Speeches

A Uachtaráin, Commissioner, there are no two ways about it: the broader destabilisation we are witnessing across the Middle East right now is deeply worrying. We need restraint, we need de-escalation and, above all, we need leadership – not through bombs, but through dialogue and diplomacy. But let me say this, too: we cannot allow the broader conflict between Iran and Israel to distract from the horror that continues in Gaza. The indiscriminate killing of civilians, the blocking of humanitarian aid and the starvation of an entire people: these are not footnotes to a larger conflict. They are crimes in their own right. Ireland has always stood firmly on the side of international law and human dignity. I welcome the Irish Government's leadership on illegal settlement goods and the Tánaiste's move towards robust legislation. These are not symbolic gestures. They are real acts of political courage and they matter. We cannot be the Europe of values only in name. There will have to be consequences for clear and repeated breaches of human rights. So, yes, we must act to prevent a wider war, but we must also refuse to look away from Gaza, because turning a blind eye now – as children starve and families are buried beneath rubble – would be an unforgivable betrayal of everything this Union stands for.

A Uachtaráin, the past few years have taught us the hard truth. We can never again be reliant on Russia, or any country for that matter, for something as vital as energy. For over a decade, many of us warned against locking ourselves into dependency on Russian gas. It took an unprovoked invasion, a supply shock and a cost of living crisis to wake Europe up. But this isn't just about Russia, it's about energy independence. Today, Europe is a price‑taker for gas. Given gas is the commodity that determines the energy price across much of Europe, that is simply not acceptable nor sustainable. The only path to genuine EU competitiveness is energy independence and the only way to real energy independence is through renewables. They are Europe's own resource; home‑grown, price stable and geopolitically secure. I welcome the Commission's roadmap to end Russian gas imports by 2027, but let's go further. Let's aim for full energy independence as soon as possible, no matter the source, no matter the supplier.

A Uachtaráin, I was honoured to be part of the European Parliament's delegation to the COP in Paris, where we agreed on the Paris Agreement. And I remember, before we went, talking to President Buzek and we were saying that Europe would agree to a reduction of emissions, and I said we should add 'provided other emitters do the same'. Now, they found out subsequently that they didn't. But thankfully, the European Commission came up with the proposal on CBAM, which helps to establish a level playing field. Now it is not perfect, but I think they are also to be complimented on implementing what Ursula von der Leyen promised: simplification. And the Omnibus proposals before us simplify CBAM, take 90 % of small companies out of it, but at the same time remain dealing with 99 % of emissions. There are other issues, of course, which have to be dealt with – accurate information from India and China, etc. – but as we move forward, we can monitor these. This is a very good step. The ETS and CBAM combined can help us to meet our commitments under Paris and others as well.

A Uachtaráin, the EU single market is one of our greatest achievements, but it has yet to reach its full potential. Right now, too many barriers still stand in the way of businesses trying to trade across borders. The Commission's new strategy is a step in the right direction, aiming to crush red tape, modernise outdated rules and digitise how we do business. But we need to go further. If we are serious about strengthening the single market. We must simplify procedures for trading goods and services within the EU. That means faster approvals, clearer rules and digital systems that talk to each other. Irish SMEs and service providers have so much to offer, but they face unnecessary delays and paperwork when expanding into other EU countries. It is time to change that. We need a system that works as one, not 27 different versions of the same process. A simpler, smarter, single market means more opportunities for Irish jobs and EU jobs, innovation and exports.

Madam President, I've pushed the button as soon as it was open, been here for the entire debate and not been taken. How many more MEPs are in that position? And secondly, how many MEPs were able to speak twice, once from the podium in their speaking time and then under the blue card? And is that fair to us MEPs who stayed here for this most important debate, that we were just left here and told 'Sorry, we can't take you', while others can speak twice and the whole thing can be disrupted by people going on and on and on? I think fair has to apply to everybody, not just some.

Mr President, I support this resolution because it promotes a strategic and balanced approach to strengthen the EU’s competitiveness in a rapidly changing global environment. It stresses the importance of fair competition not only to stimulate innovation but also to protect consumers, but also to build long-term economic resilience across the EU. Above all, it links environmental and digital priorities to the competition framework. By aligning our economic strategy with the European Green Deal and the 2030 Digital Compass, we help Europe become a global leader in the same establishment and technology. If we support this resolution, we will stand up for sustainable growth, fair markets, and the EU’s global competitiveness.

Mr. President, I was pleased to vote for this report... Because it extends and revises the EU Gas Storage Regulation as it balances energy security with changing market conditions. Measures introduced during the 2022 gas crisis, especially mandatory storage targets, proved effective in stabilising supply and protecting citizens from price shocks. Extending them beyond 2025 is a smart step to prepare for future risks. I support the added flexibility, including the adjusted 83 % target and limited scope for Member State deviations in difficult conditions. These updates respect national contexts while maintaining a strong collective baseline. The proposal also advances EU goals by phasing out Russian fossil fuels and supporting a return to market-based mechanisms. By cutting red tape and reinforcing subsidiarity, it empowers Member States while ensuring effective oversight. I was proud to vote for this practical report that supports the Green Transition.

I was glad to vote for the ninth integration report. This report reaffirms the vital role of EU cohesion policy in promoting balanced development, reducing regional disparities and building long term socioeconomic resilience across the Union. The report rightly highlights the policy's positive impact on growth, productivity and employment, while stressing the importance of its core principles, such as the bottom-up approach and partnership model that underpins effective and inclusive governance. Importantly, it calls for greater flexibility to help cohesion policy respond to crises like pandemics, wars and climate change. It also addresses the ongoing challenges facing regions in transition, especially those affected by industrial decline or near the EU's external borders. Simplifying administrative procedures is also key to improving access and reducing barriers. Overall, this is a good report and I am happy to support it.

A Uachtaráin, Commissioner, across Europe, millions of citizens are affected by diseases that could be prevented, treated earlier and managed better if we act together. That is why I fully support the EU's stepped-up efforts on health, particularly in tackling cancer, cardiovascular and neurological diseases and preventing avoidable illnesses like measles. Cancer alone claims nearly 1.3 million lives in the EU each year, but through initiatives like Europe's Beating Cancer Plan, we are finally taking a coordinated approach and investing in research, screening, early detection and better access to treatment across Member States. I am proud that Irish researchers, institutions and clinicians are playing a key role in this. Cardiovascular and neurological diseases are among the leading causes of disability and death in Europe. Yet too often, they do not get the attention they deserve. We need targeted strategies, strong support for cross-border research, and public-awareness campaigns that reach citizens in every region, including rural communities, like many in my own constituency in Ireland South. Let us be clear. The resurgence of measles in parts of Europe is both tragic and preventable. We must not allow misinformation to roll back decades of progress in public health. Vaccination saves lives. Full stop. We must ensure that no matter where you live in Europe, you have access to the care you need.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir, let's get one thing out of the way first: the Iberian Peninsula remains almost an energy island – that's ridiculous in 2025. We need a binding interconnection target so that no Member State continues to be left isolated. But let's not fall into the trap of blaming this blackout just on interconnection, and certainly not on renewables. We know we can run a power system with high volumes of wind and solar, but to do so securely, we need to expand and modernise our grid urgently. We also need to ensure the roll-out of essential supportive technologies, things like synchronous condensers, flywheels, storage with fast frequency response – these are the unsung heroes of a resilient net-zero grid. Delivering resilience means three things: one – roll out renewables at a scale to deliver energy independence, two – modernise and expand the grid as a matter of urgency, including interconnection, three – invest hard in the key technologies that deliver things like inertia, reserves and stability. Let that be the real lesson from 28 April.

My goodness, hasn't it been stated several times over and over again that Ukraine will be accepted into the European Union, it will become a member of the European Union and even Ursula von der Leyen said this morning the process will be speeded up for negotiations – is that not clear? To me it is. Maybe you don't understand. But that's logic. And it will happen when Russia is defeated, Ukraine is a strong independent country to come into the European Union, to strengthen the European Union, to guarantee peace and security for Ukraine and many other countries around it into the future. And then we can celebrate the end of World War II and the end of the Russian war in Ukraine.

A Uachtaráin, this Friday marks 80 years since the end of World War II. Unfortunately, the international system developed since is now in peril. Under Donald Trump, the US no longer positions itself as a neutral or principled mediator in global conflicts. Its mineral deal with Ukraine suggests that strategic and economic interests now shape who receives support in the face of tyranny. For now, Ukraine has Trump's interest again, but how long before Russia cuts a similar deal? The worst‑case scenario for Ukraine is not the US pulling support, but that Europe would not step in in response. Are we prepared for a further drawn‑out war? We must be. The EU has responded very courageously to Putin's aggression thus far. I particularly welcome Ursula von der Leyen's intention to end all dependency on Russian fossil fuels by 2027. A weak Russia and a strong Ukraine is the best way to peace. Anything else will lead to Ukrainian capitulation, a slight pause before Russia invades some other country again. Slava Ukraini!

(The microphone didn't pick up the start of the speechvote for this report... ...as it condemns the rising violence against Christians in the DRC, and upholds religious freedom and security. The ADF, linked to the Islamic State, killed over 200 people in December 2024 alone. Forced displacement, abductions and executions of Christians continue unchecked, demanding urgent action. This resolution calls for accountability, urging the ICC to prosecute perpetrators and supporting an international inquiry into human rights violations. A special tribunal must also be considered. Religious freedom is a fundamental right. The EU must stand against the persecution of Christians. And through this report, we are sending an important and strong message that we are standing on the side of the human rights, freedom, beliefs and rights of women against sexual violence and human trafficking. I am pleased that the report received a large majority in Parliament and voted in favour. That's what I want. Good luck.

Mr President, Commissioner, across Europe, a growing challenge is emerging – one that affects the health and well-being of our citizens. An increasing number of people are travelling abroad for medical care, not as a preference but as a necessity. Long waiting lists, high costs and barriers to timely treatment at home are driving patients to seek care elsewhere. However, in some cases, the quality and safety of care received abroad do not meet expected standards. Patients may encounter poorly regulated clinics, unqualified practitioners and a lack of follow-up care. When complications arise, it is often our own public health systems that must provide corrective treatment. In Ireland, between 2021 and 2023, at least nine individuals sadly lost their lives after undergoing procedures abroad. These were people making what they believed to be the best decisions for their health in difficult circumstances, highlighting the need for better options at home. We are seeing a rise in patients seeking surgeries and dental procedures abroad, often drawn in by persuasive marketing and the appeal of lower costs. Yet many only realise the risks after complications emerge. The Irish Dental Association has reported an increase in patients needing corrective treatment for procedures carried out abroad, adding further pressure to an already stretched healthcare system. This issue is not simply about people choosing to travel for care. It's about why they feel they have no alternative. The solution lies in strengthening our own health care system. And for those who seek treatment abroad, we must provide better information, protections and support to prevent avoidable harm. That's what I want. Thank you very much, President. Good luck.

A Uachtaráin, it's good that the COP16 was positive in terms of both policy, but also putting finance behind it to back it up. And on a global level, it's hugely important that issues like desertification and deforestation would be tackled. It's also worth mentioning that an awful lot is happening in a positive manner within Europe itself, and particularly by farmers. I am conscious that in my own country, Ireland, schemes like the native woodland scheme, hedgerow planting, wild bird boxes and other practices are all helping to preserve biodiversity, and that should be recognised. One caveat, though, I came across recently was that there are an awful lot of wildlife parks in Ireland and elsewhere in Europe that are trying to preserve endangered species from extinction, but because of Brexit, it has become increasingly difficult to transport them for mating and other purposes. That is something I would ask the Commission to look at. It should be made easier and not more difficult, because that is a big issue for those wildlife parks that do such good work.

Mr President, I welcome this debate and especially the plan we were talking about earlier. No doubt about it: overzealous carbon reduction targets have led to massive carbon leakage in these industries, particularly steel, and it has to stop. And thankfully we've got the message. First, energy prices are something we can do a lot about. Number one: wean ourselves off fossil fuels, deploy renewables as much as we can, and develop a grid that can take the renewable energy where is needed across Europe. But also get rid of the self-imposed bureaucratic nonsense that causes unbelievable delays in permitting and planning. And also, I agree with the Commissioner: we should be mining what we can in Europe, instead of this foolishness – mining it elsewhere and bringing it into Europe – where, as you pointed out, the standards in social and environmental are far lower than in Europe. Let’s do what we can in Europe. That would be a good start.

A Uachtaráin, I think both President Costa and President Ursula emphasised how disenchanted we are with the actions of the Trump Administration in picking basically on their friends and allies, but also, rightly so, said we have a strong plan to counter, if necessary, and wisely not implementing that plan immediately, but allowing for a few weeks to discuss matters with the US authorities, which makes sense. That's the way mature people do business. Also, I was very encouraged to hear both of them speak about new trade opportunities. As a member of the trade committee for many years, we do have opportunities to grow free trade agreements with India, Indonesia, Australia and many more, and that is sensible to diversify supplies. Finally, if we are now forced, almost, to develop the single market more and complete the capital markets union, then we can say maybe that Donald Trump actually has done us a favour by kick-starting action, which we should have carried out long ago.

Mr President, I voted for this report. It is vital that Europe responds decisively to the challenges facing our industrial sector. The closure of the Audi factory outside Brussels is a stark reminder of the pressures on European manufacturing. To remain competitive, we need an ambitious industrial policy that fosters innovation, cuts unnecessary red tape and creates high-quality jobs. Support for industry and workers is at the core of this resolution. I welcome the Quality Jobs Roadmap and underline the importance of engaging with social partners in the Clean Industrial Deal. Europe's future depends on a strong industrial base. This resolution sends a clear message that we are collectively committed to securing investment, supporting workers and ensuring Europe remains a global leader in industry. So we should and should support these recommendations.

As a former teacher, I am particularly pleased to see the European Schools Alliance being proposed by President von der Leyen. Education is the foundation of our future, and this initiative represents a crucial step in ensuring that young people across Europe have access to high-quality, innovative and inclusive learning opportunities. The success of the European University Alliance has demonstrated the power of cross-border collaboration in higher education. The European Schools Alliance should take inspiration from this model. The University Alliance has proven that overcoming fragmentation and enhancing cooperation leads to real benefits, such as joint degrees in research, collaboration and mobility programmes. At the school level, we must aim for similarly tangible outcomes, ensuring that students and teachers alike can benefit from a truly European approach to education. To be effective, the European Schools Alliance must focus on delivering measurable outcomes, much like the University Alliance has done with research, innovation and joint degree programmes. This is particularly important from my own country, Ireland, an island nation. Strengthening ties between our schools will help bridge the physical gap, ensuring Irish students and teachers have the same opportunities for collaboration and exchange as their counterparts across the continent. By building these connections, the European Schools Alliance will not only benefit students and teachers, but also contribute to a more unified and competitive Europe. Now to conclude, next Monday is our national holiday, Saint Patrick's Day. Isn't that right, Billy? Happy St. Patrick's Day to all of you and spend the shamrock.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir Kubilius, Russia's invasion of Ukraine has upended European security, bringing conventional warfare back to our doorstep. Hybrid threats like cyber-attacks and disinformation now target our institutions. For too long, Ireland has overlooked security and defence. While we remain committed to military neutrality, it does not equate to vulnerability. Securing our territorial waters and airspace is crucial, and the Government is prioritising the much-needed investment in our defence forces. That is why I support Ireland's increased ambition in terms of urgent investment in primary radar, naval expansion and air defence. These are not luxuries: they are fundamental to our national security. At the same time, Ireland's commitment to neutrality remains steadfast. But neutrality must be fit for purpose for the 21st century. That means contributing meaningfully to European security and contributing in areas in which we have a considerable degree of experience and expertise – like peacekeeping, for example. It's time to get off the fence and get on with defence.

Thank you again, I, like my EPP group, was very happy to vote for this report. The ongoing violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo is both heartbreaking and unjustifiable. The escalation of conflict, including the occupation of Goma by M23 forces, has led to severe violations of human rights, including the use of sexual violence as a weapon of war and recruitment of child soldiers. These actions are not only a violation of international law, but are also catastrophic for innocent civilians caught in the crossfire. The resolution calls for concrete actions to bring peace to the region, including imposing sanctions, halting arms transfers and demanding that Rwanda ceases its support for M23. I believe this resolution sends a clear message that we will not tolerate further human suffering and that we stand in solidarity with the people of the DRC in their fight for peace and justice. That’s what I want, Mr. President, thank you so much and goodbye to you.

A Uachtaráin, I voted in favour of this resolution to address the concerning political situation in Georgia, where democratic backsliding and increasing repression have undermined the country's European aspirations. The ruling Georgian Dream party, following a rigged election in October 2024, has consistently violated fundamental rights, including by repressing peaceful protests, suppressing media and targeting political opponents. Georgia's path toward European integration must be preserved and we must stand firm with its people in their pursuit of a democratic and prosperous future. The EU must act decisively to ensure Georgia's Government respects democratic principles, the rule of law and human rights. This resolution is a clear message of solidarity with the people of Georgia and their rightful aspirations for European future.

Thank you, Mr. President, and thank you, Commissioner, I agree with what you have said. We are faced with a very important question. Should same sex couples and their children receive the same recognition and protection of their civil status across all EU Member States? The answer is clear: yes. This is about ensuring equality and fairness for all families across Europe. This is not a question of ideology, but simply a question of fundamental human rights. The European Union is founded on the principles of equality, dignity and freedom. When a same-sex couple legally marries in one Member State, or when their child is legally recognised as theirs, that legal status should not dissolve at a border. A family is a family, whether they live in Dublin, Warsaw, Madrid or Budapest. Yet today, many same-sex couples and their children find themselves in legal limbo simply because they move between Member States. A child recognised as the legal offspring of two parents in one country may suddenly find themselves without legal guardianship in another. This is not just an inconvenience. It is a violation of their rights, creating insecurity, fear and unnecessary suffering. Worse still, this legal uncertainty directly infringes on one of the fundamental pillars of the EU: the right to free movement. What freedom is there if crossing a border can strip away a person’s legal relationship with their child? No EU citizen should have to choose between their right to live and work anywhere in the Union and the legal security of their family. Yet that is precisely the choice some families are forced to make. This Parliament has a duty to defend all families. EU law must guarantee that civil status documents – marriages, partnerships, birth certificates – are recognised borders across, regardless of the gender of the parents or spouses. The European Court of Justice has already affirmed that all EU citizens, including same sex families, must be able to move freely without discrimination. Now we need our legislation to reflect this. We must ensure that legal rights are already granted by one country, are not stripped away by another. This is about legal certainty, respect for human dignity and the freedom of movement that is the heart of the European project. Families should not have to fear crossing a border. Children should not lose their legal parents overnight. We have a responsibility to ensure that love, commitment and parental care are recognised and respected no matter where in the EU they exist. Let us choose the path of equality, dignity and fundamental rights. Let’s stand up for our children everywhere in the EU and recognise them in every single Member State.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisnéir agus a chairde, the security and resilience of our digital networks are more vital now than ever, and the European Union's ability to reduce these dependencies is under close scrutiny. I have raised the issue of Ireland's vital role in global communication infrastructure before. Ireland's waters serve as the gateway for over 75 % of the northern hemispheres undersea cables, making us a strategic hub for transatlantic data traffic. This makes us uniquely vulnerable to disruptions in this infrastructure. We cannot underestimate the importance of safeguarding these undersea cables, which are essential not just for Ireland's connectivity, but for the economic stability and security of the entire EU. The protection of our communication infrastructure is not just a national issue; it is a European one. We cannot afford to be over-reliant on external providers, particularly in such an uncertain geopolitical climate. We need a coordinated EU approach to ensure the security of our undersea cables and to invest in the resilience of our satellite infrastructure. I welcome the Commission's commitment to investing EUR 865 million to improve digital connectivity, including quantum communication networks and undersea cables. But as we implement the Commission's work plan for 2025, we must prioritise the protection of these strategic assets. Bímis ar an airdeall, níl aon am le cailliúint, go raibh maith agat a Uachtaráin.

Mr. President, thank you very much for giving us the floor. As you said, this discussion is very important. There are those who are against Mercosur, but they are against everything. But there are also many speakers here this morning who are pro-trade but say they cannot support Mercosur in its current form. That would reflect the position of the new Irish Government – made up of a coalition of Renew and EPP – and I think it needs to be addressed very strongly by the Commission. There are issues like deforestation, sustainability, production standards – especially in Brazil – and then the effect, especially on beef farmers, who feel that they will be decimated if Mercosur goes ahead. So the Commission has a job to do to convince them otherwise, give them proper compensation, if that is needed, and also look at a package that might include other issues that they are concerned about, especially the reform of the CAP, etcetera. Commissioner Šefčovič, you did a great job in relation to Brexit. Now is the chance for you to step up here. I am very confident you will!