Speeches

A Uachtaráin, Europe is home to some of the finest universities, laboratories and research centres in the world. Our scientists lead breakthroughs in medicine and clean technologies, artificial intelligence and advanced manufacturing. These institutions are one of Europe's greatest competitive advantages. For this reason, we must do what we can to ensure this sector continues to thrive. That means removing barriers and borders and providing the funds our researchers need. The ERA must deliver a truly single market for research, innovation and technology. We need to see ideas, knowledge and talent move as freely as goods and capital do in our single market. We need to invest in nurturing talent and strengthen mobility for researchers across the Union, particularly in critical fields such as digital technologies, artificial intelligence and clean tech. It also means reversing the brain drain. We need to make the European Union the most attractive place in the world to conduct research. For countries like Ireland, this is particularly important. Over the past quarter century, Ireland has built a globally respected research base supported by strong collaboration between academia, enterprise and government. But in the fast moving global economy, Europe will be left behind if we remain fragmented. A strong research area ensures that smaller, innovation-driven economies can connect their excellence to the scale of the European Union.

A Uachtaráin, as a father, a grandfather and a former teacher, it breaks my heart to see children without fair and equal access to education, which I enjoyed and was able to provide for my own family, thankfully. Education is a powerful tool. Not only is unequal access to it morally wrong, it's dangerous and economically detrimental. Inequality in education is one of the primary underlying causes of civil conflict. In Ireland, for example, the controversy over placing a university in the Protestant town of Coleraine, rather than the majority Catholic city of Derry, further entrenched education inequality in the north and led to Troubles which lasted for 30 years. Thankfully, that's now behind us. Academic studies prove this relationship all over the world. If one group cannot access education whilst another can, violence can – and does – ensue. In the EU, we can use our leverage, our funds and our experiences to help partners around the world to avoid this age-old mistake. On the positive side, expanding access to education spurs economic growth. For each year spent in education, a person's lifetime earnings go up by 10 %. Economies grow, welfare payments decrease naturally and investment and economic opportunities flourish. So, we should absolutely do all within our power to improve education equality, both at home and abroad.

No, Russia committed a serious error, but it also showed us that dependency on Russia for our gas supplies, as dependency on China for critical raw materials, is not good for us. But, at the same time, we do have an obligation to support Ukraine because they are actually fighting our war. It has been estimated that if Russia is not curtailed, in five years' time they'll have the capacity to attack Europe. Is that what you want? No. So I think the policies in relation to Ukraine, in relation to weaning ourselves off fossil fuels from Russia, is the correct one, and the sooner it happens, the better for everybody.

President, Commissioners. We are moving forward. Mr Draghi correctly identified energy prices as perhaps the most fundamental factor for European competitiveness. Electricity is two to three times more expensive here than in the US; gas – four to five times. Without an abundance of domestic supply, there is only one way to structurally lower energy costs in Europe; That is, end our dependence on gas as quickly as possible. Until we do that, we do not control our own electricity prices. For competitiveness, that's a serious problem. But we are not going back to the world as we knew it before Russian tanks rolled across the Ukrainian border in February 2022, and the policy actions we take must reflect this. Today's theme is urgent. I would like to see a clear, urgent action plan from the Commission aimed at lowering EU energy prices. Set out what needs to be done urgently, and let that list be the benchmark by which this mandate is judged. This is about this. Thank you.

A Uachtaráin, this is a debate we have had time and time again over the years. I have consistently called for stronger action to prevent cyberbullying, including criminalisation, and for better educational initiatives for children to better understand its impacts. And I have organised public events to highlight this terrible affliction. And I am pleased that in Ireland we have led in this area through Coco's Law, which criminalises a range of cyberbullying offences including non-consensual image sharing and harassment. At EU level, we have important provisions included in the Digital Services Act to protect minors online. This is all extremely important. However, we cannot ignore the root cause here. 97 % of young people use the internet daily. 78 % of 13 to 17-year-olds check their devices at least hourly, and 46 % report checking them almost constantly. The social media apps and websites they use are designed to be addictive – and they are. Being constantly online leaves children vulnerable to a range of threats, including cyberbullying. I think we must take urgent steps now at EU level, to remove access and make it illegal for children to use social media at least before the age of 16, as they do in Australia, where, as Chair of DANZ, I was able to discuss with stakeholders recently. I call on the Commission to come forth with proposals as a matter of priority. Let us try to deal with this scourge once and for all.

A Uachtaráin, if one thing has been made clear in 2026, it is that Europe needs trustworthy trading partners – the bigger the better. And few come bigger than India. That is why it is of paramount importance that a deal can be reached, which facilitates investments and opens up trade for the EU into the world's fastest-growing economy. Populists across the world have used slow economic growth to decry free trade and push protectionist measures, such as tariffs or leaving the EU, even though we have seen that the knock-on effects are detrimental to their own citizens. We must instead seek growth and competitiveness to deliver the economic prosperity EU citizens are looking for. A major part of that is opening up new markets for trade and investment. This will leave us less reliant and exposed to threats, giving Europe the sovereignty to make its own decisions. A deal with India will have major benefits for Irish businesses – tariffs and trade barriers will be lowered on Irish spirits, pharmaceuticals and professional services to export to India. A deal would open up the rapidly growing Indian savings wealth to be invested in Irish companies. This will protect and create jobs across Ireland and indeed Europe. Now, more than ever, that is what we need in Europe to be strong, prosperous and competitive. Let's do it.

A Uachtaráin, a Choimisinéir, radio is not just a part of our culture; it could save your life. The Digital Networks Act should protect in-car radio – not just for our enjoyment, but for our safety. If the subsea cables around Ireland were damaged, or if we experienced an electricity blackout like Spain and Portugal did last year, or a major storm like we had last January, what would happen? Internet and cellular coverage would be severely hampered. Our hyper-connected lifestyles would be interrupted, leading to panic and concerns about access to vital services. This is where in-car radio is invaluable. Each car battery would ensure that people could power their radios, allowing them to receive essential government communications. Though this may sound extreme, requiring car manufacturers to keep in-car radios in an easy win for building societal resilience. Not only that, but it prevents local radio and national culture from being squeezed out by high-tech firms and streaming services. Irish people are extremely proud of our national broadcasting and it is especially important in rural areas and for older people. It is part of the fabric of our lives. And who knows? It may even save them someday.

Thank you, President. Dear Commissioner, God bless you this morning. We have seen this debate too many times. Efforts to combat misinformation and harmful online content are pitted against fundamental rights, free speech and national sovereignty, and we make little progress as a result. It's a tired story, where the real losser is the legitimacy of our institutions – the very thing that makes Putin and his cronies happy. If we want the Democracy Shield to be effective, we must start at the beginning. We need clear, shared definitions of the hybrid threats we face. Those threats must be properly identified and classified so that any future regulation can be enforced with legal certainty, rather than undermined by endless disputes and internal conflict. For this to work, it needs to be done in a transparent way. I call on the Commission to present a proposal, much as it did for the green taxonomy, which clearly defines these hybrid threats. These terms should then be debated and decided on in this Parliament, with buy-in and input from all parties. It is only then, with clear, agreed-upon legal definitions, that we can hope to bring in enforcement mechanisms to give the Democracy Shield the teeth it needs. Without this clarity, we are doomed to more of the same tired, self-destructive debate. That's what it is, Mr. President, and Happy Christmas to all of you. Thank you.

A Uachtaráin, last but not least, of course. Support Ukraine? Absolutely. Transatlantic relations? At their lowest ebb ever. EU strategic autonomy? Absolutely vital. In relation to Ukraine, the frozen assets have to be utilised. Guarantees for Belgium? They don't have to carry the can for Europe. Then it should be solved. As regards America, Trump's attitude is simple. Two words: 'America first'. Our answer? Two words: 'Europe first'. So we have to grow industries in Europe. 'Made in Europe' has to be our selling point. Above all, we have to develop the infrastructure to make it happen. A good starting point would be to implement Commissioner Jørgensen's grids package – which we discussed yesterday – because that would guarantee us energy security and energy independence, and that would be a good starting point for strategic autonomy of the European Union.

Mr President, thank you to Commissioner Jørgensen. You have listened to us and you have shared suggestions in the package that are very good. Good on you. I think we are in full agreement. an expanded and modernised electricity grid is non-negotiable, if we want decarbonisation, electrification and lower energy costs for citizens and industry. The grid package makes it very clear that our electricity grid is the backbone of climate policy, energy security and competitiveness. But we should be very clear on one point: you cannot say you want these things and then oppose measures put forward to deliver the required infrastructure. Anyone who is talking out of both sides of their mouth. According to the International Energy Agency, a fully decarbonised electricity system by 2035 is a precondition for reaching net zero by 2050. 2035 is just 10 years away, yet across Europe, major grid projects still take, as the Commissioner said, anything from 10 to 12 years from planning to delivery. If you oppose measures to accelerate permitting for grids and renewables, you are simply not supporting a decarbonised power system. You are actually making it impossible. That needs to be said loud and clear. These proposals are designed to cut timelines, remove some of the appeals and procedures that add years, without adding any real environmental value. Ultimately, the delivery of a decarbonised electricity system will do far more for nature and habitats than any legal appeal to a pylon or overhead line ever could. We cannot afford delays. Delays mean higher consumer bills, more renewable power curtailed and wasted, investment elsewhere, and a prolonged dependence on imported fossil fuels. I also welcome the proposed revision of TEN-E and the move towards more coordinated EU-level grid planning. I know every one of us will hear from our national TSOs and those concerns which they will mention deserve to be taken seriously. But if we want a genuine energy union, we must get away from fragmented grid planning across the EU. Cross-border coordination is essential if we want the most efficient and resilient system. Thank you, Mr. President, and let us continue the good work. Let's make the grid. Good on you.

A Uachtaráin, when Putin invaded Ukraine, he surprised many people in Europe, especially in the West. But we surprised him with the unity in which we responded, particularly in the sanctions being imposed so quickly, the welcoming of unfortunate Ukrainian refugees, but also the speed at which we are moving now to independency on Russia for oil and gas. But even if there was no Putin, we should be doing this anyway, because, as Ursula von der Leyen pointed out in her State of the Union address, dependency means control, means higher prices. So the alternative is what we want. Develop our renewables – we'll be shortly discussing grids – and the grids to go with them so that we can have healthier lives, cheaper energy and, above all, independence. So today is a good day from that point of view, but the sooner we move now to the alternatives that are out there, the wind and the sun, put the grids to make them happen, then we will have true independence and we can forget about Putin.

This is not about blame; this is about being realistic. The plan proposed by the US, in the name of Donald Trump, makes no sense. It's a capitulation. And without the support of Europe – both in terms of taking in refugees and supporting Ukraine in the war – they would have been overrun long ago by Russia. Peace, to be realistic, has to be fair – and particularly fair to those who are suffering. In this instance, it's Ukraine that's suffering. Russia started the war and that mustn't be forgotten.

Madam President, those who do not learn from history are doomed to repeat it. Appeasing bullies won't stop wars. Yes, we need a plan to end this war, to end the destruction and the violence. But how we bring that about matters. This is not a surrender: there can be no decisions made without Ukraine and without Europe. Russia does not get to dictate the future security of Ukraine or of Europe. The fundamental principle that borders cannot be changed by force remains paramount, and under no ceasefire agreement should the front lines be frozen where they currently are. Creating peace by granting Russia all its demands is not the way we do business in Europe. To do so would only encourage other authoritarian regimes to attack neighbouring countries in the sure knowledge that, for the sake of peace, they'd be given more land. And as Ursula von der Leyen pointed out, this would lead to more wars in due course. We need a real peace plan, not a capitulation plan. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, over a year on from the Draghi report, and how are we doing? Not too well, I'm afraid. As Mr Draghi himself warned recently, we need a step change in the EU's action. Competitiveness depends fundamentally on two things: affordable energy and technological leadership. Yet both are being undermined by delays to the infrastructure we urgently need, from power grids to semiconductor foundries. Today, half of the Greek capacity required by 2030 has not yet entered the delivery phase, and even projects that have been approved are facing delays of up to five years because of permitting bottlenecks. This won't cut it. So what needs to change? First, Europe needs a truly coordinated investment and planning strategy for cross-border infrastructure. That includes completing the capital markets union so that European savings can be put to work. Second, we need to cut the red tape holding projects back. We need to reform planning systems to speed up permitting and make it more attractive for private capital to invest. We must redouble our efforts, or else watch as Europe gets left behind. Mr Draghi should do an annual report on each country, rating them from 1 to 27 on how they are performing. As the saying goes, we have to live according to our word.

A Uachtaráin Metsola, a Uachtaráin von der Leyen, affordable housing has become one of the most urgent social and economic challenges across Europe. Just last week, Eurostat reported that house prices in the EU have risen by an average of 53.4 % over the past decade. And in Ireland, that figure sits well above average at a staggering 83.4 %. For many, owning or even renting a home is out of reach. But the housing crisis is also a direct threat to Europe's economy. The shortage of housing is making it increasingly difficult for businesses to attract and retain workers. This exacerbates labour shortages and undermines competitiveness. The upcoming European affordable housing plan is a crucial opportunity to deliver a practical, business-friendly and future-orientated framework; one that mobilises public and private investment, promotes innovation and digitalisation and, above all, simplifies regulation and planning – the bane of our lives. This is our chance to guide the Commission's affordable housing plan. Let us not let the opportunity slip.

A Uachtaráin, I've always been in favour of enlargement. I think when you join a club, you shouldn't close the door behind you, lock it and keep everyone else out. My country has benefited hugely from joining the European Union way back in 1973. Then, of course, we had Brexit. I always felt that the best answer to Brexit is enlargement, and there are many countries that want to join the European Union rather than leave it. But joining also has responsibilities, and I think that is one of the key aspects that we need to emphasise – learning from the obnoxious behaviour of Viktor Orbán in Hungary, utilising the benefits of the European Union, then making himself popular at home by criticising everything the European Union does and voting against anything the European Union wants. So Ursula von der Leyen is right when she says we need to shake off the shackles of unanimity. This is something we should do on a gradual basis – not in everything, because there will be some areas that will be very sensitive for Member States, but certainly you cannot have a situation where Orbán has abused the situation. So we need to look at that.

A Uachtaráin, a chairde, the late John Hume, who won the Nobel Peace Prize for helping to broker the Good Friday Agreement, once said that we must spill sweat and not blood to bring about a brighter future. Just two weeks ago, we celebrated the ceasefire deal brokered by President Trump. Last weekend's events showed just how fragile it is. There is a narrow path to lasting peace in Gaza. It will require enormous restraint from both Israel and Hamas. It will require international partners to apply pressure on them to do so, and to hold each accountable for breaches like those over the weekend. It will require the inclusion of democratic actors like the EU and the UN, to help deliver a surge of aid to Gaza, to set up systems of governance and policing, and to create a credible process towards a two-state solution. There is a path to peace, but all sides – us included – must now spill sweat, not more blood.

Dear President, Without a doubt, there is a terrible war in Ukraine. And at the same time, US President Donald Trump was talking about peace, which Russia has no interest in. The best way to achieve peace is to win the war, and talking about it in the middle of the war, it's like a football team talking about a celebration in the middle of a game. You have to win the game and then you can celebrate it and the best way to achieve peace is for the Ukrainian people to win the war and keep their country. With regard to the various attacks that Russia is carrying out on us, such as drones, cyber-attack messages and disrupting our democracy, we need to urgently develop our infrastructure to protect ourselves from these different Russian attacks. Good on you, Ukraine.

A Uachtaráin, imagine you were stuck under rubble after one of the most deadly earthquakes in Afghanistan's recent history, and you can't be helped because of the Taliban's rule of no skin contact with unrelated males and females. The marginalisation of women in Afghanistan has reached new heights. Bans on women working in NGOs, studying, and restrictions on their travel have massively impacted women's access to healthcare and humanitarian aid. Women also face increased gender-based violence following disasters, brought on by the intense pressure on communities through displacement, loss of livelihoods and more. I applaud the work of organisations such as UN Women, who are doing extraordinary work to help people on the ground. These organisations need financial support, and I urge the world to not turn their backs on the Afghan women and girls, and the organisations dedicated to help them.