Speeches

Madam President, first of all, my congratulations. Who else than the Italian Prime Minister should start the new dialogue between the European Parliament and the Member States with this new framing of ‘This is Europe’? Italy was always a driver for European integration. I want to mention also Alcide de Gasperi and I also want to mention David Sassoli. A lot of European leaders have come from Italy and Italy needs a strong Europe, but also Europe needs a strong Italy. Thank you, dear Prime Minister Draghi, not only for being here today, but also for your brilliant work as an ECB president in the last decade. I want to thank you, first of all, for your leadership in the last period of time as Prime Minister of Italy. Italy was the first target of the pandemic, and finally Italy reacted in a very well organised way. It became a kind of role model in managing the pandemic on the European level. It was the RRF, you mentioned it. My party, the European People’s Party, with Angela Merkel, with Ursula von der Leyen, also I want to mention Antonio Tajani and other friends – we showed that we are ready to invest in solidarity on the European Union level after the pandemic, to restart our economy, to give a good idea about the future of our economy and our European solidarity approach. Italy is the country which gets the biggest share of this RRF and you are showing that this money is well spent. You combined this with the reform agenda in Italy and that is great because, for the long run, a good implementation of the Recovery and Resilience Fund gives us on European level arguments for the continuation of the European solidarity approach. And also for Ukraine, Italy had a clear position in this conflict. So your clear leadership is good for Italy, but also good for Europe in crisis. We need more than ever before this kind of leadership and towards, to quote Alcide de Gasperi, he said once, ‘a politician looks to the next election; a statesman looks to the next generation’, and Europe needs more statesmen and less tactics in Europe. When we describe now the challenges of today – you mentioned a few of them – I could sum up my contribution today and say, ‘well great, let’s do it now’, because we have a lot of these speeches and we see ambitious approaches from our leaders on the Council side. When I would frame, let me say, the general consideration from my party’s point of view, then I want to underline that Europe must avoid another lost generation. We need a Europe for the youth. We have to shape a Europe of hope and not of fear, and we have to shape a Europe of opportunities and not of limitations – and that’s why you mentioned it. The outcome of the Conference on the Future of Europe is, for us, a motivating starting signal to now go further. And that’s why let me really underline, let me be clear, that I am really happy that you today, as one of the first leaders on the Council side, you are outspoken but clear that after this Conference you are ready for a convention, indeed a new power architecture for the European Union. Thank you so much for this leadership. When we speak about the concrete points, then for sure foreign affairs and defence is a main pillar. We experience clear momentum in the European Union. Citizens are together showing solidarity with Ukraine friends and we have to speed up now our efforts to build up a European defence union, integrated for sure into NATO. You spoke about a pragmatic federalisation of the European Union, federal system of Europe. I want to give you an example. On this defence, the long-term idea is a European army, no doubt about this, but in the short term we should focus on European added value. For example, on cyber defence, it’s obvious that we are much stronger if we do it together. Or on a missile defence system, it’s obvious that we can protect our airspace together much more effectively than if we do it at national level. So let’s focus on the concrete things. We need these kind of flagship projects now to make things possible. Unvestments would be much easier, much cheaper in the future – you mentioned this, and also for our military, it would be much more effective. I want to underline a second point, which is important for us, and that is we can only have a good future for our European Union if we create growth again. Economic strength is the real power base for today’s strengthened European Union. And as a central banker, you know that a good future needs a union of growth, but not a union of further debt. And as a family father, you also know that the most important thing for the future of the next generation is opportunities and not additional burden. So that’s why when we speak about the economic model for the future, we face fundamental changes. We haven’t spoken so much in the last weeks about China, about what is happening on the global market, but we know things are fundamentally changing. We speak about independence in today’s European Union, but this means also to have a little bit less globalisation, which was the foundation for our economic success in the last decades. So that’s why we have to rechange and reorganise the economic model, including on a global level. And that’s why we are strongly fighting for a single market for the free world on the global stage. We have to bring together Australia, India, Japan, all those who believe in our values on the economic base that can create a precondition for the growth for tomorrow. And finally, on migration, let me underline that there are no Italian, Greek or Spanish migrants. There are only European migrants. It’s a common European challenge, and that’s why the European Parliament is ready for a solution. You know that we are waiting for the Council to solve the legislative blockade on the Council side. Let’s go now after the Ukraine experience for solving this problem. Ladies and gentlemen, we hear today a leader who was ambitious for the future of Europe. Now it’s a moment to implement things. Now it’s a moment to do it, to make it real. That is what brings us the trust and the support from our citizens. Let’s use this debate, thanks to Roberta Metsola’s initiative, for creating exactly the precondition for the delivery process.

Dear President Metsola, President von der Leyen, President Michel, High Representative Borrell! First of all, I would like to thank Roberta Metsola. It was the right moment to go to Kiev last week and send a signal of unity and solidarity among Democrats and elected parliamentarians. It was a courageous step to take this journey. And, dear Roberta, I would like to thank you once again for this. Now also the announced visit of our Commission President together with the High Representative to Kiev for next week: The signals come at the right time. They are more urgent than ever. Mariupol almost completely destroyed, deportations of Ukrainian citizens to Russia, mass rapes of Ukrainian women by soldiers, by Russian soldiers. And now on the weekend Butscha: Executions of unarmed civilians whose only mistake is that they are Ukrainians. You take your breath away, you're speechless. And honestly, you're also a bit ashamed of the powerlessness that characterizes you. I think about the European idea. The last century was marked by war crimes. It was marked by massacres of civilians, genocide carried out by German soldiers. The lesson we learned from this was: never again, Never again. The question I ask myself today: Is this spirit alive? How strong is this European spirit? Are we serious about ‘never again’? ‘Never again’ means first of all: the acute attempt to create justice in this difficult situation, to carry out investigations, to take up judicial evidence of the war crimes that have been committed. European support must be ensured wherever possible. Putin is a war criminal. Butsha's murderers must be brought to justice. You won't be able to hide. No war criminal should feel safe in Europe. This is the first "never again". The second ‘never again’ is weapons, weapons, weapons. The supplies we are currently making available to Ukrainian friends are not sufficient. And it is frankly a shame for Europe that we are not able to bring production up faster now, that we can produce weapons. We also need heavy weapons. The deliveries of tanks from the Czech Republic are a good signal. And yes, if we are not prepared to establish a no-fly zone, then Ukraine needs anti-aircraft missiles to assert itself. "Never again" also means that we are now financially supporting Ukraine. We have reports that state bankruptcy is imminent in the next few days because there is a lack of revenue and the costs are still there. Therefore, money must not play a role in this matter now. "Never again" also means supporting the new package of sanctions, an energy embargo. Coal is a good step. Honestly, it goes through your mind why new pictures were necessary so that we can take this step. But we want to go one step further. I believe that there has now been a broad consensus in the European Parliament's negotiations for our resolution that we also call for an immediate halt to oil supplies to the European Union as a European Parliament in broad terms. There are big gains that would no longer flow to Russia. And when we talk about the sanctions package, it is right that we conclude European ports for Russian ships, that we launch a comprehensive sanctions package for the banks, that all banks are now excluded from SWIFT. And I would like to mention explicitly that we should finally take individuals from the list of the foundation of Alexei Navalny. There are people on it that we should put on the European sanctions list. "Never again" also means that no one can remain neutral. I would therefore like to express my thanks to Charles Michel and Ursula von der Leyen for the clarity at last Friday's EU-China summit. It is depressing to see that China incorporates Russian propaganda into its argumentation, and especially after Butsha, China must also know: Those who support Putin, those who support Russia, are on the wrong side. And there will also be the question for us Europeans whether we can credibly announce, together with the USA: Those who support Russia, those who supply weapons, have to face consequences. And "never again" means that we need a position of strength as Europeans. Europe needs to arm itself. Unfortunately, the European dimension is lacking in God's initiatives. We know of many initiatives at the national level to strengthen defence. But the European dimension is missing. And it is urgently needed. ‘Never again’, colleagues, mass executions of defenceless civilians, mass rapes, genocide, war. Putin is the opposite of what Europe stands for, what the idea of Europe stands for. The war in Ukraine is our war. And that's why we ask ourselves the question: Are we going to do it justice? Are we acting as Europeans now? "Never again" - now!

Madam President, please allow me to speak on behalf of my Group, but I hope also on behalf of all the colleagues here, in this House, to express that we are very thankful for your trip to Ukraine, to Kyiv. It was a big message of solidarity to the Ukrainian friends. It was a big message of strengthening democracy, rule of law. And you did this as the first President of an European institution, so you made the European Parliament colleagues proud about this. Thank you so much for this courageous trip.

Madam President Metsola, Madam President von der Leyen, President Michel, ! We now have four weeks of war in Europe – and what comes to mind first is respect for Ukrainians. Their struggle for their country, but also for freedom and democracy, for the rule of law are impressive. They defend it, and Russia stands for a gross, brutal breach of civilization. The first task is to support Ukraine, which has so far been presented in an impressive way. I would like to thank all executives for Europe's commitment. Europe stands together on sanctions, on supporting Ukraine. The most important message is for sure: Weapons, weapons, weapons. An additional 500 million euros have been made available. I would like to express my gratitude to Josep Borrell for his support and leadership on this issue. The European Union and NATO are not warring parties, but Ukraine has the right to self-defense, and we support them in doing so. The second question is the refugees, the children, the women who come to Europe. I would also like to pay respect to civil society. I would like to mention Warsaw as one of the places where many refugees arrive in Europe. Rafał Trzaskowski as Mayor of Warsaw, civil society, citizens helping on the ground. Thanks for that! They show the good face of Europe. More money is needed. We will have to shift this even further. And in order to maintain solidarity in Europe for the long haul, we will also have to talk about binding solidarity mechanisms, distribution mechanisms in Europe, so that everyone can contribute. The third thing I want to address is to recall once again the question that President Zelenskyy asked us when he spoke here. He asked us the question: Is it worth fighting? Are we welcome as Ukrainians? Can we become a member of the EU? I said: Yes, of course Ukraine must become a member of the European Union. I hope that this signal will also come from the Council this week – this clear signal will come from the Council. Why not declare a candidate status now? Why not? Legal issues should not prevent us from doing so. And then, ladies and gentlemen, the 660 million euro question remains: We have now provided 500 million euros twice to support Ukraine militarily. But every day we transfer over 600 million euros to pay our gas bills to Vladimir Putin. This is the reference in which we work. Again, Europe has not yet been able to provide clear answers. It is reality: We are funding the war. It is reality: We finance populism, propaganda and dictatorship. It is reality: We are funding the war criminal in Moscow. That is the reality. And that is why the Council must show leadership here, too, not evade the question. The idea of a blocked account is on the table. Personally, I believe that, at least in the case of oil and coal, where substitution is easier – not easy, but easier – we are now voicing a ban on imports from Russia, at least in these two areas. We must not evade. And the oligarchs in Moscow must feel: You're on the losing road. Finally, ladies and gentlemen, the geopolitical dimension: This afternoon, Prime Minister Trudeau will speak in the European Parliament. Why we are so strong now is linked to the economic strength of our continent – and it depends on whether trade works in this world, whether we can trade. This is where our prosperity and economic strength come from. That is why I believe that we must now upgrade our trade relations with all democracies and free societies in the world, negotiate a CETA Plus with Canada. I would like to remind all those who rejected CETA here in the European Parliament: A trade agreement between Europe and Canada is not a bad thing. It is a good basis to strengthen Europe, to drive the economy, to maintain our economic base. That's why we need the courage to move forward. Last but not least: Joe Biden picked up the phone and spoke to President Xi on the phone in China. His clear message was: When China delivers weapons to Russia, it supports a war criminal. The United States will not tolerate this. I ask myself the question: Who, on behalf of Europe, is now taking the phone in hand and talking to China about this question? Is Europe ready to speak clearly to China on this issue? Don't choose the wrong side. This issue is in the room, next week the EU-China summit will take place, and I hope that Europe has the unity, the strength to also say to China that we will not tolerate it if China chooses the wrong side. We invite them to partner, but we will not tolerate the support of war criminals.

Madam President, First of all, it is great to see a full plenary, if I may say so. The fact that we start again today with normal operation is a great, beautiful experience. This House, Madam President, has been united over the last few years in the fight for the rule of law in the European Union. This is something that is important to us, something that unites us all in this House, across party lines. Last week, opposition leaders were imprisoned for 24 hours in a member state of the European Union, and there was no formal charge. There was also no court order. No judge was involved. It was just an order from the Interior Minister, a politician who put the opposition leader in jail. Today, a court in Sofia ruled that the actions of the Minister of the Interior were not in line with the law, not in line with the legal situation in Sofia, in Bulgaria. We are dealing there with a breach of the rule of law mechanism. I would like to address it, I would like to ask the Commission and also our internal services to take a close look at this. We want a fight against corruption – we are all behind it, but this fight against corruption must be based on the rule of law and it has been broken in Bulgaria. This needs to be clarified.

Madam President, February 24 is a deep caesura in Europe and in the world. War is back in Europe. And every word, every speech, seems small in view of the achievements that the Ukrainians are now accomplishing. And that is why admiration is at the heart of it all – for Ukrainians, their President Zelenskyy at the head, for their steadfastness, for their love of freedom, for their courage, for their determination. They are today's heroes of our February 24th is a day of freedom for Europe: the same feeling from Dublin to Athens, from Lisbon to Riga – on the one hand the shock, the horror of the brutality of the Russian attack and on the other hand the admiration and solidarity with the people of Ukraine. They fight for us, for our values. These days, this ‘Kiev moment’ of 24 February, make us all Europeans. This ‘Kiev moment’ now also forces us to provide clear answers. When President Zelensky asks us: “Are we welcome? Can we become a member of the European Union? Are we part of it?", I say on behalf of the largest party in Europe: “Yes, you are welcome! Yes, you belong to the European Union. You are our friends.” (Applause) The ‘Kiev moment’ also forces us to show the alternatives. Putin is a brutal aggressor. It stands for the opposite of what we are convinced of, namely nationalism, autocracy, the rejection of all rule of law, dull thinking in imperial zones of influence. His thinking is the complete opposite of us, a Europe that wants to overcome borders, to defeat nationalism, to show respect for everyone, to defend the rule of law, democracy and freedom. But the "Kiev moment" also means that we are honest with ourselves, making it clear that we need to act now. The sanctions put together an unprecedented package. I would like to thank everyone involved for the work of the last hours and days. We, as the largest group, support these measures, but one thing is also clear: Just a few days ago, a week ago, there was not so much talk about it. Some have even refused to Nord Stream 2 as a sanction option. We were not determined enough to prepare for the steps Putin has now chosen. This means for us today: We must become more capable of action, abandon our naivety and finally abolish unanimity in foreign policy. (Applause) The "Kiev moment" also means a strong NATO, but also building a strong European pillar. The EPP visited NATO troops in Lithuania last week. I asked a Dutch commander: ‘What is your greatest wish for politics?’ And his answer was: “We spend 50% of our time coordinating technical standards for radios, technology and ammunition. Finally, create common European structures!" This was the request of the soldiers who are currently defending Europe’s freedom. The "Kiev moment" means: Europe needs to think big now. That is why, I ask, we need to rethink the Conference on the Future of Europe. The Citizens' Dialogue is closed. We have the feedback. Now is the right time to make this conference a real place where we decide on the future of Europe, have the courage to take these steps together – when, if not now! And the "Kiev moment" also shows that we need to put the policy areas we have to discuss here in the European Parliament to the test: energy policy, already mentioned by Ursula von der Leyen, the EU must Green Deal accelerating and concluding new international partnerships and energy trade agreements. And for us, the ‘Kiev moment’ means: We are united with the United States in a community of destiny. With Joe Biden in particular, we now have to take advantage of this momentum. It is now clear how important a united economic union, an economic power, is for freedom and democracy. And that's why we want to build a new TTIP, a new trade agreement with the Americans, so that we can be even closer together. It is the right time to address the further development of Europe with this Kiev moment. A new time is beginning. We need a long breath. Freedom and the European way of life It's worth it. Freedom has no price tag. You don't pay the price of freedom until you lose it. The courageous Ukrainians prove this to us. We are at your side! (Applause)

Madam President Metsola, President von der Leyen, President Michel, Vice-President Borrell! I'm glad you're all here. First of all, it is important that we as Europeans assess the situation together at this moment and discuss it today. These days we are talking about a basic promise, the basic promise of the European Union, namely the basic promise for peace. We can hardly imagine the fear of the Ukrainians, the concern that currently prevails there. But it's not just about Ukraine, it's about us: Ensuring peace. The first question we need to ask ourselves is: What is this conflict really about? Some are trying to say that this is about NATO's eastward expansion, it's about security interests. I don't think so. In the 1980s, people in Gdansk took to the streets, fighting for freedom and democracy. Then at the end of the 1980s in Dresden, in the Baltics, in Budapest: The fall of the Iron Curtain, the collapse of communism. Then the Maidan in Kiev, where people fought and died for freedom and democracy, and now, a few years ago in Minsk, in Belarus, where people took to the streets for this idea. The idea of freedom wins. It goes forward step by step inexorably. I myself was on Maidan in 2014, I spoke with the young people there. And that is why one thing must be clear to us Europeans: We stand with the people who stand up for freedom and democracy. It may be another moment when we have to say: It is about our core values and we will defend them. whatever it takes. Ladies and gentlemen, the biggest threat to Putin is not NATO troops, but a free, democratic Ukraine. That's the biggest threat to him. The second question we need to answer is: What is our task now? How can we secure peace? Putin only understands the language of power. And today that means we need a clear bill that we present to him: The cost is high! For my political party, the European People's Party, I can make it clear that Nord Stream 2 cannot go online if there is an escalation. The exclusion of Russian banks from the international financial market is inevitable for us. And the restriction on high-tech supplies already announced by the President of the Commission is on this list. But let's be honest: Paris is campaigning and Germany is unable to put Nord Stream 2 in its mouth. We are not strong on these issues at the moment. That is why I hope that we will become stronger, that we will clearly formulate the bill that we are presenting. Any uncertainty motivates Putin to continue on his path. The third question we need to ask ourselves is: How can we talk to Putin? Are there possibilities for compromise? Dialogue is important, debate is important. But there is no bargaining chip on the basic principles. The sovereignty of states is inviolable. There are no zones of influence in which Putin decides. And war is not a means of politics in today's Europe. Therefore, the annexation of Crimea in violation of international law is still in violation of international law. And the fourth question we have to ask ourselves is: Hasn't Putin achieved a great deal? He has a free hand in Belarus. Lukashenko is now a puppet of the Kremlin, and they do joint military exercises. In the Duma, the demand is made to recognize eastern Ukraine as a state, to deepen the division of Ukraine. In fact, this is already the reason for further sanctions, which we must now put on the road. And a few weeks ago, here in the European Parliament, we presented Alexei Navalny with the Sakharov Prize. Now the news reaches us that he will have to go to jail for another 15 years, without a legal basis, without a fair trial. Putin is trying to lock the opposition and the idea of freedom away in Russia. And that alone is another reason to discuss sanctions against Russia. All of this is disappearing – under the saber-rattling of Putin that we are witnessing, under the threat of this great threat of war. And the fifth question I want to raise is our own role as a European Union. And let's be honest: We are not yet sufficiently prepared for these storms of world politics, which we are currently experiencing again. We are not yet sufficiently prepared. In Geneva, no European politician sits at the table when discussing and deciding on the European security architecture. Germany and France are trying to coordinate, but it could work better in coordination. We know that the sanctions still raise the question of whether Viktor Orbán or some others might disappear and take different positions. And I must also criticise the fact that there is no EU summit at this historic stage, where the heads of state and government meet and are able to send a strong signal to each other that we stand with Ukraine. No meeting of Heads of State or Government in this historic phase! Ladies and gentlemen, development is a wake-up call. We must finally develop our strength in foreign and security policy, end unanimity, build a cyber defence brigade to defend our critical infrastructure. And we finally need a real foreign minister who is able to speak with real force for the entire European Union. I get up every morning and think to myself: Could it be that we're talking about war again? I think that's how many Europeans do it. But I tell you: There is one in Moscow who is willing to use war – he has proven it on several occasions. We will wake up in a new European reality, we will wake up in a new European Union. And we need to prepare for it now. Peace and freedom are the promises of the European Union. 44 million Ukrainians expect solidarity. We as the EPP – and I think Parliament too – stand behind them.

Madame President, Roberta – that sounds good. I would like to welcome and thank Mr President for his speech. France is ready and, after your speech, I’m sure that Europe will be in good hands in the next six months. The priorities are well set. If I may say, from an EPP point of view, I hear defence, I see industry policy and I see jobs. Your Presidency will even organise a conference on the fight against cancer, from what I saw. Many EPP priorities are therefore present, and that’s why you can count on the biggest political family in the European Union to deliver on these issues. We need progress in Europe. I want to focus, in my contribution today, on more general considerations. My first consideration is ‘no more words, we need actions now in Europe’. We listened to your Sorbonne speech, in essence. You had a great speech here in 2018, in this House, and that was also the case today. We hear a lot about a vision for Europe, about sovereignty, about a stronger Europe. I deeply believe in what you say in this perspective for Europe. But in the last five years, is Europe really more sovereign than before? Every six months we welcome here in this Chamber a new Presidency: Angela Merkel was here, Prime Minister Janša, Prime Minister Costa. For Prime Ministers, it is probably interesting to be here and to present ideas on European stage. For us, it is a kind of a routine, and sometimes I even must say kind of a boring routine, because we hear the same on the big things on the agenda every six months. That’s why the question is: can we speed up? I give you a few considerations, a few examples of this. For years, we have known about Putin’s behaviour. He threatens us. He wants to go to war against Ukraine. He wants to build up an empire, an empire of oligarchs against our idea of freedom. The European Council, let’s be frank, is not capable today of making a firm stand with today’s world on the table. Nord Stream 2 – in my opinion – must be stopped if there is a military escalation in Ukraine. What is going on in Council? After Afghanistan and Ukraine, it’s obvious that we now need someone in the Council who goes to the Council and tells them we have to stop unanimous votes on foreign affairs issues. Who will do so? Take rule of law as another example. I voted personally here, in this House, in favour of an Article 7 procedure against Hungary. My party today is – in Slovakia, in the Czech Republic and in Poland with Donald Tusk – the frontrunner for rule of law and for a pro—European approach. That is the EPP today. On the other hand, I see that the Article 7 procedure is not even on the table of the Council. You do press statements among leaders, but when Viktor Orbán and you are sitting together, you are not ready to talk about this. Let’s be clear on the question of voting. You are even obliged to vote now on the Article 7 procedure on Council, but nothing is happening. We fought, as Parliament, for a binding rule of law mechanism, and the Commission will do what we asked them to do, but the Council is not capable of delivering. There are two examples of what I mean when I say that we need actions now, and no more words. That is what Europe needs. I would add another point, the second consideration. You have to consider that, in the Western democracies, you see more and more splits. A real big question for us is: how can we keep our societies together? Cities against rural areas, young generation against an ageing continent, vaccinated people against unvaccinated people. I try also to explain this on an example. The ‘yellow vests’ are not only a French phenomenon. Yes, we are committed to the fight against climate change, but when we discuss the issues of the ‘Green Deal’ in the next two years, we have to take care about the poor. Energy poverty is unacceptable for us in Europe. Higher energy costs will also bring high inflation, and that will also be a problem for the poor in our societies. That’s why we have to put this subject at the centre of the debate about the ‘Green Deal’. Otherwise, populism will grow and the transition will fail. That’s why the EPP will take care of this. Allow me to add a final point, a more general consideration again on this splitting up, about the political concept. You know that I am a Christian Democrat. My party, as the EPP, are ‘bridge builders’ by definition. In some of your contributions in the past, I understood that you are increasingly separating progressives and populists to create this split in our society. This is not healthy in the long run. It’s good to have competition in the centre of the landscape, between different political ideas among democrats, and not creating the split towards the populists. Probably, with this approach, we’ll make the populists even bigger than they are. That’s why I’m happy, as an EPP politician, that with Valérie Pécresse we now have real competition in the centre of the landscape. I’m happy about this, and maybe let’s see about the French voters. The French voters will also make gender balance a reality as they vote the first time for a French female pro—European candidate. So that is allowed, if I may say this as a party politician, Mr President, but I really like your ambitious approach for Europe, and especially the support for this Chamber. 210 million people voted in 2019 for this Parliament. The second biggest democracy in the world is Europe. To strengthen this institution, and to show that the decisions of the future are made in this Institution, is something we all believe in. We count on you to turn the outcome of the Conference for the Future of Europe into reality. Mr Macron, Mr President, welcome! Time is running out; let’s keep Europe united! No more words, let’s practice actions!

Dear President, dear Roberta! On behalf of your group, the European People's Party, I cordially congratulate you on your election as President of the European Parliament! And personally: Happy birthday – ! I congratulate you and would also like to underline that today you have received a strong mandate from this plenary, have received strong support. I would also like to thank you, on behalf of my group, for your support for our candidate for the European People's Party. It is a signal that we want to work together for the next two and a half years until the 2024 European elections – in a spirit of cooperation, in a spirit of delivery, so that our citizens know that we are working together for them on the tasks that our President has just described. Today, with Roberta Metsola, we elect the youngest President of the European Parliament in the entire history of our House; we elect a president who comes from a very small Member State – that is, even small states mean a lot in the European Union; and we elect a woman to head the European Parliament. Let me point out for the EPP Group that we have now proposed two candidates, Ursula von der Leyen and Roberta Metsola, to represent the leaders of the European Union, because that is important to us, because we have strong women and strong personalities. I wish you all the best. Yesterday, unfortunately, we had to close a chapter because we thought of the death of David Sassoli. Unfortunately, an important and successful chapter has been closed. Today we open a new chapter; It will be a good chapter. All the best, Roberta – your group is proud of you.

– Madam President, the entire European Parliament pays tribute to our president, David Sassoli. We were all heartbroken by the news of his death. It was a shock. With his kindness, his values, European vocation, the seriousness and the spirit of compassion for helping those in need, David Sassoli is and was a great European. We owe him a lot. Our thoughts are, first of all, with his family: his wife, Alessandra Vittorini, and his two children, Livia and Giulio. Personally, I am losing a friend. He was a role model of professional ethics in both journalism and politics, far from loudness and dirty tactics. Indeed, David Sassoli will be remembered as a bridge builder, inspired by the idea of serving his community. Both his communication style and his political culture were inspired by the values of tolerance and solidarity. I loved to work with David. David was a real bridge builder. His roots lay in social Catholicism, and he was a committed social democrat, who not only listened to other opinions but also was able to build up on these different opinions, common solutions, to build up bridges. With his death, the European Parliament loses a passionate politician, a thoughtful leader and a great personality. His home was Italy, but his destiny was Europe. For example, he was in Berlin when the Wall fell. For him, the fall of the Berlin Wall was a European event, the founding episode of today’s Europe, which made the east, west, north and south of Europe stronger together. This togetherness and the unity of all Europeans was his approach to leading our European Parliament. David Sassoli repeatedly affirmed that young people want a different and more united Europe. He also reiterated his firm belief in the future of Europe, especially in the inauguration of the Conference on the Future of Europe, of which he is also one of the leading architects. And I quote him, ‘I am personally convinced that the awareness of our unity and a common destiny is shared by the majority of citizens and decision-makers. Let us overcome our differences and work together, while respecting our diversity, to lay the foundations for a new social, democratic and European contract. Let us make a stronger, more resilient, more democratic and more united Europe.’ Let us all work together to ensure that his legacy sees the light of day. Grazie mille di tutto, caro David. Riposa in pace. (Applausi)

Madam President, Dear Vice-President, Dear colleagues! I would first like to thank the Commission because you stopped the first texts of this g when they became politically relevant. That is why I would like to thank Margaritas Schinas, who will be speaking for the Commission afterwards, and also Ursula von der Leyen. It is not the Commission's position and it is good that this has been clarified. Nevertheless, my group has requested today's debate because there is a feeling of discomfort, because people outside have asked themselves the question: What happened there? What is the reason for such a g? Dear colleagues, there is a feeling that we should no longer talk about these main topics of our society, namely about faith and celebrating Christmas. To live faith, to celebrate Christmas, to have faith is for us as Christian Democrats something good, something right. Of course, this applies to all faiths, there is no question about that. The freedom of faith, and also the freedom not to believe, are central to the European way of life. And that is why, Mr. Vice-President, we also believe that we have aPecial Envoy for Religious Freedom on a Global Level We Europeans need to go out into the world and also promote this freedom of belief. But freedom of belief must not be misunderstood as a tolerance that leads to denunciations of faith being pushed into private, that we must not live faith. I'm Catholic. I believe in God. I believe in the fact that at Christmas now God comes into our world, shows us how a life, a successful life works, then dies and also shows that there is a perspective after death. I believe in it, it's my conviction, it's my creed, and I think it belongs in public. It is also part of this Parliament's plenary that we say what we stand for without forcing anyone else to do anything. Dear colleagues, the feeling that faith is a private matter and is being pushed out of the public eye is the real problem behind it. Europe is a Christian continent. Europe has Christian roots. Europe's DNA is Christian. Today's Europe would be inconceivable without Christianity. And over 300 million people on this continent refer to themselves as Christians – 300 million, two-thirds of the citizens of the European Union. In this respect, let us ensure that these basic confessions, these basic convictions, are not pushed into private life. I would like to invite you to fly over Europe, take off in Dublin and fly to Athens, take off in Riga and fly all the way to Lisbon. And you will notice diversity: Languages, food, drink, the way we dance. There is a lot of diversity on the continent, and I am happy to be European because it is so diverse. But there is one thing in common, namely, in the village over which you fly, and in many cities over which you fly, there is a Christian church in the middle. And that is why this commitment to these Christian roots is so important to us. And as a Christian Democrat, I would also like to say that we do not only want to describe this Christian character of the continent from the point of view of history, but we also want to preserve it for the future. Today's achievements on which we European way of life the social market economy, equality between men and women, freedom of belief, the abolition of the death penalty – we are the only continent that has completely banned the death penalty – and above all freedom would be inconceivable without the Christian image of humanity. And let me add one last thought, even to those who do not profess the Christian faith or to other faiths: All states of the European Union prescribe Christmas as a public holiday on which we are forced not to go to work, or invited not to go to work. Why is Christmas and every Christian holiday an advantage for all of us? Because all of Europe is coming to rest. Because our societies have places where we come to rest, where no e-mail is sent, no call takes place. So also for the non-Christian parts, the annual structure that we have is shaped by Christianity – an achievement and an advantage. Outside, thousands, hundreds of thousands, perhaps millions have asked themselves something, dear Margaritas Schinas: What's going on in the Commission? What happened there? A mistake has happened. It's been clarified. People want us to think about what we do as Christian Democrats. And we want to make it clear what we stand for. Living faith is positive. Freedom of belief is central. Europe is a Christian continent, and it should remain so for the future. Merry Christmas to you. Merry Christmas!

Mr President, Minister Logar, President von der Leyen, I also want to thank first of all the Slovenian Presidency for their service for the European Union, a great story and a lot of success stories behind, so thank you for all your efforts. This week, dear colleagues, we have to speak about war. War against, first of all, a virus that is killing people: 1 500 Europeans every day. Every day. A war against a health crisis which is forcing us to give us give up our lives – we cannot go to the Christmas market like we used to, and a war against a pandemic which is dividing our societies, which is creating hatred and also bringing violence to our streets and our cities. The first message, with this in mind, is again a big thank you. We say it often but it’s probably not often enough, that doctors, nurses and health workers are doing an incredible job. They go to their breaking point every single day. Thank you for this. The second message is that Europe is delivering, as President von der Leyen also expressed. We are world leaders on vaccinating people. We have a COVID certificate guaranteeing the freedom of movement inside the European Union, a huge success story, and we are global champion in solidarity, and it is about delivering vaccines to the rest of the world. The third message is vaccination is the strongest weapon we have to fight against the pandemic. That’s why we must promote again the booster campaign. We have to persuade our citizens, and as politicians we have to be very careful that we are not party politically misusing the concerns of some people when it is about vaccination for party political issues. We have to be united, to convince people to be vaccinated. And finally, we have to fight against disinformation. That’s probably the biggest worry I have currently. When I see that facts are no more the main argument in a democratic debate then we are lost as a democracy. That’s why we have to intensify our work to ask all social media providers to respect fundamental principles, fight against disinformation. If the social media providers are not doing this voluntarily, then we have to do it via legislation. Herr Präsident! Der zweite Krieg, den wir erleben, ist der stille Krieg in der Ostukraine, und vielleicht droht sogar ein heißer Krieg. Die Situation in Belarus, in der Ukraine, in Russland: Hunderttausend schwerbewaffnete Soldaten, strategisch positioniert, es stehen Grundsatzfragen im Raum: Woran glauben wir? Die erste Grundsatzfrage, die Souveränität von Staaten in der Europäischen Union, in Europa, ist für uns unantastbar. Es ist der freie Wille der Ukraine, demokratisch zu entscheiden, wie sie leben wollen und mit wem sie leben wollen. Nicht Moskau, nicht Brüssel, nicht Paris, nicht Berlin, niemand entscheidet, nur die Ukraine entscheidet. Und allen Versuchen der Geschichtsfälschung müssen wir entgegentreten. Die zweite Grundsatzfrage ist: Wir haben über schwere Krisen und Kriege auf diesem Kontinent das Prinzip erdacht und erarbeitet, dass Krieg kein legitimes Mittel der Politik ist. Leider Gottes hat Putin, hat Russland dieses Prinzip bereits gebrochen mit der Krim, mit der Intervention in Syrien und auch mit den steigenden Spannungen im Westbalkan. Wir dürfen beide Brüche nicht dulden. Vor 30 Jahren ist der Kommunismus zusammengebrochen, 1991. Ich habe die Bilder selbst im Kopf, als die russische Fahne dann über dem Kreml aufgezogen worden ist. Wir hatten damals die Hoffnung, dass es demokratisch weitergeht. Wir hatten das Angebot eines Miteinanders auf diesem Kontinent. Ich erinnere mich selbst noch an Jean-Claude Juncker, der ein Angebot gemacht hat, eine Freihandelszone von Lissabon bis Wladiwostok aufzubauen, wirtschaftlich zu kooperieren und miteinander in die Zukunft zu gehen. Wir bekamen darauf leider Gottes keine Antworten. Mir ist es wichtig, das zu unterstreichen, weil ja heute immer wieder gesagt wird, dass wir schuld sind an der Eskalation. Nein, wir wollen das Miteinander. Was ist jetzt nötig? Einheit und Stärke. Wir müssen Putin eine klare Rechnung präsentieren, was es bedeutet, wenn er seine Eskalation weiter fortsetzt. Dieses Haus wird heute übrigens eine Entschließung verabschieden, die das geschlossen zwischen den Parteien zum Ausdruck bringen wird. Ich bedanke mich dafür. Und jetzt steht die Frage des Rates im Raum, was am Donnerstag passiert. Technisch, Frau Kommissionspräsident, ist die Sanktionsliste vorbereitet, die Toolbox liegt auf dem Tisch. Aber es ist keine technische Frage, die jetzt im Raum steht, es ist eine politische Frage, ob unsere Staats- und Regierungschefs der Europäischen Union diese Woche glaubhaft die Entschlossenheit Europas vermitteln. Diese Entschlossenheit ist dringender notwendig als jemals zuvor. Und ein letzter Gedanke: Für uns ist letzte Woche der Gipfel zwischen Joe Biden und Wladimir Putin ein guter Zwischenschritt gewesen, dass geredet wird und dass die Rechnung auch von amerikanischer Seite präsentiert wird. Aber, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, es muss doch für uns alle ein Armutszeugnis sein, wenn über die Zukunft Europas verhandelt wird und kein Europäer am Tisch sitzt. Deshalb ist es ein Weckruf, dass wir endlich in der Außenpolitik und bei dem Aufbau von militärischen Kapazitäten vorankommen, dass Europa bei solchen Gesprächen mit am Tisch sitzt. Wir sind herausgefordert, und in dieser wichtigen Woche können wir Frieden nur gemeinsam sichern.

Madam President, only 30 years ago, Europeans witnessed how a war can tear up a country in its struggle for independence and liberty. Last week, on 18 November, Croatia marked the 30th Remembrance Day for the Vukovar and Škabrnja and the horrific massacre that followed. These places were symbols of liberty and resistance. And we recall all the heroes to whom the Croatian people owe their freedom and democracy. Their sacrifice should be embedded in European collective memory. The same as the sacrifice of millions of other Europeans throughout the 20th century. I would therefore ask you, Madam President, and dear colleagues, to honour their memory with a minute of silence.

Mr President, today I do not start with a problem, I want to start with a solution. Traditionally we start with problems, but today I want to do it the other way around, because this morning and this lunchtime we voted in favour of the agricultural reform of the European Union, a big part of our budget for rural areas, for the independence of food production in Europe, for a more ecologically responsible behaviour in Europe. We took a good step. I say this as an example that this model of bringing things together, compromising on issues, is needed more than ever before in a time when we have so many challenges in front of us. We are compromising and we are delivering. That’s the main message. I think the Slovenian Presidency did a good job. I think also the French Presidency in front of us will do a good job. We want to deliver now. That is our main aim. The top issues of the last Council meetings are in a way still there, even having in mind that we are already four weeks after the last Council, and the top issue for sure – when we talk about the concerns of our citizens – is still COVID. The virus is powerfully back and I think Europe as a whole is prepared. We ordered enough vaccine doses for our citizens, so we are prepared. We have to tell our citizens that the only chance to overcome it is to be vaccinated, to go for the vaccination. That’s the only chance to do it. My political appeal is hopefully we will not see more and more countries where vaccination is misused by party political interests, because that is growing even among the democratic landscape in the European Union. I hope that we can overcome this and we together try to convince our citizens. The second top issue is Belarus, and again good politics start with good analysis of the situation. I am happy that now more and more people understand that this is not a migration crisis, it’s a hybrid war going on. My first message is congratulations to the Commission and to the Council. Together, with Margaritis Schinas as the responsible Vice—President, we have managed to stop new arrivals in Minsk, in Belarus, and that is a great achievement, because Europe did it, not the Member States. We together managed this. I want to also give a clear message of support to the Border Guard, who are currently defending the European border. They are the persons who are defending Europe against this hybrid war and if we can create more legal certainty with an additional, let me say, review of what is currently the legal base, if we can give them more clarity about what they can do and what they should do, then I think that’s absolutely welcome. We cannot, as the EPP, accept any kind of deal with Lukashenko. Let me be clear on this. He created the problem. He has to solve the problem. In concrete terms, we don’t support any kind of humanitarian corridor to the European Union. Lukashenko wants to set an example that he won, and we cannot accept this. The message is that we are firm on the external border. Another aspect – and that is equally important – is to care about the victims, because the people on the ground are not the problem, they are the victims. That’s why all activities together with the United Nations are welcomed and necessary, and we should again underline that this development on the eastern border of Europe is a wake—up call for all of us. We have to conclude the migration dossier. We have to come to a common understanding on how to manage this subject in the long run. Und wenn Sie erlauben, möchte ich am Schluss noch ein Thema ansprechen, das beim Rat zentral im Mittelpunkt stand, nämlich die Rechtsstaatsfrage. Es war auf der Tagesordnung. Wir sind froh, dass es diskutiert worden ist. Vielleicht ist das schon der größte Erfolg, dass es überhaupt mal diskutiert worden ist. Also, wir sind froh. Aber wenn man sich anschaut, dass wir in der Europäischen Union Mitgliedstaaten haben, die EuGH—Urteile nicht akzeptieren, die Antikorruption nicht umsetzen, womit die Gefahr besteht, dass sie Gelder missbrauchen, die Disziplinarkammern haben, die einen klaren Bruch der Unabhängigkeit der Justiz mit bedeuten, dann ist man schon enttäuscht, wenn man keine Schlussfolgerungen sieht. Dann ist man enttäuscht, wenn beim Artikel-7-Verfahren nichts passiert, wenn die Erwartungen, die wir alle hatten, leider Gottes nicht umgesetzt worden sind. Und deswegen bitte ich den Präsidenten Michel, auch bei den anstehenden Sitzungen bei diesem Thema dahinter zu bleiben. Wir unterstützen einen politischen Dialog. Wir wollen, dass politisch gesprochen wird. Aber es muss auch etwas daraus entstehen. Es muss auch zu Ergebnissen kommen.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen! We know it is an important day for Europe, for agriculture and for rural areas. I believe that today I am the only Group leader who takes the floor and is there for discussion. As an EPP Group, we want to express that rural areas and agriculture are a core area for us. We see ourselves as the farmers' party of Europe, as representatives of rural areas in the European Union. It is a great compromise of many who have worked, and we as Parliament can be proud that this has been achieved as a team effort. We, as the EPP, will vote in favour of this proposal today. There is a plethora of arguments for this. The first is that agriculture is not a normal market; It's not just about products. It is about the most important product that exists, namely healthy foods. Corona has taught us that we cannot become dependent on imports from abroad for healthy food. We need to ensure our own supply. The second issue is the environmental issue, which has occupied us a lot on this subject. Farmers and farmers have a great responsibility, but they do not need to be taught. Our farmers know what to do. Good professional practice is known there. They want to be convinced and not be blamed. The third thing that is important to us is the task that agriculture has: Keep our landscapes in order. Farmers often don't want to hear this because they want to be paid for their product. I understand that. But how do we imagine Europe, the landscapes of Europe, the beauty of Europe, if our farmers did not take care of it? Europe would lose its face and its beauty, and that too must be worth something to the state. Of course, agriculture is also a future area, especially in the climate sector. There is hardly any industry that binds CO2 from the atmosphere. Agriculture and forestry binds CO2 and therefore contributes to preventing and overcoming the climate crisis. And last but not least: The farmers are rooted in the villages, in the communities, in the associations, in the communities. And, Mr Häusling: It's not that only the Orbán gets the money from me in Lower Bavaria. No, it's normal farming families who get the money. They are producing family businesses that get the money, in the masses, with me, in my homeland, for which I am also allowed to speak today. And that is why I say that this contribution of our peasantry must also be acknowledged, that they support our societies in rural areas. The EPP will support this package with full conviction.

Madame Vice-President, Mr High Representative, the situation is serious, and the starting point of all discussions is that we have a clear picture about what is happening there. For us in the EPP Group, it is not, first of all, a migration crisis. For us in the EPP Group, it is, like Josep Borrell told us today, a hybrid attack against the European Union. Dictator Lukashenko first fought the democratic opposition in his old country, brought people to prison, then reactivated sanctions again and now with this method he is increasing the pressure on the European Union. it is a business model. The oligarch system in Belarus is stabilised with such an approach. When we consider the migration dimension behind, please have a look at the figures in the Baltic area. Lithuania and Latvia: all the cases which were there, registered and assessed even by the European Asylum Support Office (EASO), about more than 90% of all the cases were refused by the authorities. There is no legal ground as an asylum seeker or as a refugee to ask to stay inside of the European Union. That is the reality. That is what is happening there. That is why our first message at the EPP is: you cannot blackmail the European Union. We will protect our borders, The state decides who is arriving and not smugglers and not a dictator. The second message from the EPP is migrants are the victims of the development. They need to respect – we have to show respect, we have to respect – the European law. It is protecting their dignity and their rights. I want to applaud and thank our friends in Lithuania and Latvia, both EPP-governed countries and both show together with EASO, together with Frontex, how to treat the people in a responsible, humanitarian way. That is not the case in Poland. For the moment, the Polish authorities are not respecting and accepting support from Frontex. We have no transparency of what is going on along the border. That’s why my appeal is: please do it in a European way, let’s do it together. The third element is we have to stop the travel routes. Thanks to the Commission, Margaritis Schinas, Josep Borrell, we are active and talking with our partners in Iraq . In Turkey, I hope that this will bring results. I hope that they understand that they cannot support this smuggler business on European territory. We also have to remind the responsibility of the airlines. Sorry, if somebody wants to earn money on European territory like Turkish Airlines or others, they have to understand that they cannot be part of such smuggler model, as is happening today. We probably have to deny the right to land on European airports if they are not willing anymore to work in a partnership-orientated way. The same goes for social media platforms, like Facebook. They are misused by smugglers for their business model, and you have to be frank and honest with them: please stop this. So, there are a lot of activities needed for stopping the model of Lukashenko. If I may comment on this debate about border protection, dear colleagues, nobody wants to have a fence. Nobody. But I tell you, after we installed a fence between the Turkish and Greek border, the blackmailing from Erdoğan stopped. It was Charles Michel, Ursula von der Leyen, David Sassoli who travelled to the border and welcomed the engagement of the Greek Government to protect our border. Again, nobody wants to have a fence or a wall. Nobody. But if it there are technically no other ways possible to protect our borders then physical investments also must be possible. I’ll tell you, one of the oldest borders which we have is in Ceuta and Melilla, a high border, higher even than the Mexican border. And that’s why I think that’s not what we want to see, but it is a reality in today’s life. Let’s not be naive. That’s why we at the EPP are also asking that in an extraordinary situation, EU funds must be available for financing this kind of activities. Ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, that is the problem we are facing currently in the European Union and behind all of these activities we know and I thank really Josep Borrell for this clear statement, behind all these activities we have put in as the mastermind. It is a political dimension. It is a hybrid war against the European Union. Europe has to stay together. Europe has together a unified answer and then we can defend our borders.

Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, dear Prime Minister! First of all, we need to clarify: We are not talking about Poland today. The country of Poland, the citizens of this country have won freedom, Pope John Paul II has opened the door to the reunification of Europe, and the economic success, the economic success of the last 30 years in Poland is breathtaking. Today, Poland is a proud and equal country in the family of the European Union, and we are grateful and happy that we can live in a reunited Europe. It is not about Poland – it is about Polish politics, about the Polish government that is under discussion today. Yes, I want to try to be factual first. Europe is not a state. Europe is a community of states. But with this international community, we have committed ourselves to complying with house rules, to respecting common rules of the game in this European Union. The constitution of the Member States is fundamental, but the house rules of this Community are more important. I would also like to justify it: My country, the Federal Republic of Germany, agreed to the Maastricht Treaty and then had to amend the Basic Law in order to be compatible with the new legal situations in Europe. Today, we are forcing states that want to become members to take measures – such as North Macedonia changing its name, a strong interference with a country’s sovereignty – to become members of the European Union. That's why it stays the same: The constitutions are fundamental, they define our common existence. But the house rules of this European Union are more important than the individual constitutions. (Applause) Why now? Why now? The Constitutional Treaty, the Lisbon Treaty, was signed twelve, thirteen years ago by Jarosław Kaczyński, a party friend of yours. Why the discussion now? I'll tell you why: Because today the Polish government puts the axe to the independence of the judiciary inside. This is the question we have in the room, not the question of whether Europe and nation states get along well together. We also have debates in Germany, in the Czech Republic, in France, in Denmark. You have rightly pointed out that these constitutional courts also ask questions and that there is also a dispute between courts. That's alive, that's how it should be. But what makes the Polish case special is the fact that the independence of the Supreme Court is under discussion there. There are many constitutional judges in Europe who now refer to the Polish Constitutional Court as a dummy. That is the problem we are in today. That's the problem. I would like to say thank you to the many Poles who took to the streets and showed a different Poland. Hundreds of thousands have shown face on the streets of Warsaw and many other cities. I would like to thank Donald Tusk for calling for these demonstrations. Real patriots stood there on the street with the Polish flag, with the proud Polish flag and with the European flag in hand. A patriot does not have to be a nationalist. He's a staunch European if he's a patriot. And when we ask the question of whether people feel what is actually being debated, I say: Yes, they can feel it! The polexite: Mr Prime Minister, I accept that this may not be a political objective for you to initiate polexit. But whoever rejects the primacy of the European Court of Justice, whoever rejects the European Union as a community of law, whoever rejects the independence of the judiciary, effectively leaves the European Union as a community of law. Donald Tusk is right: If this verdict is not revised, then your decision in Poland comes very, very close to a withdrawal. The Poles feel this, and this must be prevented. I would also like to ask who you are actually with, Mr Morawiecki. I would like to become a bit more political, because you rightly point out that we cannot distinguish between good and bad Europeans. I'm very much with you. But have you ever looked around in your own troop, at the ECR and at ID? There sit those, for example, the former Tories, who have made against the Polish plumber mood. They set the mood against the truck driver taking the job away. Your group includes those politicians who, like the German AfD, say: We pay way too much money to Poland and Romania and Bucharest. That's what we experience there. And it was your party friends there who refused to accept Poland into the European Union 20 years ago. I voted for it. I want Poland to be a strong member. That is, if you are talking about strong, good and bad Europeans, then clean up in your own store! Ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, Do you know who is most excited about today's discussion? They are the ones who are happy about the dispute in the European Union. They are the ones who want a weak European Union. It is those who reject and fight the rule of law as a principle. They are happy! And I tell you, Prime Minister, through your speech here today, you are sowing division and strife in the European Union. They are making Europe weaker with this policy approach. One will rejoice, and that is Vladimir Putin! Their policies help above all the Russians, Vladimir Putin, our opponents, who have an interest in a divided and divided European Union. Therefore: Please stop it! Stop it! Last but not least: We are discussing here in Parliament a lawsuit against the European Commission for inaction on rule of law issues. I would like to thank Ursula von der Leyen for her statement today. On the contrary, I think we should consider whether we should not bring an action for failure to act against the European Council. Since 2017, the Article 17 procedure has been on the table there. Our heads of state and government make smart statements when they enter the room, when they are asked during the interview, and when the room closes, there is silence. This silence is a heavy burden for Europe. We finally need a European Council that speaks plainly with Poland and with everyone else who does not respect the rule of law in the European Union.

Madam President, debating the State of the Union means today the first focus on what the pandemic has brought. Not everything went well and smoothly, but all in all, Europe has managed the crisis well. No other continent has developed a vaccine of a better quality. No other continent has a higher vaccination rate. No other continent has shown more solidarity and willingness to help each other, and no other continent has provided other parts of the world with more vaccines than we have. All Europe is proud of our everyday heroes, the doctors and nurses, researchers and many others, and we thank them for their contribution. The crisis defence began in China. In Europe, we found the solutions. We can be proud about what Europeans achieved in the past. When we look now what is in front of us, there are two main issues. We are emerging stronger from the crisis, but this crisis has caused and left deep social and economic wounds. Many people fear for their existence, for their jobs. Only if we create jobs, then we can secure our prosperity and we can care about the weakest in our society and we will defend the European way of life. Alongside the Green Deal, we are thinking as EPP that now is also the time for a Jobs Deal. In addition to this, after Afghanistan, we now really need a common foreign and defence policy. Joe Biden is clear, the US is no longer a world policeman. But where is Europe? Russia and China are just waiting to fill the vacuum, and that would be fatal for the future. We would wake up in a world in which we and also our children will not want to live. Based on these two points, I want to make very concrete proposals for what we have to do now. Firstly, the rapid development of a vaccine was only possible because the authorities worked quickly during the approval process. That is what the BioNTech founders told us; no blockades. But this speed is what we also need now in other fields of the research sector and in the investments for the climate protection. With an immediate action plan for cutting bureaucracies in the European Union, we should work together with all stakeholders to identify 300 EU regulations that we will abolish or simplify in the next 12 months. Secondly, for the production of an electric car, only half the number of employees is needed. Many industrial jobs in the European Union are under threat. New jobs are urgently needed in today’s European Union. International trade was and is a job machine. Why not now pick up this debate with our American friends? Let us negotiate an EU-US trade emergency programme on the mobility sector, on mechanical engineering in the digital economy as soon as possible, as a first step for a broader comprehensive trade agreement. And only this will be the way to strengthen the Western economy, key industrial sectors. And together we can protect ourselves against China. The European Union and the US together represent 50% of the global economy. Together, we can start the growth machine that benefits the whole world. Thirdly, the pandemic has shown us how important the health sector is. The coming decade will bring a wave of innovation in medicine. We can beat cancer. I want Europe to create 10 million new jobs in the next four years with an immediate innovation offensive in this field. At the beginning of the digitalisation 20 years ago, we, as Europeans, overslept the innovation on internet and jobs were created in the US and in China. Today, neither the Chinese nor the Americans are ahead with the COVID vaccines, but we are. So let us use our know-how right now. Fourthly, Defence. We and I fully welcome the initiatives from Ursula von der Leyen today and also the decision of the Defence Council in Ljubljana. But, what are we waiting for? The Lisbon Treaty gives us all options if we want to create a reaction force. So let’s do it and let us do it now. Fifthly, Global responsibility. Some 15 000 children die of hunger worldwide every day. The everyday horror, and we hardly speak about it. The weakest suffer most from the COVID crisis. That is why we must reallocate and free up funds. Like we are doing in Afghanistan now. To invest, we need to stop the silent and daily mass deaths in this world. Finally, without law and security, the rest means nothing. That is why we stand for a robust application of the rule of law mechanism inside of the European Union, but that is not enough. Cross-border tax fraud, money laundering and criminal organisations, mafia make its way through our societies, and the terrorist threat is still high in Europe. Why don’t we finally transform Europol into a real European FBI? The European Commission should present in the next 12 months a legislative package to strengthen security in the European Union. Ursula von der Leyen was clear that we can lead the world with the Green Deal. I want to put on the table that we have to have the same ambitions now for new jobs, for our international responsibility and for security. Let’s do it.

President Sassoli, President Von der Leyen, President Michel, ladies and gentlemen! I would like to address the points raised by the European Council today and start with Russia. As the European People's Party, we welcome the results in dealing with Russia. We always extend our hand to be in conversation with all partners, to talk to all partners. But good policy starts with proper analysis, and obviously Russia is not ready to accept this outstretched hand. We are witnessing an aggressive, non-talkative Russia. We are witnessing this in Syria, in Crimea, in Navalny's case, in the internal freedom struggles in Russia and in the cyberattacks on Europe. That is why the only effective and correct approach, Mr President, is that we set limits and also make it clear what the cost to Russia is if these borders are crossed. This approach is correct and supported by us. There is always a debate on how this could happen – for example, NATO, EU discussions on whether it should expand to the east. I would like to make it clear to us as a group: Russia does not have the right to decide on other countries. If Ukraine wants to go west and this is its free will, this is its decision and not Moscow's decision. We currently have another discussion about the satellite state that clings to Russia: Belarus. It is clear: Europe must not be blackmailed by Lukashenka. We now have the increasing migration figures at the Belarusian-Lithuanian border, and the first important point is that we stand by Lithuania, that we support, that we provide Frontex support and also provide EASO activities. The development there also reminds us that the 10 000 Frontex officials that we actually want to build are moving too slowly to better protect our external borders. When we talk about Belarus, because we have already talked about media freedom today, I would like to remind even more of the hundreds, the thousands of freedom fighters who are now in prison in Belarus. They also need our support, and their commitment must not be forgotten. Last but not least, ladies and gentlemen: Hungary. Europe is the promise of freedom. This law is a disgrace, as expressed by our President of the Commission. The EPP will support today the joint resolution we have tabled, because it is important that we describe common positions on these fundamental issues. But we all feel: It goes beyond that. The Hungarian government is advertising throughout Europe, where, for example, it is promoting the idea of ever closer union questioned. I would like to remind you once again: It's not about ever closer union of states, it is about ever closer union of people. That is the wording in the text of the Treaty. And it wants to abolish the European Parliament. 213 million people elected this freely elected parliament in 2019. 213 million people took part in the election! The only democratic chamber on this continent wants Viktor Orbán, wants to abolish the Hungarian government. Ladies and gentlemen, this is not party politics that we are talking about. It is about the question: Yes or no to a strong, close-to-citizen Europe? Many Christian Democrats are among the founding fathers of this European Union. That's why I say today: The fight goes on a new round. We are defending the European project.

Mr President, I also want to start with history. Tomorrow marks the 30th anniversary of the end of the so-called Ten-Day War with the signing of the Brioni Agreement under the political sponsorship of, what was still then, the European Community. Representatives from Slovenia, Croatia and Yugoslavia signed a declaration to end hostilities and to set the scene for the future relationships between the countries. The Slovenian War of Independence was the painful and bloody birth of the Slovenian Republic as we know it today. In many other Member States the memory of how the European Union became the world’s most successful peace project and global anchor of stability and democracy is not so fresh. In Slovenia it is. Thirty years ago it was Slovenia which benefited from Europe’s political sponsorship. Thirty years later Slovenia is now in the political driver’s seat itself and the Slovenian Presidency now has the chance to continue building the common European house with the experience and knowledge from its rich but often also difficult history in the heart of Europe. The four priorities chosen by the Slovenian Presidency prove that Slovenia is ever about responsibility. Striving for facilitating the EU’s recovery and reinforcing its resilience must be one of the top priorities. We must draw the consequences from the pandemic and its management as quickly as possible. Health projects, strategic autonomy to socio-economic consequences of the COVID pandemic for us as the EPP the headline is jobs, jobs, jobs. We need economic growth in Europe with digital and sustainable transition. For the Fit for 55 package the Slovenian Presidency can be a first bridge builder to bring the eastern centre, eastern European countries and the western countries together. On the big data biomedicine, on the digital services we have a lot of legislation in front of us where we count on the Slovenian Presidency to make Europe more resilient. The economic impact of the crisis – a EUR 60 billion loss of economic growth and around 300 000 jobs – that is what we are talking about when we talk about jobs. I also want to thank the Slovenian Presidency for picking up the migration task. It’s not easy at all but Parliament is ready for making compromises. We have a common understanding about how to solve it and the Lithuanian development gives us a clear idea that the urgency is there. A decisive question is on the Conference for the future of Europe. We had a successful kick-off but now we have to fill the conference with concrete content. Time is short and during the Slovenian Presidency we have 10 business panels, two conference panels and plenaries planned. That’s why we count a lot on the success during the Slovenian Presidency. It’s a presidency of listening to citizens in a way and then with the French Presidency, we have to conclude. I am also happy that in all the speeches we heard for the moment, the rule of law was a key element. Together we in the European Parliament fought last year for implementing a binding rule of law mechanism. My party, the EPP, was, and will always be, a strong defender of the rule of law principle. Let me be very clear, any problem related to the rule of law is not an internal affair of a Member State, it is not just a problem for the Member State concerned, but a problem for all Europeans. And even more importantly, the rule of law should be a self-evident political principle especially in view of our common European history. You know we have a lot of discussions going on on this subject. For me, one thing is clear and there, dear Prime Minister, I really ask you to help us, because the most urgent thing at this point is to make the European Prosecutor operational as quickly as possible, so that they can start their work. That’s why this is an urgent demand to immediately nominate the Slovenian representative on this. But there are other discussions about media freedom. Some say we have a problem in Slovenia and other countries, others say we have a very critical press in Slovenia. Then we have the judicial discussion. Some say we have a formally independent judiciary, others say this is highly politicised. You know we had in the last days in Denmark a vote on the asylum law there and that means practically that in Denmark they are abolishing the right of asylum. Just imagine for a second if such a vote were to take place in Slovenia or in Hungary. So, dear colleagues, what I want to say is that we have, with the rule of law, implemented the separation of powers. We are the legislator. We have the job of implementing the rule of law mechanism. But the assessment where the rule of law is under risk or not is then in the hand of the Commission and of the courts in Europe. And I really ask the Commission Vice-President Jourová to speed things up. I do not want to see any further reports about let me say, we are concerned, we are considering, maybe there is a problem – I want to see now an acting Commission, I want to see now a Commissioner that gives us a proper answer on whether we have a problem in Europe or not. And finally, the Slovenian Presidency is also looking to the Western Balkans. I like this very much and the EPP is fully supporting this. Let me close with a quote from the Slovenian author Žarko Petan, who was born in Ljubljana in 1929 and died in 2014. He said ‘The present is the state between the good old days and the more beautiful future.’ That is an extremely positive, optimistic spirit and this spirit is needed in Europe. So Srečno Slovenija! Srečno Evropa!