Speeches

A Uachtaráin Metsola, a Uachtaráin von der Leyen, affordable housing has become one of the most urgent social and economic challenges across Europe. Just last week, Eurostat reported that house prices in the EU have risen by an average of 53.4 % over the past decade. And in Ireland, that figure sits well above average at a staggering 83.4 %. For many, owning or even renting a home is out of reach. But the housing crisis is also a direct threat to Europe's economy. The shortage of housing is making it increasingly difficult for businesses to attract and retain workers. This exacerbates labour shortages and undermines competitiveness. The upcoming European affordable housing plan is a crucial opportunity to deliver a practical, business-friendly and future-orientated framework; one that mobilises public and private investment, promotes innovation and digitalisation and, above all, simplifies regulation and planning – the bane of our lives. This is our chance to guide the Commission's affordable housing plan. Let us not let the opportunity slip.

A Uachtaráin, I've always been in favour of enlargement. I think when you join a club, you shouldn't close the door behind you, lock it and keep everyone else out. My country has benefited hugely from joining the European Union way back in 1973. Then, of course, we had Brexit. I always felt that the best answer to Brexit is enlargement, and there are many countries that want to join the European Union rather than leave it. But joining also has responsibilities, and I think that is one of the key aspects that we need to emphasise – learning from the obnoxious behaviour of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, utilising the benefits of the European Union, then making himself popular at home by criticising everything the European Union does and voting against anything the European Union wants. So Ursula von der Leyen is right when she says we need to shake off the shackles of unanimity. This is something we should do on a gradual basis – not in everything, because there will be some areas that will be very sensitive for Member States, but certainly you cannot have a situation where Orbán has abused the situation. So we need to look at that.

A Uachtaráin, a chairde, the late John Hume, who won the Nobel Peace Prize for helping to broker the Good Friday Agreement, once said that we must spill sweat and not blood to bring about a brighter future. Just two weeks ago, we celebrated the ceasefire deal brokered by President Trump. Last weekend's events showed just how fragile it is. There is a narrow path to lasting peace in Gaza. It will require enormous restraint from both Israel and Hamas. It will require international partners to apply pressure on them to do so, and to hold each accountable for breaches like those over the weekend. It will require the inclusion of democratic actors like the EU and the UN, to help deliver a surge of aid to Gaza, to set up systems of governance and policing, and to create a credible process towards a two-state solution. There is a path to peace, but all sides – us included – must now spill sweat, not more blood.

Dear President, Without a doubt, there is a terrible war in Ukraine. And at the same time, US President Donald Trump was talking about peace, which Russia has no interest in. The best way to achieve peace is to win the war, and talking about it in the middle of the war, it's like a football team talking about a celebration in the middle of a game. You have to win the game and then you can celebrate it and the best way to achieve peace is for the Ukrainian people to win the war and keep their country. With regard to the various attacks that Russia is carrying out on us, such as drones, cyber-attack messages and disrupting our democracy, we need to urgently develop our infrastructure to protect ourselves from these different Russian attacks. Good on you, Ukraine.

A Uachtaráin, imagine you were stuck under rubble after one of the most deadly earthquakes in Afghanistan's recent history, and you can't be helped because of the Taliban's rule of no skin contact with unrelated males and females. The marginalisation of women in Afghanistan has reached new heights. Bans on women working in NGOs, studying, and restrictions on their travel have massively impacted women's access to healthcare and humanitarian aid. Women also face increased gender-based violence following disasters, brought on by the intense pressure on communities through displacement, loss of livelihoods and more. I applaud the work of organisations such as UN Women, who are doing extraordinary work to help people on the ground. These organisations need financial support, and I urge the world to not turn their backs on the Afghan women and girls, and the organisations dedicated to help them.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir, climate change is not just about sea levels and storms. It is already shaping the health threats facing Europe. Warmer winters, shifting rainfall patterns and ecological disruption are bringing mosquito- and tick-borne diseases to new regions which are ill-equipped to deal with them. Imagine a summer trip to southern France or even northern Germany, where West Nile virus or Lyme disease are not anomalies, but regular occurrences. Whilst obviously a greater burden for those living in these regions, it will also negatively impact our ability and willingness to travel between countries, undermining a key freedom of the European Union. To keep our continent safe, we must adapt. We need enhanced disease-vector surveillance systems at borders to the EU, along with integration of weather modelling and cross-border disease control. New and dangerous diseases will be commonplace if we do not act swiftly to prepare and defend against their spread.

Dear President, Commissioner, the EU is too slow where speed is needed and too fragmented where unity is vital. Our inability to adapt to a rapidly changing digital landscape has left us dependent on foreign technology, short on investment and, ultimately, strategically and economically exposed. There are two major challenges we must address if we are serious about protecting European digital sovereignty. The first, finance: We need to help our innovative companies scale up. If we can't deliver the same opportunities here that exist in New York and California then our start-ups will go there instead of staying here. I welcome the proposed Scale-Up Europe Fund to pool public and private capital and close the financing gap, but we must be ambitious in funding it. We must also deliver a real savings and investment union, giving our companies access to the capital markets they need to grow and compete globally. The second, regulation: in Washington, the instinct is to drive growth; in Brussels, the instinct is to drive regulation. We need to find the right balance. We urgently need a digital omnibus package to simplify and streamline our regulations and remove overlap and red tape. Finally, we must invest ambitiously in our digital infrastructure to reduce reliance on external providers and shield Europe from geopolitical shocks. Europe has the talent, the capital and the innovative capacity to compete. We must provide our companies with the conditions to do so. That's what I want, Mr. President.

A Uachtaráin, how the narrative changes. A few months ago, we were all dancing to the tune of Donald Trump as he touted his peace initiative in Ukraine. Of course, Russia had no interest whatsoever in peace, as we have learned since. Also, of course, talking about peace in the middle of a war is like a football team talking about celebrations in the middle of a match. The best way to guarantee celebrations is to win the match; the best way to guarantee peace is to win the war. In fairness to the Ukrainians, they are doing a damn good job at it. A three day war, in Putin's eyes, has extended to three years and a lot longer. He has lost 1 111 000 troops and is not making great progress: a kilometre here or a kilometre there. As regards the violations of our airspace, I have one observation: what would happen if we violated Russian or Belarusian airspace? There's our answer – you meet fire with fire. We have got to develop the firepower to do so and Commissioner Kubilius is doing his best to build up our defences. We need to rally around and make sure it happens.

A Uachtaráin, in today's increasingly multipolar and complex world, the European Union benefits from cultivating strong and reliable partnerships in order to continue serving as a global standard‑bearer for liberal democracy. India, soon to be the world's third‑largest economy, stands out as a natural partner in this effort. The strategic agenda and upcoming free trade agreement will help to solidify a diverse and complementary relationship. European farmers and businesses can benefit from India's massive demand for dairy products, digital services and pharmaceuticals, to name but a few areas. Additionally, the planned legal migration pathways in the agenda should be welcomed and used as a template for controlled, skilled migration, which our businesses and health services badly need. Differences remain, including over India's ties with Russia, that provide a further justification for cultivating a closer friendship with India. Protecting Ukraine and protecting Europe remain the top priority, but delivering a strong partnership with India is the most desirable aspiration.

A Uachtaráin, Afghanistan has suffered two earthquakes. One, the geological earthquake, which was devastating, but more devastating was the political earthquake when the Taliban took over, because their attitude to women is animalistic. It's sadistic; it's illogical. To think that any man who was born because of a woman, who has sisters, wives, daughters, etc., can treat women like that is just absolutely abominable. And I think we have to highlight this far more internationally and look at international partners who can put an end to this gender apartheid. In fact, it's a crime against humanity, because it's a crime against women – because from the moment they are born to the moment they die, they are given absolutely no treatment other than disrespect all the way. They have no rights; they have nothing. We've got to stand up, and international partners have to come on board to set a date by which this nonsense has to end.

A Uachtaráin, today marks two years since the massive, violent and brutal attacks on Israeli citizens and the taking of 251 hostages. We will remember the victims and their families, as well as the innocent civilians of Gaza, who continue to suffer as collateral in this conflict. Yesterday's talks in Egypt on President Trump's Gaza peace plan offered a glimmer of hope. The plan centres around urgency and immediate results. No doubt – there is urgency, but enforced starvation, especially of little children, must never be used as a bargaining tool. Any plan must ensure a sustainable future in Gaza. I welcome the commitment to Gaza's redevelopment and Israel's withdrawal from the strip – a vital step towards a ceasefire and a two-state solution. But we also need guarantees to stop annexation and settler violence in the West Bank, to protect Palestinians from further harm and demand accountability for violations on both sides. True peace will only come when the hostages are released, both peoples are treated with equal dignity, equal security and equal rights. The sooner, the better.

Mr President, Europe is made up of big countries and small countries, and often the small countries think the big countries dominate and yet we have one of the biggest countries – the United Kingdom – leaving the European Union under the pretext of a lack of sovereignty, which they are now beginning to realise is a mistake. On the contrary, small countries can make a huge contribution and you, yourself, being President of the Parliament, like Pat Cox from Ireland, shows that, as do, for instance, David O'Sullivan and Catherine Day becoming Secretary-Generals of the European Commission. Then, of course, we have Robert Schuman, the father of Europe, and Jean-Claude Juncker, who became President of the Commission and had a very successful tenure. And indeed, it should not be forgotten that it was under Jean-Claude Juncker that the Juncker Plan was introduced, which revolutionised investment financing in the European Union, which helped us get over the economic crisis. So big or small, we can be very successful. As the Prime Minister of Luxembourg said: Ireland, Luxembourg and the EU forever. Ireland, Luxembourg and Europe forever.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir, 'I sacrifice my body to alert the world to the injustice we are experiencing. This fight is not just mine. It is that of all those who refuse arbitrariness. I urge you not to look away.' I open with the words of Abdoul Aziz Goma, an Irish citizen currently arbitrarily detained in Lomé in Togo. His crime? Hosting peaceful protesters calling for democratic reforms in Togo. After six years in pre-trial detention, Abdoul was sentenced to ten years in prison in a one-day trial that made a mockery of justice. Years of torture have left their mark on Abdoul's body to the point that he has lost the use of his legs. Prisoners in Lomé prison are beaten, electrocuted and denied medical care. They must sleep sitting up due to the severe overcrowding. Many die in silence. But Abdoul Aziz Goma will not be silenced. His hunger strike, which began on 27 August, is a message to us, to Europe, and to all who believe in justice, democracy and human rights, to not let him down. We will not let him down. We will not look away. We call on the Togolese authorities to immediately and unconditionally release Abdoul Aziz Goma and all arbitrarily detained political prisoners in Togo.

A Uachtaráin, just to rise in solidarity with our colleagues in Cyprus in this unfortunate and unacceptable situation. Coming from Ireland, where our country is not fully united yet – although we aspire to achieve unification sometime, hopefully in the near future – I can understand how Cyprus feels in relation to the occupation and also the arbitrary detention of people in that area. So I think Commissioner McGrath and his colleagues will use everything they can to ensure that justice is done. Normally, when we speak in this Chamber in relation to emergencies, they are usually outside the European Union. This is within the European Union, so we should be able to act much stronger, in solidarity, in cooperation and in unity to ensure that justice is done in this particular case.

A Uachtaráin, Commissioner, the number of jamming and spoofing incidents targeting global navigation satellite systems has risen at an alarming rate, with an estimated 140 000 flights affected in 2024 alone. This is a real threat and it is one that has already cost lives: tragically, 38 people perished on an Azerbaijani Airlines flight in December, and there have been several near misses since. Sadly, these incidents are likely to continue, particularly with the increase in the use of hybrid warfare tactics deployed by Russia and other hostile actors. This is a direct attack on Europe's safety, on our connectivity and our strategic autonomy. The satellite constellations underpinning the GNSS are essential to aviation, shipping, energy, agriculture and the smooth functioning of our entire economy. That is why Europe must act to resolve. And I welcome the Commission's statement of intent in this regard this evening, particularly investing in our Galileo system.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir, the scenes of force used against protesters in Serbia are completely unacceptable. Let us be clear: the right to assemble and to voice opposition to government is a basic democratic freedom, and it must be upheld, particularly in an aspiring EU Member State. Reports of unlawful crowd control tactics, intimidation, misuse of personal data, arrests of students and activists, and even spyware aimed at journalists have no place in an EU candidate country. We all want Serbia to succeed on its path to membership, but the enlargement process is and must be about the values put into practice. The rule of law situation in Serbia and, above all, the State's response to protests and the ambivalent attitude to Russia and Ukraine must change if accession is to move forward. President Vučić's SNS remains an associate member of the EPP, but it is precisely for that reason that our group is firm in our demand for change and for greater respect and adherence to fundamental rights and values.

A Uachtaráin, here we are again debating the undebatable. Colleagues will defend what is indefensible and we will be here until Netanyahu achieves his goal: total destruction of Gaza. Words cannot do justice to the human indignity that Netanyahu's enforced famine imposes on innocent Gazans. It is just heartbreaking to see young children with a bowl in their hands begging for food every day. Netanyahu has also created the deadliest period for journalists in contemporary history. A generation of accountability has been wiped out, granting Netanyahu carte blanche to starve, kill and destroy. As we speak, Gaza is on its knees and Israel bombards Gaza City. Meanwhile, activists like Kitty O'Brien face police brutality for standing against these atrocities. We cannot give up on a two‑state solution, we cannot stand idly against annexation and we cannot stand by violence when peace is possible. Free the hostages and free Gaza.

(Start of speech off mic) ... the Belgian-Portuguese researcher, Joseph Figueira Martin, and compliment them for raising this case. I think it's wonderful that we have MEPs here in the House who are prepared to, first of all, take the case, then research it, then come up with a resolution and then debate it here and then colleagues to vote on it, because these are cases where there are extreme violations of the rights of individuals, and particularly if they are European nationals, they certainly must be highlighted here. I think, like the previous case of Ryan Cornelius, and this case of Joseph Figueira Martin, we should say within a specified time, if they're not released, we're going to revisit it, re-highlight it and put further pressure on these countries to act, because I think that might be the way to ensure that some justice is done, and particularly for the people we are discussing here tonight.

(Start of speech off mic) ... the Belgian-Portuguese researcher, Joseph Figueira Martin, and compliment them for raising this case. I think it's wonderful that we have MEPs here in the House who are prepared to, first of all, take the case, then research it, then come up with a resolution and then debate it here and then colleagues to vote on it, because these are cases where there are extreme violations of the rights of individuals, and particularly if they are European nationals, they certainly must be highlighted here. I think, like the previous case of Ryan Cornelius, and this case of Joseph Figueira Martin, we should say within a specified time, if they're not released, we're going to revisit it, re-highlight it and put further pressure on these countries to act, because I think that might be the way to ensure that some justice is done, and particularly for the people we are discussing here tonight.

A Uachtaráin, the European Union and the UAE enjoy a constructive and growing relationship and that's welcome. But we must be honest. Such partnerships cannot come at the expense of turning a blind eye to human rights abuses. Friendships must be grounded in shared respect for the rule of law and human dignity. I want to thank President Metsola for championing Ryan's case at the highest level in Dubai, and my colleagues who negotiated this resolution. The cross-party consensus is a clear sign of the undeniable facts of this case. Namely, Ryan Cornelius has been arbitrarily and unjustly detained in Dubai since 2008. Ryan was arrested on debt-related charges despite being ahead on his repayments, and his assets – worth many times the size of his debt – were seized. Yet the Dubai authorities refused to release him from prison. But the Dubai authorities do not only hold him in prison, they have subjected Ryan to solitary confinement, desperate living conditions and sleep deprivation – conditions amounting to torture under national law. Meanwhile, his serious medical conditions like tuberculosis, cardiovascular disease and high blood pressure go untreated. After nearly completing his 10-year sentence, his detention was cruelly extended by 20 years through the retroactive application of UAE law number 37 – a clear breach of international law. Ryan has now spent 17 years behind bars while his children grow up and his family suffer. Ryan is now 71 years old. Under Dubai law, his ill health and his age are grounds enough to grant his release. The authorities of the UAE and Dubai must hear what we say: free Cornelius and free him now.

A Uachtaráin, the European Union and the UAE enjoy a constructive and growing relationship and that's welcome. But we must be honest. Such partnerships cannot come at the expense of turning a blind eye to human rights abuses. Friendships must be grounded in shared respect for the rule of law and human dignity. I want to thank President Metsola for championing Ryan's case at the highest level in Dubai, and my colleagues who negotiated this resolution. The cross-party consensus is a clear sign of the undeniable facts of this case. Namely, Ryan Cornelius has been arbitrarily and unjustly detained in Dubai since 2008. Ryan was arrested on debt-related charges despite being ahead on his repayments, and his assets – worth many times the size of his debt – were seized. Yet the Dubai authorities refused to release him from prison. But the Dubai authorities do not only hold him in prison, they have subjected Ryan to solitary confinement, desperate living conditions and sleep deprivation – conditions amounting to torture under national law. Meanwhile, his serious medical conditions like tuberculosis, cardiovascular disease and high blood pressure go untreated. After nearly completing his 10-year sentence, his detention was cruelly extended by 20 years through the retroactive application of UAE law number 37 – a clear breach of international law. Ryan has now spent 17 years behind bars while his children grow up and his family suffer. Ryan is now 71 years old. Under Dubai law, his ill health and his age are grounds enough to grant his release. The authorities of the UAE and Dubai must hear what we say: free Cornelius and free him now.

Dia dhaoibh a chairde, I strongly welcome the European Council's conclusions on the Middle East and Gaza. The call for an immediate ceasefire, the unconditional release of hostages and the path towards a permanent end to hostilities is most welcome. I spoke many times in this House about the utterly deplorable and unacceptable situation in Gaza. Our failure to act sooner and apply pressure on Israel has allowed this to continue. Now, at last, we see a united Council position reflecting the one that has been long-advocated by Ireland – a call to lift the blockade, to ensure the unhindered flow of humanitarian aid, to enable the UN and other organisations to do their lifesaving work, and to reassess the EU-Israel Association Agreement. I particularly welcome the Council's reference to Israel's obligations under international law and under Article 2 of the Association Agreement. There must now be serious and immediate follow-up. If respect for human rights is the condition of that Agreement, as it is and must be, then we cannot turn a blind eye. It is time to pause and reassess this relationship, and to send a clear, unequivocal message to Mr Netanyahu that the EU is united against his unacceptable actions.

President and Commissioner, it is important to give hope to countries that want to join the EU, because enlargement is one of the EU's greatest achievements. It has extended peace, democracy and shared prosperity across Europe, making it stronger, more united and better equipped to face global challenges. Ireland has always backed enlargement, but on principle. Accession must be earned: Each candidate must meet our agreed standards in the rule of law, democracy and fundamental rights. That remains essential. The strategic case is clearer than ever. Russia's war in Ukraine shows that peace in Europe cannot be assumed. Bringing in countries like Ukraine and Moldova, and the Western Balkans, once ready, serves both their interests and ours. It strengthens our security, economy and global influence. We cannot let radical voices hijack this debate with fearmongering about migration or budgets. That distorts the truth. Past enlargements reduced poverty, grew trade and created new opportunities, including for Ireland, which has been transformed and modernised since we joined in 1973. Conversely, the United Kingdom has suffered greatly since it left the European Union a few years ago. The path ahead must be rigorous, but the door must stay open. Thank you, President, and thank you. Good on you.

Mr. President, Mr. President, first of all, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to ... ... Anna Stürgkh, our very good rapporteur, and all the shadow rapporteurs for their excellent cooperation on this important report. This report is timely and strategic, and I look forward to seeing our recommendations taken up by the Commission in the forthcoming grids package later this year. I will make one point very clear: European competitiveness and net zero will not happen without a massively expanded and modernised electricity grid. I understand the calling for more lines, cables and pylons can come with its political sensitivities for some here. But the reality is simple: no new grid means no clean energy, no energy security and no competitive future for European industry. In our report, we make a strong call for ambition in our approach to grid. In reality, we need to work backwards from our 2050 net-zero objective. What are the key grid reinforcements we need? How do we drive interconnection and complete the energy union? How do we unlock the offshore wind potential of the Atlantic and northern seas? And how do we finally move from vision to delivery on the European supergrid? This requires long-term planning, political ambition and investment visibility, so that supply chains can scale up and strategic infrastructure is built. Finally, and critically, we need to fix the issues of planning and permitting. Across Europe, critical projects are being delayed for years – and even decades – by a combination of red tape, objectors and legal processes. If we don't build the grid, Europe will be both uncompetitive and high-emitting – the worst of both worlds. The grids package is an opportunity to deliver the vision of this report and ensure this does not happen.