Speeches

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, more than one year has passed since the Commission put forward the Global Gateway – let me thank President Ursula von der Leyen for her leadership. In that one year, geopolitics have changed significantly, as many speakers have pointed out. It is now more important than ever to ensure that the European Union provides an instrument and an investment alternative to partner countries, including those receptive to Chinese and Russian influence. The Global Gateway initiative offers long—term sustainable solutions to address joint priorities together with our partners. This is good for their development and it is also necessary to strengthen our own strategic sovereignty and competitiveness. Yes, the Global Initiative is an important geopolitical tool with large potential, but in order to make it effective, it is key to be geopolitically smart and strategic in our action and communication. The choice of projects should be driven by two guiding questions: first, where does our offer to countries entail both a qualitative high positive offer to the partner country? And second, when does it help prevent malign influence by authoritarian countries? I welcome the groundwork that has been done over the past year, but now it is important to deliver as Team Europe, the EU institutions, the Member States, the EIB, the EBRD and the private sector need to come on board with their financing and with their expertise. The European Parliament should continue to stand ready to help make Global Gateway a success.

Madam President, Commissioner Reynders, ladies and gentlemen, I’m enjoying this midnight session. The relations between the European Union and Latin America are not just a priority for some European countries because of their traditional bilateral relations: this partnership is a priority for the entire European Union as a whole and strategically important to strengthen the international rules—based order. But colleagues, actions speak, not words, and to ensure that our efforts are credible, let us finally complete the modernisation of existing association agreements with Mexico and Chile. Let us finally sign the negotiated post—Cotonou Agreement with the African, Caribbean and Pacific community. Let us finally ratify the Association Agreement with Central America, and let us finally finalise the EU—Mercosur Agreement. Trade plays an important role, yet these agreements are not just trade deals. These agreements are vehicles for a new and modernised agenda of cooperation. They are, in the end, a matter of credibility for our relationship and key to strengthening the European Union as a geopolitical actor. Colleagues, actions speak, not words.

Mr President! I will not even begin by summarising the debate we have had here this afternoon or this evening. I would like to say that I have heard very good contributions from many colleagues here. I would also point out that I thought and still believe that a number of interventions from the very left and the very right margins of this Parliament were extremely strange. I would like to underline all that the High Representative and Vice-President Josep Borrell has just said. And I believe it is important that in both European foreign and European security and defence policy, for which Mr Vandenkendelaere has presented the report, we try to provide a high level of agreement, including here in the European Parliament between the constructive groups. Let me say again at this point: We had really good meetings of the shadow rapporteurs, worked through many, many requests and finally got a good job together. We have now tabled at least 91 amendments to my report tomorrow, which have been tabled at the last minute. This is a relatively high number. We all have to vote on them now. Nevertheless, I hope that we will maintain this high level of unity and unity on fundamental issues of European foreign, security and defence policy here in Parliament, also in order to give our High Representative and Vice-President parliamentary support accordingly. I would like to express my thanks to Josep Borrell for having been part of the whole debate here in the Chamber.

Madam President, thank you for giving me the floor. High Representative / Vice-President Josep Borrell, dear colleagues, I remember how we adopted last year’s common foreign and security policy report, it was on the 16th of February and just a few days later, the world changed significantly. Since the 24th of February, war is back in Europe. We are living in a moment of geopolitical redefinition, as we have heard by previous speakers today already. The European Union’s swift, united and sustained response to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, and our ability to learn and address previous geostrategic mistakes, is a testament of the effectiveness of our common foreign security and defence policy. Indeed, the world has returned to the rules of power politics. As the European Union, we need to adapt to these realities, making sure that our objectives are consistent with our means. My report this year emphasises that the European Union should shape its common foreign and security policy in accordance with four general actions. First, the concept of strategic autonomy or strategic sovereignty, however you want to name it, needs to be put into practice. This can, inter alia, be done by swiftly and efficiently implementing the ambitious measures enshrined in the strategic campus. This can be done by reducing strategic dependencies. This can be done by enhancing the European Union’s resilience. But its action that speaks not words. Second, the European Union should strengthen bilateral and multilateral partnerships for a better world. From our closest neighbours and allies to those who are far away but need us most, we should cooperate with partners to defend the rules based order and to maintain a principled position vis-à-vis those who exactly challenge our common values and principles. Thirdly, to strengthen the European Union’s institutional and decision-making arrangements in foreign and security policy, we once again propose to turn to qualified majority voting progressively in all areas of the CFSP without military or defence implications. For instance, when it comes to the EU global human rights sanctions regime, also called the EU Magnitsky Act, using the passerelle clauses in Article 48 and Article 31 of the Treaty on European Union would be key. And finally, fourthly, we should do our best to enhance parliamentary diplomacy as one of the European Union’s foreign policy tools with a proven added value. To conclude, let me thank the shadow rapporteurs, all the involved staff from the groups and the Secretariat, and also dear Josep Borrell, the team of the High Representative for the once again constructive and fruitful cooperation. And I’m looking forward to carefully listening to the arguments in this debate.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, tomorrow, as so many speakers have mentioned, our heads of state and government are commemorating 45 years of the partnership between ASEAN and the European Union, a partnership that was upgraded to a strategic level just two years ago. If the relationship between the two most advanced and integrated regional organisations in the world really is to be strategic, issues of concern to the one ought to be considered an issue of concern to the other. Having said that, tomorrow’s summit offers ample opportunity to strategise the elements of our future security and defence cooperation at a time when international law and maritime security are increasingly being subverted. Like the EU, ASEAN does not attempt to undermine multilateralism. We stand united in our conviction that trade and security should follow rules laid out in international agreements. With the EU being ASEAN’s third largest trading partner and its second largest investor, a region-to-region free trade agreement remains the common long-term objective. In the meantime, let us make full use of existing free trade agreements with Vietnam and Singapore. I encourage further progress in the negotiations concerning the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with Indonesia, and we should also remain open to a resumption of bilateral negotiations with Thailand, Malaysia and the Philippines when, of course, right conditions are in place.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Georgia is part of Europe. Georgia belongs to Europe. But as we have heard tonight, to be granted EU candidate status, Georgia needs to successfully address the 12 key priorities indicated by the Commission. The Georgian bid for membership will continue to be assessed based on its own merits and its success in implementing all the necessary reforms. Unfortunately, the tense political situation hampers the country’s development. I want to make five remarks. First, political stakeholders need to refrain from any divisive and aggressive rhetoric, and unite their forces in order to increase trust among all political and institutional actors. Second, the excessive influence of vested interests in economic, political and public life needs to be eliminated. Third, Georgian authorities need to ensure media freedom. This entails editorial independence, transparent media ownership of pluralistic, impartial and non-discriminatory coverage of political views. Fourth, political leaders in Georgia must stop aggressive verbal attacks against Members of our European Parliament and representatives of other partner countries. And finally – and this is also personal for me – as Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I call on the Georgian authorities: please, please release former President Saakashvili and allow him to undergo proper medical treatment.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, trust in our Parliament’s integrity and the rule of law are paramount for the functioning of European democracy. The European Parliament must conduct a policy of zero tolerance towards corruption. For this reason, I am appalled that four people closely connected to the European Parliament, including one of its vice presidents, were arrested by the Belgian authorities on suspicions of money laundering, corruption and participating in a criminal organisation. I very much welcome President Roberta Metsola’s leadership, her words yesterday, here in this hemicycle. I welcome her initiative to launch an internal investigation and a wide-ranging reform process. In order to increase transparency and to fight corruption, it is important that we now draw the right conclusions. Colleagues, the European Parliament cannot assume the role of a court and does not intend to prejudice ongoing investigations. Yet I congratulate the relevant Belgian and further European authorities on 14 further criminal actions through their work. Parliament should fully support the ongoing criminal investigation. For any foreign actor proven guilty in this ongoing case, there must also be swift and dissuasive consequences. The European Parliament needs to strengthen our anti-corruption mechanisms as well as defensive tools to combat foreign interference. Let me fully underline what colleagues have said. For time reasons, let me just add one additional point. In this case, a non-governmental organisation was allegedly used, or – to be more precise – misused as a vector of foreign interference in our political work. Therefore, we should also have a look at existing regulations in order to increase transparency and accountability of organisations and other actors.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen. Commissioner Várhelyi has just described the situation in Iran; There is nothing to add to that. The Islamist mullahs regime uses repression as a means of its own survival. But in view of this development, which the Commissioner has described, I believe that the European Union must finally put its policy on Iran to the test and further increase the pressure on the regime. Iran may be facing the biggest domestic political and social change since 1979. There is now an opportunity to achieve systematic improvements in the situation of women and social change towards more freedom and democracy. But this path requires strong and active support from the European Union. Commissioner, I would like to ask you: As the European Union, we must strengthen our support for the protest movement and civil society in Iran. EU sanctions must be extended to all individuals and organs of the Iranian regime involved in the suppression of the current protests, and the so-called Revolutionary Guards must be added to the sanctions list across the EU. I am grateful to President Roberta Metsola for following a suggestion by the coordinators in the Committee on Foreign Affairs that we in the European Parliament will not allow direct contacts with official Iranian interlocutors to take place until further notice. This is our response to the regime's sanctioning of six colleagues in Tehran.

Madam President, High Representative/Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, as a number of colleagues have pointed out in tonight’s debate, the relations between the People’s Republic of China and the European Union have been affected by so many different items – disproportionate counter-sanctions, cases of economic coercion and Chinese convergence with Russia, just to name a few. China is the only country with both the intent to reshape the international order and the economic, diplomatic, military and technological power to actually do so. China will continue to be a major global player with whom the European Union must speak, work, trade and negotiate in areas of common and global interest. Therefore, High Representative/Vice-President, for this reason, the European Union’s engagement with China should be, as we have often pointed out, principled, practical and pragmatic. But at the same time, the European Union needs to stand firm in defending our values and interests. To reduce our vulnerabilities, to increase our resilience, to address our security concerns and to engage with our partners – from the more distant to the like—minded – are all important lines of action.

Madam President, Commissioner Várhelyi, Minister Bek, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a wake-up call for all of us. In this context, it is crucial that we intensify our relations with our strategic partners all over the globe, and especially with our like-minded neighbours in Europe. In this regard, I very much welcome the inaugural meeting of the European Political Community. Minister Bek, let me thank the Czech Presidency for hosting, organising and making this event a success, děkuji. This new platform has potential. The gathering of the 44 leaders delivered some concrete results, as Commissioner Várhelyi just mentioned. For example, the organisation of a civilian EU mission on the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, or in the case of agreeing on a future bilateral summit between the United Kingdom and France. As such, the European Political Community can foster political dialogue for the benefit of our entire continent. However, it is clear that the European Political Community cannot replace existing EU policies and instruments, notably enlargement. It has to fully respect the European Union’s decision-making autonomy. The European Political Community should not create a two-speed Europe. Now, a strategic follow-up to a meeting in Prague is key to shape the future work of the EPC. This new format should be used to deliver concrete solutions to Europe’s most pressing issues.

Madam President, Commissioner Várhelyi, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has forced us to rethink our commitments and policies, including on enlargement. With Ukraine and Moldova having been granted candidate status and Georgia having been granted a European perspective, there are now ten countries in total that have embarked upon a path towards the European Union. Last Wednesday, we debated the 2022 enlargement package immediately after its adoption in an extraordinary meeting of the Foreign Affairs Committee, together with our Commissioner, Olivér Várhelyi. If I remember correctly, we more or less conveyed three messages. First, we highlighted the need to advance the EU enlargement policy as the single most effective instrument for securing peace, prosperity and fundamental values on the European continent. Second, we reiterated our strong support for the European perspective of the countries of the Western Balkans and underlined that the European Union needs to deliver on the obligations towards these countries. And, third, we emphasised that each enlargement country should be judged by its own and on its own merits. The enlargement process needs to remain firmly based on the fulfilment of all relevant criteria, with a strong focus on strengthening democracy, the rule of law, as well as on close cooperation on foreign policy matters. Commissioner Várhelyi, the Foreign Affairs Committee will continue to scrutinise the enlargement policy closely and we will now stock our work on the individual country reports.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, Commissioner Urpilainen, as you just mentioned, a delegation of the Foreign Affairs Committee travelled to Ethiopia and Sudan just two weeks ago, and we were able to observe first-hand that insecurity in the Horn of Africa is a serious threat to the prospects of the whole of Africa, as well as to our own security in the European Union. Coming back from these two countries, I would like to share a number of observations, perhaps six actions which I believe are key. First, we need to tackle the root causes of conflicts, extremism and radicalisation, such as terrorism, extreme poverty, the consequences of climate change and long—standing border disputes. Second, we need to strengthen the EU-CSDP missions and operations and to support peace processes under African ownership. Third, we need to support all diplomatic efforts towards ending the ongoing conflict within Ethiopia. Fourth, we need to counter Russian influence, such as the activities of the paramilitary Wagner Group in Sudan, as it has the potential to further destabilise the region. Fifth, we need to address the dependency of African states on Chinese investments. And six, we need to monitor very closely the total alignment of Eritrea with the Russian narrative and Russian propaganda. As Fabio Castaldo pointed out, the Horn of Africa is strategically important, and thus the European Union needs to strengthen its role in the region. Together with international and regional partners, let us integrate the trade, the development, the humanitarian and the conflict—prevention approaches to tackle the enormous challenges in this region.

Mr President, Mr High Representative/Vice President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, the massive protests that erupted following the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody have spread to 171 cities in all 31 provinces of Iran. The people are protesting against a deeply corrupt and violent regime that systematically oppresses women and responds to political resistance with brutal violence and repression. The violent crackdown of the mullahs security forces on peaceful protesters must stop immediately. The Council ought to impose tough sanctions responding to serious human rights violations as soon as possible. Call them restrictive measures, call them tough sanctions – the main thing is they will be adopted; sooner, the better. The regime in Tehran has manoeuvred itself into a dead end. As our President Roberta Metsola stated yesterday here in the plenary, we as the European Parliament stand in solidarity with the brave women and men and all their democratic aspirations in their fight for women’s, human and minority rights, for the free flow of information and access to Internet, and for a free, secular and democratic republic.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Dear Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi, allow me, first of all, to thank our colleague Antonio López-Istúriz White for his excellent report and also for his very concrete recommendations to the Commission and the Vice-President High Representative: how to renew the partnership with our Southern Neighbourhood. As Mr López-Istúriz White’s report outlines, it is key to secure adequate resources for a timely and effective implementation of the new agenda for the Mediterranean. It is key to strengthen the EU’s dialogue in cooperation with the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood, and it is key to address the impact of the Russian aggression against Ukraine on exactly these countries. A strengthened Mediterranean partnership remains a strategic imperative for the European Union, simply because the challenges the region continues to face require a common response. And I would like to thank Commissioner Várhelyi for presenting a number of very concrete actions we are taking as a European Union. Only by acting together in a spirit of partnership can we turn common challenges and opportunities in our mutual interest.

As many colleagues have underlined, I also condemn the unprecedented level of the PRC’s military exercises in the Taiwan Strait. In addition to these militarily threatening gestures, the communist government in Beijing is employing economic and political means, as well as cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns against Taiwan. But stability in the Taiwan Strait is directly linked to our European key interests of maintaining security, prosperity and freedom in the region. Yes, the European Union maintains the principled one-China policy, but we cannot tolerate unilateral attempts to modify the status quo, and even less so by resorting to force. In light of the continued military build-up, it remains very important for us as a European Union that we express our firm solidarity with the people of Taiwan, that we refuse to be intimidated or blackmailed by Beijing's provocations in the Taiwan Strait, and that we work together with our key partners such as the United States, South Korea, Australia and Japan to maintain peace and stability in the entire region.

Mr President, the Northern Ireland Protocol bill tabled by the United Kingdom Government is a regrettable unilateral move. As it dis—applies core elements of the Protocol in Ireland and Northern Ireland, it creates more difficulties in Northern Ireland and undermines mutual trust. Unilateral actions deliberately contradicting an international agreement are not the way forward. The Withdrawal Agreement, including the Protocol, was and is the necessary foundation for the EU—UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement. The European Union’s reaction to the Northern Ireland Protocol bill has been proportionate, firm and calm – and rightly so, Vice—President Šefčovič. We want to have stable and positive relations with the United Kingdom based on our agreements, mutually negotiated, signed and ratified by the United Kingdom and the European Union. We remain partners with shared values. Therefore, I call on the UK Government to re—enter talks to facilitate the practical implementation of the Protocol. The Protocol is not the problem – it is part of the solution to a problem. The original problem is, and remains, Brexit.

Madam President, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a wake-up call for all of us in the European Union. This war is a defining event for the future of our common foreign and security policy. Many challenges, as colleagues have already pointed out, lie ahead of us in this new era marked by increasing strategic competition, as well as a continued erosion of the rules-based international order. Indeed, the European Union should strengthen its role as a global champion for multilateralism. It is about making this system more relevant, resilient and effective. Moreover, as the European Union we need to intensify ties with our strategic partners, partners with whom we share the same values, partners with whom we can work together to promote and defend the rules-based international order with the United Nations at its heart. The European Parliament has a special role to play when it comes to parliamentary diplomacy and building global partnerships. Therefore, let us continue to develop our wide-ranging networks with third countries and international organisations to face common challenges. As Committee Chair, let me say to Jávi López, well done, your report will be voted tomorrow with a large majority.

Mr President, as I have communicated to the co-rapporteur Nathalie Loiseau, to the shadow rapporteurs and to the plenary services yesterday, I would like to propose an oral amendment to update the title of this recommendation. It shall be named ‘The EU's foreign security and defence policy after the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine’. Colleagues, over the past weeks, we have used the term ‘war of aggression’ instead of ‘invasion’; therefore, I suggest to also change the title of this recommendation accordingly.

Mr President, since Natalie Loiseau is not in the plenary I guess it’s up to me to sum up this debate. I would, first of all, like to thank all of you for an open, constructive and fruitful debate. We heard a lot of support and praise from the centre of the European Parliament and some criticism from the very far left and the very far right. I would like to share the observation of many MEPs, and I listened carefully, that we as a European Parliament are sending a strong message with this recommendation. The European Union indeed has to make genuine progress in the foreign policy and defence cooperation at the EU level, and this should include establishing a defence union with more ambitious, short, medium and long term objectives. As several colleagues mentioned in tonight’s debate, the European Union needs to implement the concrete actions laid down in the strategic compass, which would serve as a starting point for implementing common EU defence. Finally, the European Union needs to achieve strategic sovereignty and increase its ability to act in today’s moment of geopolitical redefinition. Colleagues, Russia’s war against Ukraine is not only attack on Ukraine, it is indeed an attack on the entire peace and security architecture and order in Europe. For this reason, for this reason, it is high time that we enhance the healing and the effectiveness of our foreign security and defence policy. Let us do this with determination substantially and in close cooperation with our partners.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the world is going through a period of geopolitical redefinition. The issues raised by Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine go far beyond the tragic situation we are currently witnessing: Europe as a whole is challenged. For a very long time, our Parliament has been advocating for a stronger, more effective and more coherent common foreign security and defence policy. Now, Russia’s war against Ukraine shows us that the European Union has to equip itself urgently with the means and tools to respond to global strategic competition and also complex security threats. With our recommendation to the Council and the High Representative of the EU’s Foreign Security and Defence Policy, after the Russian invasion of Ukraine, we as Parliament assessed the recent EU initiatives in this field, and made concrete proposals for the way forward. For us, eight key points should be taken into account at the meeting of the European Council on 23 and 24 June and at the following NATO summit in Madrid on 29 and 30 June. Namely, first, we recommend to work swiftly on the implementation of a strategic compass, in particular regarding the operational capability of the rapid deployment capacity. Second, we recommend to review and strengthen CSDP missions and operations in order to adapt to the new geopolitical reality, and promptly as well as efficiently support the Ukrainian and Moldovan authorities. Third, we recommend to swiftly finalise the work on a substantial third EU-NATO joint declaration and to ensure that the work on the strategic compass and the NATO strategic concept are aligned and lead to increased strategic complementarity. Fourth, we recommend to review the European neighbourhood policy with the aim of thoroughly assessing the impact of Russia’s war against Ukraine on cooperation with the Eastern Partnership, and to strengthen the EU’s enlargement strategy. Fifth, we recommend to involve the European Parliament appropriately in the further implementation of the CFSP and CSDP, including the strategic compass and the European Peace Facility. Number six, we recommend to ensure that the EU security and defence policy is equipped with the necessary financial means in order to be more effective and credible. Seventh, we recommend to provide Ukraine weapons and materiel in line with the needs expressed by the Ukrainian authorities and to grant the country EU candidate status as a clear political sign of solidarity with the courageous people of Ukraine. And eighth, we recommend to ensure a comprehensive monitoring of all EU sanctions and to strengthen the Commission’s capacity to implement restrictive measures. Dear colleagues, let me add a final extra point. The European Council has requested the presentation of a possible European joint defence investment programme at its meeting in two weeks. Clearly the European Parliament should welcome such a programme, and we should be closely involved in the preparations. Finally, allow me to propose a change to the title of this recommendation. Instead of ‘Russian invasion’, I suggest to change the wording to ‘Russia’s war of aggression’ in order to adapt the language of the report to all our recently adopted texts. To conclude, let me thank the co-rapporteur, Nathalie Loiseau, as well as the shadow rapporteurs from all the groups for a really good, constructive and fruitful cooperation.

Mr President, Commissioner Várhelyi was very precise and I will be just as brief. I would like to thank all colleagues for their contributions. I thought this was a constructive debate and having listened carefully to all the contributions, let me try to summarise. I guess most of us do agree that for us in the European Union, the Indo-Pacific offers great opportunities, but indeed also poses many challenges. But one thing is clear: our prosperity and economic interests rely on the openness for stability and the security in the region. Several colleagues mentioned increasing geopolitical competition. Well, yes, this does produce tensions not only in trade and supply chains, but also in broader political and security matters. It is authoritarian regimes in the region that are suppressing democratic principles and human rights and this, in the end, puts regional stability at risk and this also directly affects European security and prosperity. From my point of view, the key message the European Parliament is sending to the entire Indo-Pacific is that we are ready – ready for deepening cooperation and engagement with our partners and like-minded countries, like-minded democracies in the region, in order to respond to emerging dynamics that are affecting regional but also global stability and security. To sum up, it is in our joint interest to maintain a free and open Indo-Pacific for all, and it is in our interest to promote a rules-based regional order in line with the principles of democracy, the rule of law, human rights and international law. I would like to thank once again for the support I received from most of the political groups yesterday, and I am quite convinced that tomorrow we can adopt this report with a large and broad majority in this plenary. Once again, dear colleagues, thank you for a fruitful and constructive debate.

Mr President, the Indo-Pacific has become one of the centres of geopolitical gravity and a rallying point for many global players. Its growing economic, demographic and political weight makes it an increasingly important region in shaping the international order. Therefore, the European Union must increase its efforts and step up its strategic engagement with the region. Last year, first the Council adopted conclusions on an EU strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific, and then the High Representative presented a communication in September last year which reflects the European Union's efforts and ambitions. Tomorrow, we are going to vote in this plenary on the report on the security challenges in the Indo-Pacific. This report, from my point of view, assesses the EU strategy with regard to the security dimension, taking into account national strategies and new developments. Generally, my report focuses on four parts that are of key importance. First, in security and defence for unity among Member States will be key for the EU to assert effectively our presence in the Indo-Pacific and to achieve the ambition of strategic sovereignty amidst the increasing competition among global and regional powers in the region. In the absence of an overarching security architecture in the Indo-Pacific, the European Union should concentrate its efforts on maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific for all and on promoting an open and rules-based regional security architecture. Second, our united approach to the region must also go hand-in-hand with targeted actions aimed at building strong partnerships and security cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and regional cooperation forums. To do so, we should build on a vast network of trade, partnership and cooperation agreements concluded with a large number of regional countries in the past. A close coordination with our partners in the region is especially important in order to tackle the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine. The third point: Europe and the countries of the Indo-Pacific share increasingly similar challenges in a number of other security-related areas, such as cyber security, terrorism and non-proliferation. As all these challenges directly affect the EU's own security and prosperity, we need to address them in close cooperation and coordination with regional partners. A particular focus should be given to our key partners and like-minded democracies. Let me name Japan, South Korea, Australia and New Zealand. Last but not least, the report highlights the necessity to tackle maritime security, cyber, air and space, as well as non-traditional security challenges. To conclude, let me thank the shadow rapporteurs from all the different political groups and also the team of the High Representative for a really good, constructive and fruitful cooperation on where drafting and working on this report.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, The barbaric war of aggression against Ukraine, as several previous speakers have already emphasised, marks a turning point. The certainties of the last three decades since 1990 have finally lost their validity, the world of power competition is back. As Europeans, we must learn again to fight for our values, to name and enforce our interests in the world. In order to secure our freedom, security and supply in the long term, Europe needs a reality check. Yes, we urgently need a fundamental reorientation of our foreign, security and defence policy. It is precisely this common foreign, security and defence policy that needs to be made more effective. The European Parliament, with large majorities, has been making concrete proposals for years, most recently during the plenary debate and plenary session here in Strasbourg, where the two reports were adopted. Let us now finally take concrete steps towards a European Defence Union, closely aligned with our neighbours, closely aligned with our NATO partners, and fast and committed.

Mr President, the Russian military aggression and invasion against Ukraine is illegal. It is unprovoked. It is unjustified. This is indeed a crucial and historical moment, the moment of truth, as Commission President Ursula von der Leyen pointed out. Too many times in the past, the international community has been blind in front of unfolding tragedies. Today, we as a European Parliament are sending a strong and a united message to the Kremlin that we stand with Ukraine in full solidarity. As Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I would like to thank the colleagues from the different political groups who drafted and negotiated this resolution, and I call on colleagues to vote in favour. I fully underline the very good arguments we have heard today. I want to add one point. Let us also strongly condemn the involvement of Belarus in this aggression against Ukraine. It was during last week’s inter-parliamentary conference on the CFSP and CSDP in Paris that Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya made it very clear that the assault on Ukraine wouldn’t have been possible if dictator Lukashenko wouldn’t have provided Russia with the land and the infrastructure. The Lukashenko regime has assisted and enabled this Russian aggression. For this reason, the EU should apply further appropriate sanctions also on Belarus. Dear colleagues, the world will hold Russia and Belarus accountable for their actions.

Mr President, as many colleagues from different political groups have underlined this morning, the current escalating tensions and the threat of unprecedented military aggression by the Russian Federation against Ukraine are indeed not only targeting Ukraine but also threatening the rules-based international order and threatening Europe as a whole. And this is why we must stand together in this crucial moment. As the European Parliament, we will not waver in our support of Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity within its internationally-recognised borders. Ukraine has a sovereign right to choose its international alliances freely. The Russian Federation must cease its military threat against Ukraine and immediately, as well as fully, withdraw its forces and military equipment from the border of Ukraine. Any further military aggression against Ukraine would have massive and unprecedented consequences and severe costs in response, including restrictive measures coordinated with our international partners. It is on the Kremlin to de-escalate and to engage constructively through established mechanisms. The double track of diplomatic engagement and deterrence remains key to solving the current situation. A final remark: following Monday’s vote to apply an urgent procedure, we are now, this noon, set to give the green light to an emergency EUR 1.2 billion loan to Ukraine to cover its external financing needs in 2022. This demonstrates our solidarity and support for Ukraine and the Ukrainian people.