Speeches

Mr President, as we have heard tonight, President Maia Sandu and her pro-European government are operating in constant crisis mode. And yet, they have succeeded in introducing key legislative initiatives tailored to the nine conditions set by the European Commission. These are tremendous efforts. Soon, the Commission’s upcoming enlargement package will testify to these reforms. It is now up to us in the European Union to live up to our own commitments at a political level. We need to introduce further permanent means of diplomatic engagement, sectoral cooperation and financial assistance. And we need to strengthen the new European Union partnership mission in Moldova. Moldova’s entry into the European Single Market would boost exports, attract investments and foster integration with the European Union. And colleagues, both parties would benefit from starting EU accession negotiations. The citizens of Moldova deserve the perspective of joining our European Union. Mulţumesc.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, as we have stated so often in this plenary, to this day, 80 % of defence equipment is procured at purely national level. Not only do we need to invest more in defence but we definitely need to invest better, and better means, of course, more European. Together we get better prices, profit from faster delivery times and avoid a regrettable lack of interoperability in our national capabilities. EDIPRA, as previous speakers have pointed out, serves precisely this purpose. This instrument will pool the demand of Member States and incentivise joint procurement by covering the administrative costs related to such cross-border cooperation. Small- and medium-sized enterprises are key enablers of such collaborative efforts. I am glad to see their contribution recognised in this instrument. But with a budget of EUR 300 million till December 2024, the envisaged financial volume, indeed, falls short of the actual needs that should not be dismissed. Yet the political will for the instrument itself is a historic step towards a European Defence Union, because for the first time the collaborative procurement of defence equipment is supported directly from the budget of the European Union. Well done, I say, to the rapporteurs.

Mr President, dear High Representative / Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, look, we have all heard very good arguments from previous speakers. Most of us, apart from a few exceptions, will agree that the authoritarian regime of Mr Ortega and Ms Murillo has systematically undermined Nicaragua’s democratic structures, including the separation of powers, the electoral system and the respect for human rights. The European Parliament has, rightly so, strongly condemned the repression in Nicaragua, and repeatedly called for the liberation of all political prisoners, for the return to the rule of law and for a dialogue between the regime and the opposition. Indeed, the dictatorship of Mr Ortega and Ms Murillo maintained strong ties to the other authoritarian regimes such as Iran, Venezuela and Cuba. It has also been consistently outspoken in its support for the Kremlin, in particular in its voting record at the United Nations. High Representative, one point I would like to finally make. We need to make sure that our financial assistance supports the people in need and the country does not end up in the hands of the regime and its associates. European taxpayers hard-earned money must not be misused to legitimise the undemocratic and autocratic regime in Managua.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, for months now, the current situation in Lebanon is extremely alarming. Lebanon has the largest per capita number of refugees in the world. The state is nearly collapsing due to the political, economic, social, financial and health crisis and in the end, a state of institutional breakdown. Since the last general elections in May 2022, which I was able to observe on the ground, a fully-fledged government has still not been formed. Lebanon needs to swiftly elect a president and break the institutional gridlock. Operational and functioning public institutions are urgently required to start pursuing long overdue reforms without any further delay, to strengthen accountability, to increase transparency, and to tackle corruption. Colleagues, it is regrettable that the municipal elections have been postponed again. Proper democratic and free local elections must be held without any delay. The European Union should provide technical and financial assistance to enable these elections to be held in the best possible conditions. And finally, almost three years have passed since the Beirut port explosion. A transparent, independent, neutral and effective investigation into this explosion must be a priority. Commissioner Lenarčič, given the dire situation in Lebanon, the EU must now engage to prevent the state collapse and to help alleviate the suffering of the Lebanese people with a strong, critical and demanding focus on delivering reforms.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, Three weeks ago, the Foreign Affairs Committee discussed the lessons learned from 20 years of deployment in Afghanistan. And one thing was, I think, clear across factions: In the future, the European Union must be able to carry out an evacuation operation such as the one in Kabul itself in 2021. This is precisely the purpose of this rapid intervention force of the European Union. With up to 5,000 soldiers belonging to ground, air or naval forces as required, the intervention force is tailored to the respective crisis context. It is qualitatively and quantitatively different from the EU Battlegroups, which have been operational since 2007, but have unfortunately never been deployed due to a lack of political will and financial solidarity. So that the rapid reaction force does not experience the same fate as its predecessor model, some questions remain to be clarified. This applies in particular to cost sharing, the requirement for operational readiness in parallel with NATO Response Force and the command structure. Member States now need to define the precise modalities swiftly, ideally before the first exercise this year. In the end, ladies and gentlemen, the concept stands and falls with the real political will of the Member States. Measured against the hurdles that European security and defence cooperation has had to overcome so far, the rapid response force is a milestone. This can and should be built upon.

Mr President, Peru, as we have heard from so many speakers tonight, is a key partner for the European Union, and we want to deepen and strengthen our close and long-standing relations with this country on the basis of the memorandum of understanding that was signed in October last year. All of us are very concerned by the social unrest and the political instability that Peru has been going through since December. I deplore at least 67 killed people and more than 1 300 injured in clashes with law enforcement forces since the beginning of the protests. It is essential to end the violence and to investigate any possible violations of human rights. In this highly polarised and unstable context, only a constructive dialogue between the government and all political actors, including the participation of civil society and affected communities, can, in the end, pave the way to a swift political solution that preserves the constitutional order, the rule of law and human rights. Regaining trust in the democratic institutions is important to ease the current tensions. Therefore, I ask you, dear High Representative, to continue the EU’s full, committed support to the Peruvian efforts in this regard. As part of the EU election observation mission to Peru in 2020, I observed first-hand the electoral system, which has delivered free and fair elections for over 20 years. We as the European Union stand ready to support the democratic system also in the future.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, as just rightly described by our three Presidents, the troubles in Northern Ireland were one of the darkest chapters in recent European history. For the longest time, deep historic rifts between unionists and nationalists made any negotiations for lasting peace seemingly impossible. With the 25th anniversary of the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement, we are celebrating a historic development that remains essential to peace and indeed reconciliation in Northern Ireland. Dear colleagues, the true test of political leadership comes when it takes courage to lead against popular belief, and the peace process on the island of Ireland has known more than one courageous political leader. The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement demonstrates it is possible to achieve great good in politics. Ever since 1998, we, as the European Union, we have worked alongside our UK and Irish partners to implement exactly this agreement. It was exactly in this spirit that we conducted the Brexit negotiations amid the rise of old questions of sovereignty and national identity. Preventing a hard border on the island of Ireland was and is an essential priority for the European Union. Particularly in times of serious geopolitical challenges, a stable cooperation with the United Kingdom is so crucial. Much more unites us than divides us. As just mentioned by the Commission President, the Windsor Framework: with this Windsor Framework, we have found practical solutions to the challenges in the implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland while maintaining the integrity of our EU single market. Indeed, the Windsor Framework offers a united way forward, but it also honours the historic achievements we are commemorating today. Together with our UK partners, let us use this momentum to walk the talk and to implement the solutions reached on paper.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, over the past two years of relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union were shaped by challenges that have indeed emerged in the implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland. Particularly at a time of serious geopolitical challenges, a stable and trustful cooperation is crucial. For this reason, like many other colleagues, I welcome the Windsor framework that was announced on 27 February. This is a welcome and long-awaited step in the right direction which should allow us to open a new chapter in our relationship. Let me congratulate Commission President Ursula von der Leyen and UK Prime Minister Rishi Sunak. The agreement shows that practical and shared solutions to the challenges in the implementation of the Protocol on Ireland and Northern Ireland can be found. It highlights that joint efforts to find bilateral solutions to mitigate the consequences of Brexit can ensure stability and predictability for people and businesses in Northern Ireland, while at the same time maintaining the integrity of our EU single market. The Windsor framework also reflects the EU’s long-standing commitment to protect the Belfast Good Friday Agreement in all its parts. The timely implementation of the solutions identified in the Windsor framework is key now. As the European Parliament, we will deliver on the legislative procedures as quickly as possible. Let me also thank Vice-President Maroš Šefčovič and his team for the great work and for the excellent cooperation with Parliament. You can count on our continued support.

Mr President, Commissioner! In recent months, the Republic of Moldova has increasingly become the target of Russian interference. The economic situation is tense and the security environment is fragile. Moscow is restricting energy supplies and trying to destabilize the pro-European government through orchestrated protests. The objective is clear and many previous speakers have already mentioned this. The reform-oriented anti-corruption and EU-friendly course is to be undermined. Despite these most adverse circumstances, the government of President Maia Sandu has succeeded in advancing an ambitious reform programme. The candidate status granted in June 2022 is our promise to Moldova’s long-term European perspective. The European Union must and will continue to strongly and consistently support the Chişinău government in this difficult situation. It is about stabilizing state structures. It is about improving the economic environment and strengthening resilience to Russian disinformation. In this context, ladies and gentlemen, I strongly support the plans to swiftly deploy a civilian CSDP mission to the country in order to strengthen Moldova's crisis management structures. The next meeting of the European Political Community will take place in Chişinău on 1 June. This will be an important occasion to show the Republic of Moldova the support of all European partners.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, more than one year has passed since the Commission put forward the Global Gateway – let me thank President Ursula von der Leyen for her leadership. In that one year, geopolitics have changed significantly, as many speakers have pointed out. It is now more important than ever to ensure that the European Union provides an instrument and an investment alternative to partner countries, including those receptive to Chinese and Russian influence. The Global Gateway initiative offers long—term sustainable solutions to address joint priorities together with our partners. This is good for their development and it is also necessary to strengthen our own strategic sovereignty and competitiveness. Yes, the Global Initiative is an important geopolitical tool with large potential, but in order to make it effective, it is key to be geopolitically smart and strategic in our action and communication. The choice of projects should be driven by two guiding questions: first, where does our offer to countries entail both a qualitative high positive offer to the partner country? And second, when does it help prevent malign influence by authoritarian countries? I welcome the groundwork that has been done over the past year, but now it is important to deliver as Team Europe, the EU institutions, the Member States, the EIB, the EBRD and the private sector need to come on board with their financing and with their expertise. The European Parliament should continue to stand ready to help make Global Gateway a success.

Madam President, Commissioner Reynders, ladies and gentlemen, I’m enjoying this midnight session. The relations between the European Union and Latin America are not just a priority for some European countries because of their traditional bilateral relations: this partnership is a priority for the entire European Union as a whole and strategically important to strengthen the international rules—based order. But colleagues, actions speak, not words, and to ensure that our efforts are credible, let us finally complete the modernisation of existing association agreements with Mexico and Chile. Let us finally sign the negotiated post—Cotonou Agreement with the African, Caribbean and Pacific community. Let us finally ratify the Association Agreement with Central America, and let us finally finalise the EU—Mercosur Agreement. Trade plays an important role, yet these agreements are not just trade deals. These agreements are vehicles for a new and modernised agenda of cooperation. They are, in the end, a matter of credibility for our relationship and key to strengthening the European Union as a geopolitical actor. Colleagues, actions speak, not words.

Mr President! I will not even begin by summarising the debate we have had here this afternoon or this evening. I would like to say that I have heard very good contributions from many colleagues here. I would also point out that I thought and still believe that a number of interventions from the very left and the very right margins of this Parliament were extremely strange. I would like to underline all that the High Representative and Vice-President Josep Borrell has just said. And I believe it is important that in both European foreign and European security and defence policy, for which Mr Vandenkendelaere has presented the report, we try to provide a high level of agreement, including here in the European Parliament between the constructive groups. Let me say again at this point: We had really good meetings of the shadow rapporteurs, worked through many, many requests and finally got a good job together. We have now tabled at least 91 amendments to my report tomorrow, which have been tabled at the last minute. This is a relatively high number. We all have to vote on them now. Nevertheless, I hope that we will maintain this high level of unity and unity on fundamental issues of European foreign, security and defence policy here in Parliament, also in order to give our High Representative and Vice-President parliamentary support accordingly. I would like to express my thanks to Josep Borrell for having been part of the whole debate here in the Chamber.

Madam President, thank you for giving me the floor. High Representative / Vice-President Josep Borrell, dear colleagues, I remember how we adopted last year’s common foreign and security policy report, it was on the 16th of February and just a few days later, the world changed significantly. Since the 24th of February, war is back in Europe. We are living in a moment of geopolitical redefinition, as we have heard by previous speakers today already. The European Union’s swift, united and sustained response to the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine, and our ability to learn and address previous geostrategic mistakes, is a testament of the effectiveness of our common foreign security and defence policy. Indeed, the world has returned to the rules of power politics. As the European Union, we need to adapt to these realities, making sure that our objectives are consistent with our means. My report this year emphasises that the European Union should shape its common foreign and security policy in accordance with four general actions. First, the concept of strategic autonomy or strategic sovereignty, however you want to name it, needs to be put into practice. This can, inter alia, be done by swiftly and efficiently implementing the ambitious measures enshrined in the strategic campus. This can be done by reducing strategic dependencies. This can be done by enhancing the European Union’s resilience. But its action that speaks not words. Second, the European Union should strengthen bilateral and multilateral partnerships for a better world. From our closest neighbours and allies to those who are far away but need us most, we should cooperate with partners to defend the rules based order and to maintain a principled position vis-à-vis those who exactly challenge our common values and principles. Thirdly, to strengthen the European Union’s institutional and decision-making arrangements in foreign and security policy, we once again propose to turn to qualified majority voting progressively in all areas of the CFSP without military or defence implications. For instance, when it comes to the EU global human rights sanctions regime, also called the EU Magnitsky Act, using the passerelle clauses in Article 48 and Article 31 of the Treaty on European Union would be key. And finally, fourthly, we should do our best to enhance parliamentary diplomacy as one of the European Union’s foreign policy tools with a proven added value. To conclude, let me thank the shadow rapporteurs, all the involved staff from the groups and the Secretariat, and also dear Josep Borrell, the team of the High Representative for the once again constructive and fruitful cooperation. And I’m looking forward to carefully listening to the arguments in this debate.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, tomorrow, as so many speakers have mentioned, our heads of state and government are commemorating 45 years of the partnership between ASEAN and the European Union, a partnership that was upgraded to a strategic level just two years ago. If the relationship between the two most advanced and integrated regional organisations in the world really is to be strategic, issues of concern to the one ought to be considered an issue of concern to the other. Having said that, tomorrow’s summit offers ample opportunity to strategise the elements of our future security and defence cooperation at a time when international law and maritime security are increasingly being subverted. Like the EU, ASEAN does not attempt to undermine multilateralism. We stand united in our conviction that trade and security should follow rules laid out in international agreements. With the EU being ASEAN’s third largest trading partner and its second largest investor, a region-to-region free trade agreement remains the common long-term objective. In the meantime, let us make full use of existing free trade agreements with Vietnam and Singapore. I encourage further progress in the negotiations concerning the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with Indonesia, and we should also remain open to a resumption of bilateral negotiations with Thailand, Malaysia and the Philippines when, of course, right conditions are in place.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Georgia is part of Europe. Georgia belongs to Europe. But as we have heard tonight, to be granted EU candidate status, Georgia needs to successfully address the 12 key priorities indicated by the Commission. The Georgian bid for membership will continue to be assessed based on its own merits and its success in implementing all the necessary reforms. Unfortunately, the tense political situation hampers the country’s development. I want to make five remarks. First, political stakeholders need to refrain from any divisive and aggressive rhetoric, and unite their forces in order to increase trust among all political and institutional actors. Second, the excessive influence of vested interests in economic, political and public life needs to be eliminated. Third, Georgian authorities need to ensure media freedom. This entails editorial independence, transparent media ownership of pluralistic, impartial and non-discriminatory coverage of political views. Fourth, political leaders in Georgia must stop aggressive verbal attacks against Members of our European Parliament and representatives of other partner countries. And finally – and this is also personal for me – as Chair of the Foreign Affairs Committee, I call on the Georgian authorities: please, please release former President Saakashvili and allow him to undergo proper medical treatment.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, trust in our Parliament’s integrity and the rule of law are paramount for the functioning of European democracy. The European Parliament must conduct a policy of zero tolerance towards corruption. For this reason, I am appalled that four people closely connected to the European Parliament, including one of its vice presidents, were arrested by the Belgian authorities on suspicions of money laundering, corruption and participating in a criminal organisation. I very much welcome President Roberta Metsola’s leadership, her words yesterday, here in this hemicycle. I welcome her initiative to launch an internal investigation and a wide-ranging reform process. In order to increase transparency and to fight corruption, it is important that we now draw the right conclusions. Colleagues, the European Parliament cannot assume the role of a court and does not intend to prejudice ongoing investigations. Yet I congratulate the relevant Belgian and further European authorities on 14 further criminal actions through their work. Parliament should fully support the ongoing criminal investigation. For any foreign actor proven guilty in this ongoing case, there must also be swift and dissuasive consequences. The European Parliament needs to strengthen our anti-corruption mechanisms as well as defensive tools to combat foreign interference. Let me fully underline what colleagues have said. For time reasons, let me just add one additional point. In this case, a non-governmental organisation was allegedly used, or – to be more precise – misused as a vector of foreign interference in our political work. Therefore, we should also have a look at existing regulations in order to increase transparency and accountability of organisations and other actors.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen. Commissioner Várhelyi has just described the situation in Iran; There is nothing to add to that. The Islamist mullahs regime uses repression as a means of its own survival. But in view of this development, which the Commissioner has described, I believe that the European Union must finally put its policy on Iran to the test and further increase the pressure on the regime. Iran may be facing the biggest domestic political and social change since 1979. There is now an opportunity to achieve systematic improvements in the situation of women and social change towards more freedom and democracy. But this path requires strong and active support from the European Union. Commissioner, I would like to ask you: As the European Union, we must strengthen our support for the protest movement and civil society in Iran. EU sanctions must be extended to all individuals and organs of the Iranian regime involved in the suppression of the current protests, and the so-called Revolutionary Guards must be added to the sanctions list across the EU. I am grateful to President Roberta Metsola for following a suggestion by the coordinators in the Committee on Foreign Affairs that we in the European Parliament will not allow direct contacts with official Iranian interlocutors to take place until further notice. This is our response to the regime's sanctioning of six colleagues in Tehran.

Madam President, High Representative/Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen, as a number of colleagues have pointed out in tonight’s debate, the relations between the People’s Republic of China and the European Union have been affected by so many different items – disproportionate counter-sanctions, cases of economic coercion and Chinese convergence with Russia, just to name a few. China is the only country with both the intent to reshape the international order and the economic, diplomatic, military and technological power to actually do so. China will continue to be a major global player with whom the European Union must speak, work, trade and negotiate in areas of common and global interest. Therefore, High Representative/Vice-President, for this reason, the European Union’s engagement with China should be, as we have often pointed out, principled, practical and pragmatic. But at the same time, the European Union needs to stand firm in defending our values and interests. To reduce our vulnerabilities, to increase our resilience, to address our security concerns and to engage with our partners – from the more distant to the like—minded – are all important lines of action.

Madam President, Commissioner Várhelyi, Minister Bek, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has been a wake-up call for all of us. In this context, it is crucial that we intensify our relations with our strategic partners all over the globe, and especially with our like-minded neighbours in Europe. In this regard, I very much welcome the inaugural meeting of the European Political Community. Minister Bek, let me thank the Czech Presidency for hosting, organising and making this event a success, děkuji. This new platform has potential. The gathering of the 44 leaders delivered some concrete results, as Commissioner Várhelyi just mentioned. For example, the organisation of a civilian EU mission on the border between Armenia and Azerbaijan, or in the case of agreeing on a future bilateral summit between the United Kingdom and France. As such, the European Political Community can foster political dialogue for the benefit of our entire continent. However, it is clear that the European Political Community cannot replace existing EU policies and instruments, notably enlargement. It has to fully respect the European Union’s decision-making autonomy. The European Political Community should not create a two-speed Europe. Now, a strategic follow-up to a meeting in Prague is key to shape the future work of the EPC. This new format should be used to deliver concrete solutions to Europe’s most pressing issues.

Madam President, Commissioner Várhelyi, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, Russia’s war of aggression against Ukraine has forced us to rethink our commitments and policies, including on enlargement. With Ukraine and Moldova having been granted candidate status and Georgia having been granted a European perspective, there are now ten countries in total that have embarked upon a path towards the European Union. Last Wednesday, we debated the 2022 enlargement package immediately after its adoption in an extraordinary meeting of the Foreign Affairs Committee, together with our Commissioner, Olivér Várhelyi. If I remember correctly, we more or less conveyed three messages. First, we highlighted the need to advance the EU enlargement policy as the single most effective instrument for securing peace, prosperity and fundamental values on the European continent. Second, we reiterated our strong support for the European perspective of the countries of the Western Balkans and underlined that the European Union needs to deliver on the obligations towards these countries. And, third, we emphasised that each enlargement country should be judged by its own and on its own merits. The enlargement process needs to remain firmly based on the fulfilment of all relevant criteria, with a strong focus on strengthening democracy, the rule of law, as well as on close cooperation on foreign policy matters. Commissioner Várhelyi, the Foreign Affairs Committee will continue to scrutinise the enlargement policy closely and we will now stock our work on the individual country reports.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, Commissioner Urpilainen, as you just mentioned, a delegation of the Foreign Affairs Committee travelled to Ethiopia and Sudan just two weeks ago, and we were able to observe first-hand that insecurity in the Horn of Africa is a serious threat to the prospects of the whole of Africa, as well as to our own security in the European Union. Coming back from these two countries, I would like to share a number of observations, perhaps six actions which I believe are key. First, we need to tackle the root causes of conflicts, extremism and radicalisation, such as terrorism, extreme poverty, the consequences of climate change and long—standing border disputes. Second, we need to strengthen the EU-CSDP missions and operations and to support peace processes under African ownership. Third, we need to support all diplomatic efforts towards ending the ongoing conflict within Ethiopia. Fourth, we need to counter Russian influence, such as the activities of the paramilitary Wagner Group in Sudan, as it has the potential to further destabilise the region. Fifth, we need to address the dependency of African states on Chinese investments. And six, we need to monitor very closely the total alignment of Eritrea with the Russian narrative and Russian propaganda. As Fabio Castaldo pointed out, the Horn of Africa is strategically important, and thus the European Union needs to strengthen its role in the region. Together with international and regional partners, let us integrate the trade, the development, the humanitarian and the conflict—prevention approaches to tackle the enormous challenges in this region.

Mr President, Mr High Representative/Vice President, ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, the massive protests that erupted following the death of Mahsa Amini in police custody have spread to 171 cities in all 31 provinces of Iran. The people are protesting against a deeply corrupt and violent regime that systematically oppresses women and responds to political resistance with brutal violence and repression. The violent crackdown of the mullahs security forces on peaceful protesters must stop immediately. The Council ought to impose tough sanctions responding to serious human rights violations as soon as possible. Call them restrictive measures, call them tough sanctions – the main thing is they will be adopted; sooner, the better. The regime in Tehran has manoeuvred itself into a dead end. As our President Roberta Metsola stated yesterday here in the plenary, we as the European Parliament stand in solidarity with the brave women and men and all their democratic aspirations in their fight for women’s, human and minority rights, for the free flow of information and access to Internet, and for a free, secular and democratic republic.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Dear Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi, allow me, first of all, to thank our colleague Antonio López-Istúriz White for his excellent report and also for his very concrete recommendations to the Commission and the Vice-President High Representative: how to renew the partnership with our Southern Neighbourhood. As Mr López-Istúriz White’s report outlines, it is key to secure adequate resources for a timely and effective implementation of the new agenda for the Mediterranean. It is key to strengthen the EU’s dialogue in cooperation with the countries of the Southern Neighbourhood, and it is key to address the impact of the Russian aggression against Ukraine on exactly these countries. A strengthened Mediterranean partnership remains a strategic imperative for the European Union, simply because the challenges the region continues to face require a common response. And I would like to thank Commissioner Várhelyi for presenting a number of very concrete actions we are taking as a European Union. Only by acting together in a spirit of partnership can we turn common challenges and opportunities in our mutual interest.

As many colleagues have underlined, I also condemn the unprecedented level of the PRC’s military exercises in the Taiwan Strait. In addition to these militarily threatening gestures, the communist government in Beijing is employing economic and political means, as well as cyberattacks and disinformation campaigns against Taiwan. But stability in the Taiwan Strait is directly linked to our European key interests of maintaining security, prosperity and freedom in the region. Yes, the European Union maintains the principled one-China policy, but we cannot tolerate unilateral attempts to modify the status quo, and even less so by resorting to force. In light of the continued military build-up, it remains very important for us as a European Union that we express our firm solidarity with the people of Taiwan, that we refuse to be intimidated or blackmailed by Beijing's provocations in the Taiwan Strait, and that we work together with our key partners such as the United States, South Korea, Australia and Japan to maintain peace and stability in the entire region.

Mr President, the Northern Ireland Protocol bill tabled by the United Kingdom Government is a regrettable unilateral move. As it dis—applies core elements of the Protocol in Ireland and Northern Ireland, it creates more difficulties in Northern Ireland and undermines mutual trust. Unilateral actions deliberately contradicting an international agreement are not the way forward. The Withdrawal Agreement, including the Protocol, was and is the necessary foundation for the EU—UK Trade and Cooperation Agreement. The European Union’s reaction to the Northern Ireland Protocol bill has been proportionate, firm and calm – and rightly so, Vice—President Šefčovič. We want to have stable and positive relations with the United Kingdom based on our agreements, mutually negotiated, signed and ratified by the United Kingdom and the European Union. We remain partners with shared values. Therefore, I call on the UK Government to re—enter talks to facilitate the practical implementation of the Protocol. The Protocol is not the problem – it is part of the solution to a problem. The original problem is, and remains, Brexit.