union sometimes tends to overpromise. It is not the scale of our commitments, but our capacity to see them through that will, in the end, define our credibility. India is, in some ways, a strategic litmus test for the European Union. It doesn't fit neatly into our categories of like-minded partner. The world's most populous country is not and has never been willing to be bound by traditional alliances. Instead, India pursues cooperation à la carte, guided by its own national interests. This poses a challenge, but also an opportunity for the European Union. If we act pragmatically, we can build real progress in three key areas. First: trade and technology, where a free trade agreement could open vast opportunities. Second: connectivity and clean energy, where India's growth and our global gateway align. And third: security and defence, where our joint maritime operation in the Indian Ocean already points the way forward. So, dear Commission, less rhetoric, more delivery. Only then can the EU-India partnership live up to its thriving potential.

Mr President, Madam Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, as we have heard from so many speakers tonight, and rightly so, as the Republic of Moldova approaches parliamentary elections later this month, the stakes are high – not just for the country, but for Europe as a whole. These elections on 28 September are not only about the future political direction of Moldova. They are a test of trust in democratic institutions, and a test of our commitment to defending democracy where it is most under attack. The European Parliament's resolution to be adopted tomorrow builds on our growth plan for Moldova, investing in economic resilience, democratic governance and strategic infrastructure. It is a signal of our long-term commitment. I can only echo what colleagues have said: Moldova's security is Europe's security, and we stand with the brave Moldovan citizens in their democratic choice.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, dear colleagues, since becoming a candidate in 2014, Albania has indeed made progress. Yet major reforms remain imperative. The 2023 and 2024 reports on Albania have highlighted persistent challenges. The parliamentary elections in May this year took place in a deeply polarised environment. There were frequent parliamentary boycotts, constant confrontations and a lack of real dialogue. As we just heard, our election observation delegation, led by our colleague Michael Gahler, confirmed that these elections were competitive, yet marred by the abuse of public resources and vote buying. The Central Election Commission's limited enforcement failed to ensure a level playing field. The road ahead demands more than technical fixes. It requires political will and broad consensus. Real reform cannot come from a party alone. It requires dialogue, trust and inclusivity between all Albanian political forces. The European Union, and especially this European Parliament, stands ready to support Albania's reform efforts, but the commitment must come from within.