Speeches

Madam President, Commission, Council representative, dear colleagues, a lot is on our table. I wanted to highlight from an EPP point of view three issues from a content perspective. The first is that Europe needs urgently economic growth, and we know what to do. Simplification started already. Trade is on a good way. On investments, yesterday we agreed on a strong MFF for the future. But the key of everything is the single market, our own economic base. And that is why having clear projects in mind – 28th regime, energy grids, capital markets union – after two years of Draghi, it is now a good moment that in Cyprus we agreed on the roadmap, that we have, for the first time, a binding understanding of how to implement, with clear milestones, the single market strategy until the end of 2027. That is a great step forward and also for us the responsibility is now to deliver. The second thing I want to mention is obviously, in light of the economic developments in Europe, the energy costs, with the geopolitical situation behind. You know, this crisis proves again that we need more sovereignty of our energy supply. Renewable energies are the future, and to fight against climate change is not anymore only an ecological issue, it is obviously an issue for a sovereign Europe. So that is why the EPP stands on the side of the ETS1. We want to make it pragmatic in the implementation, but we stick to what we have agreed in the last years. We also have to finalise the energy market, especially with the energy grids package. We have to have a careful look at the fertilisers because that's important, and we need nuclear as a base. That's the truth; otherwise sovereignty will not work. And the third point I want to mention is that Nikos Christodoulides in Cyprus did the efforts to put Article 42(7) on the table – the military dimension of our European solidarity, and that is urgently needed. The EPP was pushing for a defence committee inside of the Parliament. We have for the first time now a Defence Commissioner, an EPP friend, who is chairing this. And we want to take now the next step: clear rules for implementing Article 42(7). People see and feel the uncertainty, especially in Cyprus, and Europe has to give an answer. Dear colleagues, that is what I want to mention on content. Let me finally reflect on developments in two Member States, which are, for us, of special importance. First of all, I want to say a word on Romania. Last year, the Romanian people voted for their leadership, and I was quite happy that, finally, the candidate from AUR didn't become president of Romania, that the pro-European forces fought and they won. And that was an important battle in Romania. The EPP and the Socialists together had the mandate to reform Romania, to do the necessary steps, together with the milestones presented by the Commission. Yesterday, the Socialists and AUR party together presented a motion of censure against the pro-European, stable government, and Iratxe just asked me, 'Why? What is the background of this? What is the reasoning for taking such a government now into question together with AUR'? I just want to say if the EPP would do the same against a socialist prime minister – to take a socialist prime minister into question, together with a right populist party – you know, we would have here thousands of initiatives in the European Parliament. That's not my style of doing things. I just ask the question, and probably you can also clarify from the Socialists whether you want to go further with the cooperation with AUR in the future. And the second thing I want to mention is because we still have positive news, we still have very positive news, and that is that we saw the young people in the streets of Budapest a few weeks ago, where they were telling the audience, the public: 'Russia out' and 'We are Europeans'. I was myself two years ago in Budapest to welcome the Tisza party inside of our EPP team – a great moment that they repaid now the trust we invested into them. That's great to see that Péter Magyar, together with the Tisza friends, really won back Hungarian votes and people for a pro‑European approach. We are proud about this and we see the first results now, with the EUR 90 billion being now released and being now ready to be transformed towards the Ukrainian friends. And the populists and extremists in Europe lost their spin doctor – so Putin's puppets, those who are defending Chinese and Russian and other interests in the European Council and other formats, have lost their leader. That's great – good news for all of us. Dear colleagues, 'we won' slogans are not winning any more: solutions are winning Europe, and future solutions won in Hungary. Thank you to the Tisza friends for this success story.

Madam President, It is urgent: The hut is burning in the European economy. We currently have deindustrialisation in the European Union, so this summit is coming at the right time. We need to get gas. If we look at the facts, we see that Apple today has a market value that is just as large as all German corporations have a market value together. In the area of artificial intelligence investments The United States of America invests six times as much as the European Union. In the last 50 years, six companies representing trillions of dollars have been founded in America, and not a single company has been founded in Europe that has taken such a development. This shows: We are losing ground as Europeans; That is why we need to take care of our competitiveness now. The first thought is: Release the shackles. And once again an express thank you to the European Commission for the last year: The proposals on the omnibus were correct, are correct; We will continue to work on it. On the car package, I would like to express explicitly that we as the EPP want to bring together technology neutrality and climate neutrality. And I would also like to say to the automotive industry: The big problems we have today are not caused by legislation, but also by management errors. The second: We have many proposals on the table in Germany and Italy; the sunset clauseWhich is now on the table. We need to get out of the silos on the Council side, which is also important. And the third: Yes, the future is climate neutral and energy supply needs to become climate neutral; We will have low energy costs. But the core issue is the transitionthe transition period until we come into this new world, and there we must ETS Work pragmatically on implementation. The second major issue is the single market. To believe in the idea of this single market is our mission. And what we need now – the President of the Commission has said it: We need courage now, we need strength now. We need to act quickly, that's why this action plan. Concrete milestones Defining is now necessary. We know what to do; It has to be done now. And the third pillar is trade, trade policy. It was a political mistake of the majority of this European Parliament to refer the Mercosur vote to the CJEU. Even those who oppose Mercosur would have to say: I want to vote and not question the ECJ. But it's so decided. I believe Mercosur is an anti-Trump deal. If America wants to close its gate, then we want to open markets, which is why we as the EPP also support the immediate application of the Mercosur Treaty. Yesterday we have the safeguards We have decided, and we therefore support the application in concrete terms. I read in the newspapers today that Emmanuel Macron wants a strong Europe, a Europe capable of world power; On the other hand, he tells us that Mercosur is not necessary. I don't understand this position. If you want us to move forward politically, you have to trade with South America. And last but not least: The important political message is: We have all the potential. We have capital on this continent. We have 26 million entrepreneurs. With EUR 18 trillion, we have a strong GDP. We have qualified staff, a great infrastructure and, above all, now the increasing political will to get our European Union competitive. Let's seize this opportunity!

Madam President, Madam President of the Commission, Mr President of the European Council, dear colleagues, beginning of 2026 and people observing what is going on in politics on geopolitical level when they listen to media, a lot of Europeans are concerned or probably even scared. We are living in a crazy world and basic questions are back. Basic questions have to be answered. The first basic question I would say is on the table, what do we stand for? Freedom, democracy. In Iran, a regime, a sponsor of terrorism, a murderer of its own youth. We need actions there, dear colleagues. The Revolutionary Guard must be named for what it is, and that is a terror organisation. Venezuela: I met last Thursday in Madrid Edmundo González, the president‑elect from Venezuela. Even in his family, he has people who were captured, who are in prison because of their engagement for a democratic Venezuela. This House, the European Parliament, nominated the democratic opposition in Venezuela for the Sakharov Prize. Maduro is now out. A dictator is out. That is good news. We look for a democratic future for Venezuela. And then – freedom, democracy – you know, we discussed this week about Davos, about Greenland. The tragedy of this week is that I had hoped that we can speak this week about peace in Ukraine. That was my wish. Now it's overshadowed by thousands of other issues. I just want to underline that we do not forget what is happening there. And we stand on the side of the brave people in Ukraine, the soldiers who are defending our values there. I want to thank Ursula von der Leyen for her efforts to work on the 20‑point plan. We are ready today for peace. We are ready for diplomacy. We are ready for a compromise. But Putin is continuing to attack the energy infrastructure, he is killing civilians, he is a war criminal. And only Putin is not ready for peace. And I would love to see also the friends of Putin here in this House who are regularly talking with them to engage, to convince Putin to come back to a consent and to a common understanding. The good news is that we have finalised now the EUR 90 billion thanks to the Council, and also the Parliament is ready to speed up. The second basic question we have to consider is, who are our partners? The US President wants to see the US flag in the territory of Greenland. That's a shock, frankly speaking. That's unacceptable. We defend Denmark, the Kingdom of Denmark, their territorial integrity. And who plays with Greenland plays with NATO. And again, my question is, where are the MAGA friends? When Roberta Metsola at the beginning of the plenary this week underlined the support for Greenland and the support for Denmark, I saw that from the Patriots half of the Patriots group stood up and defended the territorial integrity of Denmark, and half of the team remained seated and was obviously on the side of Washington. So the Patriots have to decide whether they want to be real Europeans or they are a colony of Washington. That's what is at stake at this moment in time. So what we need is a European answer. We see the increased pressure now from the United States threatening us with tariffs. We as EPP are clear: enough is enough. The reliability of Washington is at this moment in time at stake. I was one of the few, the EPP Group was one of the few who said 'welcome' to the Scotland Agreement last summer. Everybody criticised this. I said it was a good deal, but what is now at stake is: can we trust in the compromises we did in Scotland last summer? The reliability is at stake, so for us as EPP and I think for all parliamentarians it's clear there will be no ratification, no zero‑percentage‑tariff access to the European Union for US products until we have clarified the question of reliability. And when we speak about partners, we have to say 'yes' to Mercosur. We are not a military power, but we are an economic power, a huge market. And when even Lula and Milei can agree on the idea that together we are stronger as Europeans and South Americans, then I think everybody must understand what is at stake. So if you say 'no' to Mercosur, Putin will be happy, Xi will be happy and also Donald Trump will be happy, with different arguments in mind. That's why 'yes' to Mercosur means 'yes' to have good friends, 'yes' to strengthen the European Union. The third point I want to make is, dear friends, seriously, everybody recognises we are living in a new world. And the key question is now, are we ready? Are we fit for the purpose? Is the architecture of the European Union ready? And the state of play is, dear friends, the Council can be vetoed by Viktor Orbán. We have the E3 now presenting themselves – but I said it several times, E3 is not Europe. We have national responsibility on defence. That means at this moment in time quite a weak Europe. Yesterday, Lavrov said in his press conference that "the US can have Greenland and I take Ukraine and then things are solved". That's a reality. And, dear friends, are we ready? And I have to say, no, we are not ready. Imagine for a second we would have really one voice where unanimity is gone. Imagine for a second we would be in a situation that we are coming back to the founding fathers of the European Union, building up a true defence union in the European Union. Dear friends, we have to stop discussing the actual tweet and we have to begin to discuss making Europe strong again. That is what is at stake, and populism can only be answered if it solves the problems of the citizens, on economy, on migration, but also the real point is to show leadership. So that is why we have a huge responsibility. Let us re-assure freedom and democracy. Let us find new partners in the world and let us make Europe ready for the future.

Madam President, Commissioner Tzitzikostas, President Christodoulides, dear Nikos, a very warm welcome here in the European Parliament. Good to have you among us. And welcome to the Cypriot Presidency of the Council. Cyprus is a key member of the European Union, with a great history. It was the starting point for Saint Paul bringing Christianity to Europe, and has long been Europe's gateway to the Mediterranean and to the East – a role, dear Nikos, Cyprus is now again continuing to play. Dear Nikos, you take over the presidency in a decisive moment of time – and you spoke about this in your speech. It's obviously a truly geopolitical year, which is in front of us. Venezuela, Iran, Greenland and still the ongoing talks to achieve peace in Ukraine – that is at stake, and we feel and we know that we need a stronger Europe more than ever before. That is the main task for your time in the lead for Europe. And especially the Cypriot role, to be the bridge builder to the Middle East historically, is more needed again than ever before today. Six months are in front of us and the Cypriot leadership, and I think this will be a main pillar. And I also would ask you to consider whether we need also a general debate about the functioning of the European Union, whether today's Europe is capable of giving a proper answer to the situation we are in geopolitically. On content, the priorities are well set. The EPP family welcomes very much that you prioritise the economic situation in Cyprus. You have 3 % GDP growth in 2025, so congratulations for this. So we need, as Apostolos also said, less bureaucracy. We need more single market, more trade. On the migration side, the European Union needs further steps. You reduced numbers from the Middle East dramatically, and that has to be copied in the rest of Europe. The return regulation was mentioned and probably Cyprus can join also Schengen in the next upcoming months, which would also be a great step forward. And on security, you also said it. Nikos, you are also preparing a presidency with all your knowledge. You are well prepared. You are a seasoned diplomat. You were a successful foreign minister. You know how Europe works, how negotiations are built, and how trust is earned in Europe. You are a true European leader and that can also help us a lot on the European level. So that's why I want to conclude that the presidency brings a lot of hope for Europe. And finally, I want to underline that the presidency also brings a true Cypriot issue back into focus in Europe. As the EPP, together with our friends from DISY in the country, our position on Cyprus was always clear: Cyprus issues are European issues. There cannot be a truly united Europe without a Cyprus which is united again. That is what the EPP is standing for and that is why I wish you good luck. You have the necessary conditions for strength and for success in the upcoming months. You have the EPP on your side.

Dear President Metsola! Dear President von der Leyen! Dear Representative of the Danish Presidency! Ladies and Gentlemen, ladies and gentlemen, Dear colleagues! An important, historic week is ahead of us, and the first thing to say is the developments on Ukraine. I would like to demand that this European Council should not fail on the issue of financing Ukraine. It would be a historic failure if there were no results. And I would like to express my thanks to our Commission President for the alternatives she has put forward. Also from the point of view of our group, the European People's Party, the principle applies that the perpetrator of this war, this damage must also stand up for the consequences. That's why we support the idea that Russian assets use to finance the follow-up costs. On the other hand, it is a fair concern of Belgium that the burdens and risks be shared by all Europeans. This is the preferred solution that should be worked out this week. On the other hand, we have the developments in Berlin, the talks on a permanent ceasefire, perhaps even peace. And it is strong that Europe now plays a role, that European leaders play a role, that Europe sits at the table and supports Zelenskyy, that he is embedded in European solidarity. For us as the European People's Party, this conflict started years ago, decades ago, in fact on Maidan, when young Ukrainians stood up and stood up for freedom and democracy and wanted and led their country in the European direction. And then the occupation of Crimea in 2014, for the first time military violence. Putin is afraid of freedom and democracy. That's what's behind it. After 2014 we built Nord Stream 2 as Europeans, especially Germany. No one can say you haven't tried appeasement. That's why all attempts at appeasement with Putin have failed. This must be clear to everyone. If the Berlin talks are now well concluded, the ball will be in Moscow. And we'll see how they react. But no one, not even the populists of the left and right, can claim that diplomacy has not been fully tried. In the end, it counts: We will only defeat Putin if we stand together and support Ukraine. The second major theme of this week is Mercosur, which I want to underline once again. We are an export continent. We live by trade. And since China and also our partner, the United States of America, are becoming more difficult than trading partners, we need to look for new partners. If 700 million people are now tied up with Mercosur, the largest free trade area in the world, this is a huge opportunity for us. It is almost an anti-Trump agreement if we conclude this treaty now. As the European People's Party, we care about the interests of our farmers. That is why we also support the Safeguards. But I would like to say explicitly: It should not dominate the fear of market, the fear of market developments, but it should dominate the opportunities in all segments. We have the BDI, we have Confindustria, who are clearly in favour of taking this step now. This is why SafeguardsProtection and fair competition, but at the same time yes to Mercosur. It will be historical decisions. There is a lot at stake on this issue. Ladies and gentlemen, we are now at the end of the year in a political period in which our citizens are going through the turn of the year with a great deal of uncertainty. With war in Europe, with the question of prosperity, demography – many big questions to be answered. And that's why, I think, it's important to underline politically in the end: It's moving forward. It will also be delivered. We talk too little about success. We have made great progress on the issue of de-bureaucratisation together with the Danish Presidency of the Council – Omnibus, for example. I would like to thank you very much for that. We will be at Deforestation deliver. Yesterday we made the proposals for Automotive package Get it. The MFF is a promise of prosperity because we are spending money on the future of our prosperity. And I would like to expressly ask once again not only to discuss net/gross contributors to Europe's financing issue, but also to discuss the European added value. This must be at the heart of where Europe can do more. We have significantly reduced the numbers on migration. We have now jointly agreed on the 2040 target for climate protection. We have the social Housinga package that will strengthen Europe, and Defence Really historical decisions are made. If we take this together, we can also assure the citizens: Europe delivers, Europe moves forward, we want to achieve solutions. And finally: With regard to 2026, ladies and gentlemen, two pillars are important for us as the European People's Party. The issue of prosperity will remain central, and de-bureaucratisation is important and right. But it doesn't create markets yet, it doesn't create markets yet. Business case. That is why we have to believe in our internal market, we have to invest in the internal market, strengthen internal market regulation even more and also believe in trade. And the second, dear colleagues, is what needs to be done: Europe is successful in many areas. But the talks we are also having with Ukraine show that European architecture today is not fit for purpose We are not prepared to give the real answers. I said it in the discussion last week: The G3, the meeting of Macron, Merz and Starmer, is good and helpful and hopefully helps to achieve peace. But this meeting of the big three is not Europe. It is not Europe. That is why we need structures that really represent this European Union at the negotiating table in the long term. And we must address these great questions of architecture in 2026. Merry Christmas to you!

Madam President, Dear colleagues! When we look at Sydney, we see the brutal face of blind anti-Semitism. And that is why we stand with those who fight against this anti-Semitism. And, of course, we mourn the victims. As an EPP Group, we support the Greens/EFA compromise proposal, which will also be discussed in a plenary debate tomorrow. I speak because the second case that has been raised is Dingolfing, in my home region, in my constituency has taken place. And ladies and gentlemen, I would like to say that the Bavarian police have succeeded in detecting a possible terrorist attack in the region in advance. What is the only thing to do today is that we thank the police officers, that they managed as a precaution, that no terrorist attack took place – and that we do not need to politicise this great policing in the European Parliament.

Madam President, Commission, dear colleagues, Christians are the most prosecuted religious group in the world. In Nigeria, over 200 students were kidnapped from a Catholic school just days ago. In Pakistan, Christians live under constant threat from blasphemy laws. In North Korea, Christians are political enemies. Almost 5 000 Christians were killed in the world last year. Dear colleagues, this is unacceptable. We are a Christian-based continent. We believe in Christian values, the social market economy, welfare state, freedom of religion. Christianity has shaped our European way of life. One important aspect is religious freedom. We protect Christians in this regard. This means, first, no trade agreements with those who persecute Christians or other religious minorities. No energy cooperation, no investment, no aid – we must use our economic power to stop criminal persecution. Second, we must direct our foreign aid to support Christians if they have to fear being persecuted minorities. Across the world, our assistance should help Christian communities rebuild places of worship. Worldwide, Christians have to have a free place to practise their faith. Third, our role in the world: Europe must speak with one voice. We protect Christians everywhere in the world – full stop. In Nigeria, it has immediately to stop crime and violence against Christians. As the EPP, we do not exploit Christian symbolism for political gains. We live its values every day. And let me be very clear: defending Christians also means fully respecting all other religions, traditions and cultures. As the EPP, we value dialogue, not hate. A few weeks ago I had – together with the team of the EPP – the honour of meeting Pope Leo. The Holy Father reminded us of the importance of this interreligious dialogue. In the EPP, we have a special working group on this: a working group on interreligious dialogue. We are the only group in the Parliament who is investing in this work. It has been a true meeting point for all faiths for 27 years. We value tolerance. We don't show division. If we want more churches in the Middle East, you also have to be clear that we have to allow mosques in Europe. Mutual respect is the only credible path. As Pope Benedict put it: 'Religious freedom expresses what is unique about the human person. It allows us to direct our personal and social life to God, in whose light and identity, meaning and purpose of the person are fully understood.' As the EPP, we will always stand for religious freedom: for Christians, for all minorities, for everyone.

Madam President, Madam President of the European Commission, first of all, I want to thank you for changing your agenda and being today here with us, Council, dear colleagues, 2 000 years ago, Tacitus said: 'They make a desert and call it peace'. That is Putin's concept today. He failed to take Kyiv years ago and since then he has left death and destruction. Hundreds of children have been killed; more than five million refugees; war crimes in Bucha. Putin is a war criminal and if a war criminal is not stopped, he will continue, continue, continue. The so-called peace plan was seen as a confirmation of Putin's plan, I have to say. Let me be clear: for us in the EPP, this is unacceptable. No, a war criminal cannot be awarded for his terror. So giving up Ukraine territory – free Ukraine territory – is unacceptable. No, a war criminal cannot be awarded for this terror, so accepting any kind of amnesty for Russian war criminals is unacceptable. And no, a war criminal cannot be awarded for his terror – allowing limits for an independent Ukraine to choose their partners is unacceptable. I want to thank our European leaders for their clear and firm reaction – after a minute of thinking about it, I have to say. Yes, everybody wants peace, but it must be a just peace. Yes, everybody wants peace, but it must be a sustainable peace. And yes, everybody wants peace, but not on Russian conditions. The outcome of the Geneva talks looks now much, much better. And I want to thank Ursula von der Leyen for representing the European voice at the table. I ask myself: 'What is Putin thinking at this moment of time?' He is sitting in the Kremlin and probably laughing at us a little bit. Why? Because the US-European axis was in a quite chaotic situation over the last days. The European Union, without a clear plan to finance Ukraine. And the European Union without the US really seen as a reliable partner any more. We are experiencing historic times. Things are fundamentally changing. And Trump also made clear in these last days that the US will not guarantee lasting peace in Europe under old conditions any more. He has seen himself more as a moderator and not as a person who is clearly positioning himself. We Europeans are alone in a very, very cold world. Having all this in mind, I ask myself: 'Which Europe do we really need? Which Europe would be capable to answer this weekend's challenges?' For example, who speaks on behalf of Europe? I saw that the G3 was meeting – Germany, France, Great Britain. I respect all of these nations, but I have to say that's not my Europe when they speak. That's not my Europe. Ursula von der Leyen, the Commission President, nominated by all leaders, by all nations – and also has a clear mandate in this European Chamber, the freely elected European Parliament – is for me the speaker of this European Union. That is why we have to strengthen her role to have a real European voice there. The second question is: how can Europe finance the issues on the table? To be honest, we have currently no clear idea how to finance the needs of Ukraine: EUR 140 billion for the next upcoming two years. Frozen assets, additional debt. We are not really ready and we have no real clear answer at this moment of time. So stop complaining about the US and deliver. We need a sufficient MFF and financial resources to defend our European interests. We have a third question on the table: can we defend ourselves? With the new NATO targets, Europe will spend EUR 900 billion a year to defend itself, if we achieve that NATO target – the same amount of money as the US is spending. Our citizens rightly expect the same level of security in the long run. That's why now is the moment to really go for the European defence pillar: drone wall, satellite surveillance, missile defence systems, cyber brigade. Dear colleagues, we need to work towards a united European army in the long run. Years of war teach us that we can't guarantee peace if we are not ready to prepare our defence capabilities. That is not a dream. That was already a starting point decades ago when Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman worked on this with the idea after the Second World War of no war in Europe again. Dear colleagues, nothing is more actual than this message: no war in Europe only if we prepare ourselves. Strengthening European national armies is a good thing, but not enough. Europe needs real determination – the determination that reunited Europe just seven years after the Second World War, the determination that made the euro the second-strongest currency in the world, and the determination that Ukrainian friends show every day when they tell Putin, 'you will not take our European way of life away from us'. That is why we have to stand on the side of Ukraine.

Dear President of the European Parliament, the European Commission! Dear Councillors! Dear colleagues! Households are political figures that flow into politics. And so, as householders, we are the ones who hold real power and the ones who work in committee have the power to really shape politics. And the MFF is now a major task ahead of us. To shape the MFF in such a way that we give this European Union a future. If we, as the European People's Party, take a look at the content, we will find our focal points in many areas. Defence – a major focus in the MFF for the first time. For the first time historically, but also bitterly necessary, because it is cheaper if we tackle topics together. And because it is a task of solidarity to support, above all, our Central and Eastern European states in their common defence of the East Shield. The second example is migration. Yes to asylum, yes to help refugees, but also yes to the fight against the mafia, against organised crime, yes to a strong border protection, which we must finance together at European level. Yes to prosperity – this is another focus reflected in this budget, in this budget planning. The Competitiveness fund, to support new technologies, the transition to climate-related and digital challenges. The central question will be how the architecture looks like. In principle, the state is not a good planner of the economy of tomorrow. There has to be momentum coming out of the markets. Innovation must be possible. That is why we will certainly take a closer look at the structure of this fund. But the fact that we have a focus on innovation, including issues such as securing raw materials, is a good and correct accent. The biggest changes are certainly associated with the National reform programmes, submitted by the Commission. And my group, the European People's Party, does not shy away from the idea of allowing more flexibility in programming. Unfortunately, the crises are shorter for God and must therefore also be answered. There are still many questions open. We have already set three priorities in these first weeks of discussions on the MFF, namely the role of the regions, the question of tomorrow's agricultural policy, which we are defending, where we also make it clear that we stand by the side of family farms. Agricultural policy, healthy food, is a strategic issue for us today. And the third is the question of the role of the European Parliament. Unfortunately, in other projects such as SAFE, we have also had negative experiences of God's insufficient involvement of the European Parliament. That is why it is about the democratic role, about the question of being able to control the budget in the future. Budgetary control is an important concern for us as the European People's Party, and we now have the first approaches, the first steps in the right direction. I would like to express my thanks to the President of the Commission for having succeeded in taking the first steps in this direction and answering the questions behind it in a positive way. For us, it is important that Europe is not an ATM, but that European money is decided at European level, that we define what happens with it. And this will now be our task: Take a close look at the fund regulations and do our job as legislators. I would also like to thank Roberta Metsola for her strong representation of the parliamentary role there. And last but not least, the real debate will be, of course: How much money will be in the pot, how much money will be provided? And we all know what the current situation is in national budgets. In my home country, in Germany, in France, here in Belgium, in Romania, we have major budgetary problems everywhere. That is why it will be about the question, and I hope that we, the two European institutions, namely the European Commission, which has the European idea at its core, and we, as the European Parliament, which has the European Added value represents and argues that the two institutions are fighting together for a strong European budget.

Madam President, European Commission, Council, dear colleagues, ladies and gentlemen, when we open the windows of this plenary today, then we see what is happening in Europe. So, for example, in Germany, half of the job losses in the last year was in the car sector: 50 000 well-paid jobs. It's the same in France, Romania, Spain, Italy. A big challenge. This summer, another reality in Europe, we had record-breaking wildfires in Portugal and Spain. Meanwhile, Trump and Xi are stepping out of global actions. Fight against climate change is now on our shoulders, but we are quite isolated on global level. And Putin is sending his drones towards Europe, another reality. Poland is already shielding our borders in the east. Ukrainian warns us more are coming and Europe must be prepared. That is, in a way, a short picture about where we are: Ukraine, climate change, the future of our economy. Though the next European Council must lead, there is no excuse anymore, it has to deliver. It is a moment of truth in front of us in this autumn, and it is a moment of truth on Europe's global roll. So Donald Trump managed to have now a peace agreement in Gaza, and we hope that it will stay. But let's be honest. Europe was in the whole process of the Gaza talks an observer. We didn't play a real role there. And now the question for the European Council is on the table, do we now play a role when we continue to talk about Ukraine? To be concrete, from the European Council, we expect that we are clear in financing the weapons, that the Russian assets must be used for this, and also the state, Ukraine, needs further support from our side to survive, and we have to find ways on the Council side to speak with one voice. We know on European, on global level, we only have one voice or no voice. And just one aspect on the latest development on this, when we see the postponement of possible talks between Trump and Putin, the Budapest consideration, you know, in my country, the AfD is heavily attacking us, that we need more diplomatic efforts to approach Putin and talk with him and find a way to talk with him. Again, we can underline that more red carpet than in Alaska is not possible. Even Trump tried it now to please and to invite Putin to come to the negotiation table. So even the right extreme in Europe must understand that Putin has only one interest, and that is destroying our European way of life. The moment of truth is also in front of us when it is about defence. We spend in the next ten years EUR 6.4 trillion as Europeans. That is the same amount of money as the Americans will invest. And that is why I think the expectation from our citizens is that, after ten years, we have the same military capacity as Europeans, as the Americans have. That means we have to explore the European added value, the drones initiative, the missile defence, the sky shield, all the initiatives now presented by the Commission. I also want to thank Andrius Kubilius for his efforts are really great steps forwards. I want to underline that for me, it's also the moment now to come back to the idea of Adenauer, De Gasperi and Schuman to talk really about the European Army, to do the necessary steps together. And it is also a moment of truth for our competitiveness. Omnibus 1 will be voted this week in this House. We do it together, but we have to do much, much more. We have to do things that our businesses feel is well, that we are attractive for the best minds on global level, to come to Europe, we need urgently growth on European level. That is why single market and also the idea of an ambitious trade policy is at the centre of the EPP. And that's why I thank also the Commission for the Commission Work Programme 26, where you are covering these issues. Finally, the link to decarbonisation ‑ the 2040 target. Dear colleagues, it's Macron, it's Donald Tusk who are going this week to the European Council table and are asking the questions are we ready for the 2040 target, 90 %? Yes or no? I saw yesterday a French/Spanish initiative to take the combustion engine question again on the table. So as the EPP leader I can only say welcome in the club, we always asked for this. We have to be ambitious but pragmatic in the implementation of the climate change, and that is what we want to see also from the leaders there, the workers in Europe, and also those who are socially not as strong as we are, need a proper answer, so that the transition in front of us will be not on the cost of social and of job losses in the European Union. That is the moment of truth in front of us. And that is why we feel that it is not business as usual. We as European People's Party, we are ready to deliver. We do so and I hope that the Council will do the same this week.

Madam President, dear Prime Minister, dear Luc, dear colleagues! First of all, I would like to congratulate you and the Luxembourg citizens on the new Grand Duke Guillaume V. We wish him a lot of strength and success for his important task. He embodies Luxembourg brilliantly, precisely because he does not rely on pomp, but on citizenship. Dear Luc, your leadership also embodies Luxembourg's strength. Responsible, forward-looking and deeply committed to the unity of Europe, as you have shown today, Luxembourg may not be the largest member country of the European Union, but it has always been one of the most European countries in the European Union. Just a few years after the end of World War II, which meant the occupation of Luxembourg by Nazi Germany, your country chose Europe. This was a courageous decision, led also by your party, the Christian Social People's Party. Luxembourg has always been a strong supporter of the European Defence Union. Schengen – you mentioned it: In 1985, Luxembourg was one of the founders of Schengen, and this year we celebrate 40 years of freedom of movement. Luxembourg has a long tradition of leading forces for Europe: Jacques Santer, Jean-Claude Juncker and even Robert Schuman, whom you mentioned was born in Luxembourg. Dear Luc, you are continuing this tradition now. As Finance Minister in your country, you have led the transition to the euro and ensured that Luxembourg is at the heart of Europe's economic future. You have also safely guided and brought Luxembourgers through the financial crisis, protecting people's savings and jobs in difficult times. And today, as prime minister, you are shaping a resilient, competitive Luxembourg. Luxembourg's success story has always been to think socially and economically together. Now you are initiating innovation topics such as artificial intelligence and also a housing initiative – issues that drive people and are important to them. This is leadership and leadership in the best sense of the EPP. Dear Luc, Luxembourg has always been a bridge between nations and a symbol of European cooperation. You rightly describe Europe as a necessity. I quote again: When the sirens of national solutions sound, we must be aware of the discord of their tones. The answer is not less, but a stronger Europe. That's how you put it. And today, the future of the Defence Union is at the heart of it for us as the EPP. Therefore, thank you for mentioning it, this historic project that stands before us today, overcoming national selfishness towards a genuine European Defence Union. In the case of: Cyber defense understand that only common European investments lead to security, including the satellite technology you described – having common data that makes us independent in the global world – and the drone umbrella launched last week in Copenhagen. I may mention that I sometimes find it a pity that we do not discuss the drone wall until we have been tested by Putin, and do not recognize beforehand which measures are right and necessary. But we know you and Luxembourg in a leading role: To go ahead, to lead. Jean-Claude Juncker and Jacques Santer created the euro. It is up to us now to shape the European Defence Union – and to shape it in such a way that it cannot be reversed by nationalists either. We are building on a strong Luxembourg. Thank you for being here.

Madam President, dear Commissioners, dear colleagues, the second time in a few weeks; I have to say it is becoming a little bit ridiculous. A motion of censure is a serious tool for a Parliament – an important right to defend a democratic Europe. Currently, this last resort of a Parliament is being misused by you as a simple propaganda tool, and I hope you have collected enough video material now for your French campaign, which is obviously taking place here. The EPP will vote against. We are living in turbulent times. War, trade, energy, housing, climate change – those are the issues that people care about. First of all, also from my group, competitiveness. Yes, we can have different opinions; there's no doubt about this. But we have to work now. We need stability and have to work. We have a Commission doing exactly this – working and delivering. And for us, as EPP, it is clear – we support our Commission. Ursula, let me also thank you personally. All leaders are facing in this moment of time enormous challenges. Leaders are fundamentally challenged in times of big changes. That's why I thank you for your service. We support again our Commission President and also our Commission for their work. It's funny to see that we have today an initiative from the right extremes and the left extremes joining forces. You should consider probably to join in one group. I already have a group name for this initiative: WAA, and that is 'we are against', because that is exactly what you are showing every day. You have no idea but showing where you are against. Let me just use one example in your common commitment – the US trade agreement. When we speak about the US trade deal, you both criticised it. My first consideration is: where were Viktor Orbán, Alice Weidel, Le Pen, Salvini? When Ursula von der Leyen was fighting for European workers, farmers and business, they were silent. Orbán was caring about his luxury holiday villa, Le Pen was concerned about the court cases on the table, and Salvini was swimming in plastic floating toys. Those were the pictures of the PfE representatives during summer. And now you are lecturing us! You are those people who have strong ties with MAGA, so what are you doing for us at this moment in time? So that is my first consideration. The second consideration is: you are telling us that the nation state is much stronger than the European Union as a whole. Look to Switzerland, they still have 39 % of tariffs. Look to the situation there. They have now a fundamental debate about chlorine chicken import. Ursula von der Leyen defended 50 %, and that's it, even for pharmaceutical – a big success in the last days. We made it clear that legislation for the European market is made here in this European Parliament, not in Washington, not in Silicon Valley. That was achieved under the leadership of Ursula von der Leyen and Šefčovič. Thank you for your service in these issues. I will not go further into content arguments because you are fighting against any trade agreement, against any security architecture, against responsibility in the fight against climate change. That is a reality! PfE and The Left, you both are united in your love of destruction. The EPP loves to build up, to achieve, to construct. We are the party of European integration; we will continue under the leadership of this strong Commission.

Madam President of Parliament, President of the European Commission, dear colleagues, this summer was not an easy summer for Europe. It was Alaska: a missing Europe. It was Gaza: a totally split Europe. It was a US trade deal: not easy. Forest fires. Draghi criticising the economic policy pool. It was really not easy. And it's now easy to stand here in this plenary and criticise – I think a lot of colleagues after me will do so. They criticise the Commission, the Commission President, the Council. I will not do this. I believe we can only win trust if we trust in ourselves, and that's why my first message is that people can count on what the EPP promised in the election campaign. We voted in Bucharest for our projects, for our priorities. We won the elections. And the Commission is now delivering: a fleet of omnibuses started; a return regulation is on the table; a safe programme on defence; we have 18 sanctions packages and the Tunisian agreement; defence in Greece and Poland is protecting our external border; we have illegal migration numbers reduced by 80 %. A lot has happened in the last months. It is not perfect at all, but we are starting to deliver and I want to thank the European Commission for their work. We are attacked as the EPP: from the left that we are too right; from the extreme right that we are too left. But I tell you, we will seriously and decisively continue to deliver content, content, content. That's what counts for the EPP. Autumn, dear friends, will be a moment of truth for us now in Parliament. The legislation arrives on our desks, and the guiding principle for us is responsibility. That's why we will support the US trade agreement. I understood that in the INTE Committee, a lot of colleagues criticised it; the EPP was the only group who supported the outcome in Scotland. I don't like to have 50 % tariffs; I would like to talk about 0 %, about TTIP. It was opposed by the left when we discussed it, but what is the alternative to Scotland? A trade war with the US? Responsibility also means to stand here and say 'yes' to Mercosur, with the proper safeguards for our farmers. We want to have more of these further agreements with Mexico – already presented – India, Indonesia. We have partners who still believe in a rules-based trade order in the world. Mercosur is, for us, an anti-Trump agreement to show that the rules-based approach works. And if we refuse Mercosur, we push South America to China. I know defending Mercosur is not popular, but it is responsible, and it is honest to tell that to the people. And speaking about jobs: last year we lost around 90 000 jobs in the European car industry – 90 000 families. As the EPP, we speak with trade unions, we speak with the CEOs from the car sector – and everybody tells us that we need an ambitious climate approach, but also a realistic one. In this moment in time, whole industries in Europe are dying. That's the reality on the ground. We support an ambitious climate approach for 2050, no doubt about this, but we need a technologically neutral approach: nuclear energy, combustion engines. And we have to screen the legislation on practicability. That is what we have to do, and we have to do it fast. Dear friends: more single market, more flagship projects, more investments, more digital. We all agreed in this House on the Draghi agenda, and now Draghi is asking us: 'What are you waiting for at this moment in time?' Socialists, I have to say, voted in the EMPL Committee against the omnibus – for the rejection of the omnibus proposals. And I heard also that, Iratxe, you said publicly that socialists call the US trade agreement into question. You don't know whether you will support it or not. I tell you: this behaviour is splitting the platform. This is exactly what is harming the European agenda. We have to deliver now, and that's why we have to be honest in this plenary now. Prime Minister Frederiksen, a socialist leader, stood here in July and presented the agenda for the Danish Presidency. She spoke about competitiveness, about stopping illegal migration, and about security – key pillars. She asked us to be strong on less bureaucracy on migration. There are two sides of the socialist reality, I have to say: there are the socialists of Sánchez and there are the socialists of Frederiksen in today's Europe. And I hope that we don't see the Spanish political reality spreading to Europe. I tell you, nearly all votes this week – the proposed CBAM, the future of agriculture policy, public procurement, the Waste Directive – are based on a platform agreement in the committees. That's a reality in our House. It works. Europe does not need another ideological fight in the centre; what we need now are solutions. And we have to act fast, dear colleagues. On the return regulation: Frederiksen again asked us to be the partner of the Danish Presidency. On the return regulation: the Commission presented the regulation in the first 100 days in office, and it took another 100 days to nominate a rapporteur in the European Parliament. And now we have foreseen the return regulation vote in December – at the end of the Danish Presidency. Sorry, dear colleagues, that's not the way we should work. We must speed up; people ask for solutions from us at this moment in time. And allow me to also underline the historic moment we are in. Ukraine confirmed – the Alaska event confirmed – that the red carpet for Putin ends up in the most brutal attacks against civilians that we have ever seen. That's the reality. And on Gaza: enough is enough. Hamas is a terrorist organisation, no doubt about this, but hunger can never be a weapon. The reality of this summer, dear friends, and these historic issues is that we are, as Europeans, alone in a stormy world order. Nobody on the global stage is currently listening to us. I said it on Gaza: a totally split Europe. So, how can we change this? Dear colleagues, the idea that national sovereignty exists is a Potemkin village. It is not real. Kohl, Mitterrand and Delors understood this reality on economic terms. They created a single market and the euro. They made us strong and European integration non-revocable. And now Merz, Macron, Tusk and all the others must create the same for foreign affairs and for defence, to bring the European integration another step forward and make it non-revocable, as our Commission President presented today. We cannot allow Orbán and crazy Fico to turn the European Union into a foolish organisation, dear colleagues. And just a final point, on the nationalists, because we are attacked from both sides. One word to the nationalists at the end: the nationalists here in this House applaud America first. They are friends of American tech billionaires like Musk. They follow the agenda of the tech money. The reality is nationalists are not patriots. They turn Europe into a colony of Silicon Valley and Washington – even worse, of Moscow. And that's why we will never allow this, dear friends. Never allow this. We love Europe. We love the European way of life. Europe is not weak. Europe is as strong as we make it. And that's why Europe must lead now. We are in front of a European autumn of truth. The EPP is ready.

Madam President of the European Parliament, Madam President of the Commission, dear Commissioners, dear colleagues, with this motion of censure, we are wasting time. Putin will like what his friends are doing here. Let's be brief: from an EPP point of view, we will unanimously vote against this motion of censure on Thursday. Corona: Ursula von der Leyen has said enough. We respect and we applaud the leadership the Commission showed in the last mandate to rescue lives. But what does this motion of censure mean for tomorrow? What is really at risk on Thursday? In a few days, Donald Trump's tariff pause will end. Millions of jobs are at risk. Where are the MAGA friends in this House? What are Orbán, Salvini and Alice Weidel doing to save the job of Europeans? I tell you, Maroš Šefčovič and Ursula von der Leyen are defending the jobs of Europeans. That's why the motion of censure is putting the citizens' interests at risk. A second example: the future of millions of farmers, mayors and researchers are depending on European funds – also in Romania, I have to say. We need immediately an MFF proposal. The motion of censure goes against the interests of farmers, mayors and researchers. And a third example: Putin is testing us every day. We need a European pillar of defence now. We need it urgently. And Putin's ambitions go much beyond Ukraine; he hates our European way of life. And I know the German AfD and the Romanian AUR are the puppets of Putin. But why is PiS now joining this pro-Russian alliance? I am wondering myself why this is happening. This motion of censure is against the security of Europeans, so we will vote against it. We have now the first year of this mandate. Let's use also today's discussion for more general remarks that we have to clarify from an EPP point of view. First, we as EPP stand for European democracy. We say, in the lead candidate concept, if von der Leyen is today Commission President, it was not negotiated behind closed doors, but because the EPP won the elections and she was our lead candidate. Teresa Ribera, Stéphane Séjourné and also Ursula von der Leyen represent the balanced Commission based on an election of 200 million voters last year. Secondly, we know where we can build up the future. In around 90 % of all roll-call votes in the last 12 months, we voted together in the platform. That's the truth and that is what we stick to. The third point I want to make: we as the oldest group in this House, we respect its political culture. And the European Parliament is not Westminster. May I remind you: in the last term there was a debate about the Nature Restoration Law, about the combustion engine. And yes, the left policies were voted in favour without a platform agreement here in this House. And yes, this happens also today – the famous Venezuela resolution. We found a compromise on nearly everything. But finally, the question whether we call Maduro a dictator was a splitting point. We were voting in favour of calling him a dictator. Socialists didn't do so. And, dear friends, also for the green claims directive's content: a pre-approval of all ads from big companies is for us a bureaucratic monster. Others can vote for it. The EPP will not vote for it. And I tell you, that is not misusing democracy, that is exactly democracy. It shows different identities in our House. And again, to be precise, 90 % in the platform, and I tell you, in 3 % of all roll-call votes in the last 12 months, yes, there was a majority between EPP, ECR and PfE, but in the rest of the 7 % of the roll-call votes here in this House, there was a majority between the left majority and PfE against the EPP. Those are the facts, and that's why I consider really to stop the debate we had in the last weeks about our credibility and our will to work together. Finally, dear friends, the EPP has a clear red line: pro-Europe, pro-Ukraine, pro-rule of law. Others follow now our definition. Tusk against Kaczyński, Péter Magyar against Orbán. In Czechia, Fiala, befriended with the EPP, against Babiš. We are often the only chance to stop the authoritarian wave in Europe, and that is why we do not need any lesson in fighting against right-wing populism in Europe as the EPP. But – and that's my final point – as a precondition for winning against the authoritarians, we have to listen to people. Emmanuel Macron was critical towards the 2040 target, and the incoming Danish socialist Presidency asks for further tougher measures against illegal migration. And that's why I tell you: the EPP will take the people's concerns in the centre of politics in the next four years. I thank Commissioners Teresa Ribera, Stéphane Séjourné and Ursula von der Leyen for their great work. They can count on the continued support of the European People's Party.

Madam President, dear colleagues, for me personally, meeting Pope Francis and speaking with him was a lifetime honour and he remains, for me and for us as the EPP Group, a profound source of inspiration. His hope, his wisdom, his faith still speak to all of us. It was a moment of deep sadness when we learned about his passing away and we will miss him. Above everything, as our President already said, it was always the person, the human being he put at the centre. He never spoke about migrants, he spoke about human beings and not about a prisoner, about a human being, not about homeless people, about human beings. Christianity at its best: everybody is important, recognised by God, and also has a perspective beyond our life on earth. In November 2014, when he was here speaking in this European Parliament 11 years ago, he spoke about the deep Christian identity of our continent. Europe without Christian roots is simply unthinkable. However, Christian values never were pure Christian symbolism. He did not look at the questions of what divides us in Europe, he was always committed to what unites us. Not race, not religion, and not social status are allowed to divide us. And that was also his red line to all extremists who were misusing Christianity for their egoistic interests. His Christian view on a human approach of a society was also for dignified work, for a society where everybody feels involved, and an economy which also serves the people's interests. And that's why our model of a social market economy was deeply rooted also in his Christian thinking. And finally, on this Christian democratic tradition – like my party is representing it – I also want to underline that he himself, and all his predecessors in the 20th and 21st century, was committed to European integration. He was always arguing in favour of a united Europe, not as a functional entity, not as a cash machine, not as a huge market, but as a community with shared identity, united in the European way of life. In a letter addressed to the European People's Party group, Pope Francis wrote to us that, and I quote, 'To build Europe, it takes a strong inspiration, a soul. It takes dreams, it takes values and a high political vision. Ordinary management, good, normal administration is not enough.' That is what Pope Francis told us. And this is his legacy. This is his job description for us as the European People's Party, also as a European Parliament. He rightly saw the European way of life as a path to a bright future, and also our offer to the rest of the world. That's why, thank you to Pope Francis.

Madam President of the European Parliament, Commission, President of the Council, congratulations, a few months ago, it would have been impossible to see Europe where we are today: a Commissioner for Defence, a White Paper on Defence, an 800 billion-package. And isn't it funny – even the British Government wants to be part of joint investments into the future of defence. So a lot is on the way. But let's be honest, we managed only the first step: borrowing money on the shoulders of the young generation and spending it poorly with national measures. That's necessary, but it's not so difficult. The big things are in front of us. We need further steps. Common procurement to save billions of euros, not only voluntarily, because that never worked, but really obligatory. We need the East shield also as a common project – it's not only Poland, the Baltic countries who are responsible for this, it's all of us who have to finance this. We need European flagship projects like missile defence, sky surveillance. We need a European defence pillar, which is not revocable, as the founding fathers of the euro had in mind when they unified our economies. And there is another challenge. You both, Commission President and Council President, participated in several special meetings in the last weeks – in Paris, in London. Not the European Council was in the lead, but a structure of the willingness of those who had the will to move forward. And why? Let's be honest, because leaders were afraid about unanimity on the Council table. The Orbán problem was solved by creating new formats where the Council President was only a guest and not leading the debate. That is a challenge in front of us. And let me add, dear friends, there was this Signal chat scandal in Washington. A lot of people had fun criticising our American friends about the confidentiality of their communication. But I have to say on substance, Hegseth, the Defence Minister of the United States, wrote there that in the Red Sea, only 4 % of US trade is handled, while 40 % of EU trade is, and then the Americans have to protect the trade routes against the Houthi rebels. Let's be clear, the Americans are right with this complaint. They are right. And we are not capable of protecting, at this moment in time, our own interests – that is the real challenge in front of us, next to the big one on the Russian side. So I would say there is still a lot to do, and we have to speed up because the next Trump challenge is already arriving on Wednesday: the big Liberation Day. Trump's tariffs are not about fair trade, they are about fear of trade. And fear is always a bad guide. We do not follow this logic. We, as the EPP, say 'yes' to the US relationship, as the most successful partnership in the world. We know about the numbers: five billion-worth of goods and services across the Atlantic every single day, 16 million jobs are defending on both sides of the Atlantic on this win-win partnership. The 2nd of April is not a liberation day, it's a resentment day. Trump threatens the world's best economic model that we have established. But what to do now? Europe represents 22 % of the global GDP – we are the economic powerhouse – and the US 25 %. We are equal. A united Europe, as Ursula von der Leyen described it, can defend the interests, and we have to do so. Yes, we have a surplus on products, but the US has won on the digital services. So if Trump focuses on European goods, we have to focus on American services. The digital giants only pay little to our digital infrastructure, where they benefit so much from. Then, dear colleagues, let's act, and not only wait to see what happens in America. Growth comes from the single market – Ursula von der Leyen mentioned the issues there – but it comes also from trade agreements, so we have to finalise them. Let me also underline that Mercosur is becoming now a symbol for our readiness to engage with the rest of the world. Mercosur is becoming an anti-Trump agreement and we have to finalise it now. And, when we speak about our own actions, we have to work on cutting red tape. President Costa, it's great to hear that cutting red tape is an urgency, but I would invite you also to talk with the socialist group in this European Parliament, because they are not yet decided whether they follow the speed procedure on the omnibus at this moment in time. I hope that all of the socialists also recognise that finally cutting red tape is an important issue. And, by the way, where are the friends of Trump at this moment in time? Viktor Orbán or Alice Weidel? Have you spoken with Trump at this moment in time, with Vance and Musk, on tariffs? I see the populists selling the interests of the European workers in the steel automotive industry or the farmers in Europe only to get a picture with Trump. That is what I see every day and none of them are really fighting for the European interests. Dear friends, we will not fuel resentment. Ronald Reagan once said, 'The freer the flow of world trade, the stronger the tides for economic progress and peace among nations'. That's Republican at its best. We will not give up on these words. We want a good deal with the US, without losers, with only winners.

Madam President of the European Parliament, European Commission, Council representatives, dear colleagues, we as the EPP know what we owe the Americans: as Supreme Commander Eisenhower and American soldiers brought freedom and democracy back to Europe; as Reagan's call to the Soviet Union – 'Tear down this wall!' – in 1987 brought freedom and democracy also to Central and Eastern Europe. On the other hand, what happened in the White House two weeks ago was simply a scandal. To say Ukraine is responsible for the war is simply a lie. And even with our long history, with our US friends in mind, we must call a lie a lie. No one can twist the truth. Putin doesn't want to end the war; he wants to end Ukraine. And as Europeans we will never allow this. After the speech of Vice President Vance in Munich and what happened with Zelenskyy in the Oval Office, one reality is clear: dear friends, we are alone. The world is in turmoil. Europe has to wake up. We have to become responsible for ourselves. Our security is not in the hands of Washington or Moscow. It must be in our hands. Since 1952, Madam President – the Commission President referred to this – more than 70 years ago, we had the first idea of building up a defence union. I have to say, we wasted a lot of time in the last 70 years for discussing it endlessly. Last Thursday, putting EUR 800 billion on the table to build up a European defence was an important step, showing that Europe finally takes its defence into its own hands. Money is in this regard a precondition, but is only the starting point of doing so. We need to go further. The first point: we would save a lot of taxpayers' money if we act together. We have 17 tank models in the European Union. The Americans only have one. We need standardisation. We need an obligatory common procurement. And we need to build up a true European market for defence goods, with all the further mergers in the industry side. This is not yet fully foreseen in the plan of Thursday. Secondly, we need joint European projects, like a missile or drones defence system, especially in the east side of Europe; a cyber-defence brigade where everybody understands that cyber is not any more a national issue; a satellite surveillance system where we are not any more depending on US data. And every European citizen would immediately understand it's better to do these kinds of investments together. I would love to see, then, parts of the troops with the European flags on their uniform. This is not yet foreseen in the plans of last Thursday. Europe has to answer the offer of France to define the French nuclear shield as a kind of a European shield. This is not yet part of the plan of last Thursday. Imagine for a second that Trump finally would invite Europe to go to the negotiation table to Saudi Arabia. Who would represent Europe then? Commission President? Council President? High Representative? Merz? Macron? Who would speak on behalf of Europe and on which basis could he or she then speak and act? Unanimity as a precondition for having a voice, then, in Saudi Arabia? Dear colleagues, that shows clearly we are ridiculous. We are not up to the task in this moment of time to give a proper answer. Kissinger said years ago, decades ago, 'Whom shall I call when I want to speak with Europe?' Let's be honest, he didn't give a proper answer on this until now. Europe stands at a self-defining moment. Personally, I think we should once in the future elect the president of the European Union directly by the citizens of Europe. This is naive. This is a dream. Without dreamers, as Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman, Václav Havel and Wałęsa, no one of us would sit today in this Chamber of the European Parliament. The truth is that the plan of 1952 was more ambitious on a European spirit than what is on the table today. We need dreams that create hope and the determination to implement them. This method brought 70 years of peace and then finally the reunification of the European Union 35 years ago. Finally, dear colleagues, because the purpose of the European defence union is to defend our democracy, even more democratic legitimacy of the process is needed. The Parliament must be fully involved. Bypassing the Parliament with Article 122 is a mistake. Europe's democracy stands on two pillars: it's the citizens and it's the Member States. We need both for our security. Last Thursday was a great starting point, and I truly congratulate Ursula von der Leyen and António Costa for the strong message – the will to invest into our defence and to our strength. But this can only be a starting point. The main task of our generation is to create a true European defence union. The European People's Party is ready to do so.

Madam President, Commissioners – especially the Polish Commissioner, I would say to Prime Minister Tusk, dear Donald, in 2022 when you handed me the reins of the EPP in Rotterdam, you said in your speech there in Rotterdam: 'I return to Polish politics to win the battle for democracy, the rule of law and a European Poland'. It was a tough fight, and you won. Poland is again in the heart of Europe. You ended the PIS government. You brought the rule of law back to Poland. You unlocked EUR 137 billion in European funds for the Polish people, and you have brought Poland back to the decisive tables in the world and in Europe. Kaczynski can now peacefully retire, dear friends! Now, the next six months will focus on the future, on improving life – with better health care for everyone – on innovation, on creating well-paid jobs for the citizens of Europe. Not the craziness of extremists, but the daily expectations and the dreams of normal citizens will again lead Poland and Europe. The contrast to the previous presidency is also obvious. Órban's presidency is behind us. Thank God. It was only an ego trip for Viktor. A few days after his famous trip to Moscow, Putin attacked the children's hospital in Kiev. That was really a great peace mission, I have to say! The Polish Presidency, dear friends, has just started but we can already feel the change. Donald, you spoke about these disruptive forms of politics in today's world, and especially in such a moment I think it's important that we have leadership who have proved already their credibility. I want to remind us of a few of these things. When Macron and others treated Russia as a strategic partner, you saw already the reality that Russia is a strategic enemy who hates our European way of life. When my country, Germany, naively backed Nord Stream 2 – and you know I was on your side in this subject – you were already calling for a European Energy Union to break free from Putin's grip. While Chancellor Scholz is only speaking about the Zeitenwende, Poland has massively invested, under your leadership, in defence and is today the eastern shield for Europe. While Sánchez was neglecting the need for stricter border control, even building fences if needed, you were putting successfully the weaponisation of migration on the Council's table. Thank you for doing so. Today, you tell us it's time to end naivety in Europe. A new axis of tyranny is forming: Iranian missiles strike Ukrainian cities, North Korean soldiers are marching across European soil, and Russia is fully in a war economy. We need a security‑first approach. That's your main message. Europe has to wake up. Security first when it is about trade, when it is about developing new technologies, when it is about migration policy. We will safeguard our democracies. Romania delivers a clear task for us. Anyone who wants to earn money in Europe has to respect our rules. Elon Musk must learn that decisions on the DSA and DMA are not done in his headquarters, nor in the White House – only here in this European Parliament. Don't get me wrong: we as the EPP Group want to offer dealmaker Trump a real deal. With China rising, economies struggling and all the world in turmoil, we need cooperation on the transatlantic level more than ever before. Finally, a lot is ahead of us and it will not be easy at all. But Józef Tischner, the Polish priest, philosopher and Solidarność movement thinker, once said, and I quote: 'hope must always match the challenge. The greater the challenge, the stronger the hope.' Today we place great hope in the Polish Presidency. We need more Polish thinking in Europe: facing hardships with strength, facing challenges with ambition, facing autocratic threats with a strong will to live in freedom and democracy. Thank God the European way of life speaks Polish, dear friends!

Dear Madam President, Dear President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, It is good that at the beginning of the new working period of the European Council, a clear focus will first be placed on the Western Balkans. It is clear to us that decisions are now pending – we must now follow our promises to the Western Balkans with action. Of course, the states there must make an effort to contribute the shares they have to bear. But we in Europe also need to better understand that enlargement policy means geopolitics. Every step of enlargement means stability, and this is urgently needed. Our neighbourhood is unstable enough, but there are also positive developments, for example in Syria. Assad, a mass murderer of his own people, is gone, and he is sitting in Moscow. This shows the nature of the Putin system. It is a day of liberation for many Syrians, and it is a day of defeat for Russia and for Iran. We do not yet know the future, but Europe stands ready as a partner, as Ursula von der Leyen and Kaja Kallas have already expressed. The EPP supports this path. Development in Ukraine is more difficult. Ukraine now needs a signal of encouragement. Against the background of the debates in the United States, the trip of Kaja Kallas and also of the new President Costa was an important signal. But now the pictures must also be followed by actions, as Ursula von der Leyen did today in the European Parliament. We must make it clear that we stand by our promise to support Ukraine, as long as it takes. No matter what happens and is decided on January 20th in Washington: We stand with Ukraine, and we may have to compensate and also be willing to take on more responsibility. Russia is weak; Russia has inflation. Russia needs North Korean troops to lead the fight. That is why we must keep our course now because it is right, because it supports our interests and because it corresponds to our values. Ukraine will win! I would like to address two other substantive issues that directly affect us internally in Europe, namely, on the one hand, the discussion on migration. We need the implementation of the migration pact. We need the application of the entry-exit system, and we need new partnership agreements. I would also like to thank the European Commission: With the recent Moroccan and Jordanian degrees, the partnership in the Mediterranean will be further developed and the successes in migration management are impressive. We must put an end to the gangs of traffickers and talk about migration in partnership with our neighbours. Europe supplies in these areas, and that is a good thing. And right now, around Christmas, we must not forget the concerns of our citizens. This is my last thought, economic concerns. Jobs are being cut, entire factories, for example in the automotive sector, are being questioned, perhaps even closed. Many employees are afraid for their jobs at Christmas. That's why we need to take care of competitiveness now: less regulation, no penalties in the car industry, technological neutrality – these are the focal points in one of the most important industrial sectors, namely the car industry, which represents so much economic power on the continent. Ladies and gentlemen, as the European People's Party, we also stand by Mercosur, and I would like to conclude by saying that. Of course, we take the concerns of citizens, including farmers, seriously and respond to them. However, the Mercosur agreement will not only create jobs in Europe and South America, but especially in times of uncertainty, with the United States and China, it is of enormous geopolitical importance. We stand by rules-based trade and want to partner with South America. Finally, after a very intense year in 2024, I would like to say thank you to all colleagues, especially to the group leaders, here in Parliament for the difficult, intense but ultimately successful year in 2024. I wish all of us quiet holidays and then a good start to the next year 2025.

President of the European Parliament, the European Commission, future Commissioners, today is an important day. The European Parliament has to vote on the new Commission – I would call it our European government. Parliament has a strong mandate. 180 million people, Europeans, participated in June's elections. We, all 720 Members, represent the political reality and, more importantly, the political will of the people of Europe, and today we have to vote for our Commission. I am, since my first day in this Chamber, a proud Member of the European Parliament, and I thank the mothers and fathers of the Lisbon Treaty for giving us, as Parliament, such a strong role. In none of our Member States, the parliament is doing a similar hearing process as we do. Elected governments propose the candidates. The European Parliament finally votes for the next Commission. This means full democratic legitimacy for the new team. Let us be proud about this. The new Commission also builds on the successes of the previous one, which delivered great results, as Ursula von der Leyen already said: remember Brexit, COVID, the war in Ukraine, the finalisation of the migration pact, the Green Deal. Sometimes we forget to speak about our positive results. That is why I also want to thank, on behalf of the European People's Party, all outgoing Commissioners and our Commission President for their work. Thank you so much. You made Europe stronger in the last five years. Now we look forward, dear Ursula. You proposed a very balanced Commission – geographically, politically – and also focused on the main priorities. Especially, let me underline, that our 14 EPP Commissioners in the new team are also showing the best part of Europe; they are coming from all parts of Europe, different generations, teachers, mayors, governors, as Ursula von der Leyen already mentioned. So that's really representing Europe at its best. The Commission enters office at a time of war in Europe. Global competition is intensifying. Rivals like China are challenging our industries and our economic model, the social market economy. We need actions now from this new team from day one. Václav Havel said, and I want to quote him, 'It is not enough to stare up the steps, we must step up the stairs'. Let's do what Havel told us. Let's do the first step now. With the priorities on competitiveness, last week, the EPP Group invited the car industry – seven CEOs from big European car manufacturers were there – and the message, dear colleagues, is dramatic: thousands of jobs in Europe are, in the near future, at risk. 13 million in total – 7 % of the GDP. A lot is at stake. That is one reality of today's Europe. The second reality of Europe is the floods in Valencia, the floods in Hungary, in Austria, the fire in Portugal. That is why we have to implement the Green Deal. We have to do our ambitious approach, as it was agreed in the last period. Dear colleagues, the historic responsibility of the next five years is to bring jobs, economic growth – the social responsibility and the environmental responsibility together. That is the first step we have to do. The second is we must keep Europeans safe. We will support Ukraine as long as it takes, no doubt about this. The next Commission must realise De Gasperi's dream of building up a European defence union, and we need safe borders. And the third pillar is we have to protect the European way of life. What Europe does to make us to feel at home. And let's be honest, rising inflation, polarisation, fractures inside of our societies are threatening our democracies. We must keep our societies together. We must define quality of life, not only with economic figures, and we must make sure that nobody is left behind. Dear colleagues, that is a challenge in front of us. The socialists, liberals and the European People's Party are the founding parties of today's Europe. Later, also, the Greens contributed a lot to the future of Europe, and even politicians like Thatcher from the conservative side strengthened Europe with inventing the single market. They fought for this idea of the single market. We all have a special responsibility. And let me be on one point for the EPP crystal clear. The German AfD, for example, is asking to leave the European Union and the euro. The German AfD, Le Pen in France and Orbán in Hungary – they are not just democratic competitors but political enemies for us as the EPP. I will not allow them to destroy my Europe I love so much. Péter Magyar against Orbán, Donald Tusk against Kaczynski – the EPP is in the first row of defending what we believe in: pro-Europe, pro-Ukraine and pro-rule of law. And I thank the socialists and the liberals that we agreed to put into the platform agreement, especially this formulation of the red line towards the extremists, as I said it, in this moment of time. I want to thank my colleagues, Iratxe and Valerie, we have worked together in the last month already very intensively. I want to thank the Greens, Terry and Bas, for the constructive approach, but also Nicola, because with your support we achieved the two thirds majority. We have different ideas, dear colleagues. We fight for our convictions but we all want to find compromises and serve all Europeans. Let us keep this spirit. Europe's best years are in front of us, dear colleagues. Let us vote now for the Commission and then let us start to work.

Madam President, dear Commissioners, President Zelenskyy, Ukrainian people, first of all, I want to thank our President, because Roberta Metsola was the first European leader representing one of the European institutions to travel to Ukraine, to Kyiv, after the war started. Roberta, thank you so much for this kind of leadership. You made us, this institution, proud by doing so. Today's debate with President Zelenskyy's presence: 1 000 days after Putin's war. Yes, we mourn the thousands of soldiers and civilians, including 600 children. Our first thoughts today go to all those who lost family members and friends and neighbours. The loss of any life is a tragedy. Putin's war is brutal terror. That's the first thing we have to recognise. But there is a second reality behind the 1 000 days. Let's be honest: not so many observers thought that Ukraine would have resisted. Not so many experts thought that the Ukrainian forces would be able to regain occupied territory. Not so many observers thought that Ukraine would show a true European face. Yet, yes, you did it. Today, the Ukrainian people have all the right to say, 'We are Europeans.' Or, Mr President, as you said several times, the Ukrainians live, believe in and defend the essence of what makes us Europeans, and that's the European way of life. Congratulations and thank you so much. What do we have to do now? First we have to talk with our American friends. The war in Ukraine is not a simple regional dispute. The war in Ukraine is a battle line between the free world and brutal dictatorship. Drones produced in Iran, North Korean soldiers fighting against Europeans on European soil. What else do you need as a proof for this geopolitical reality? Second, Europe must prepare to take on more responsibility. We will do what is necessary to give you, Ukrainians, the financial stability you need. Whatever it takes, as Roberta said. Every euro invested in Ukraine is cheaper than, for example, funding more refugees coming to Europe. Thirdly, Ukraine must win on the battleground. Joe Biden shows leadership, allowing Ukrainian forces to use all the weapons they have also on Russian territory. With this kind of leadership, it is up to the Europeans to do now the same. Chancellor Scholz said that he would take all the steps necessary together with our American friends. That's why, please, give now Ukraine the necessary Taurus missiles they need. Fourthly, Ukraine will be a member of the European Union soon. I want to thank the Ukrainian Government and Parliament for all the reforms they have already implemented. You want to become a modern, a free and a democratic country. There is still a lot to do, but the efforts are clear and we as the European People's Party support you on this. The fifth point, dear colleagues, what we have to do. Russia will not change. Russia will continue to be an imperialistic power, a security threat to all Europeans. That's why we need a long-lasting security architecture. And for us, as EPP, it's clear: Ukraine must become a member of NATO. All other security guarantees have not brought peace. Together with today's strongest army in Europe, that are the Ukrainian forces, we can build up a European pillar of defence to protect the European eastern border in the long term. The only way is peace through strength, not concessions. We will not allow Putin to steal Ukraine's European future. We stand with Ukraine and yes, we will win.

Madam President, Parliament, Commission, dear Prime Minister, long time no see and welcome to Parliament. My first message also goes to the Hungarian people. They can count on Europe. Devastating floods, more than 20 people lost their lives. Europe will stand together to help people rebuild their homes, churches, schools. Decisive actions, friends who support you in a moment of need. That's Europe at its best. Hungary is a European country. Hungary is a strong country and Hungary can always count on Europe's solidarity. I listened carefully to the presentation of Viktor Orbán today, and I must say I'm quite shocked because he spoke about agriculture, he spoke about migration, he spoke about battery technologies for the future of Europe, but he didn't mention Ukraine, dear friends. He didn't mention Ukraine with one single sentence. I spoke about solidarity and at this moment of time, the biggest need for European solidarity is to give a common answer to war being back in Europe. That is the real question which we have to answer. I have hard times to understand why you, as a former freedom fighter, ignore the will, the desire of the Ukrainians to live not only in peace but also in freedom. I have hard times to understand that you collaborate with the aggressors. And I have hard times, as Ursula von der Leyen also said, that one of the closest advisers of yours said publicly that Hungarians made a mistake in 1956 to stand up against the Russian occupation. For me, Hungarians are freedom fighters and heroes fighting for peace, Europe and democracy. Prime Minister, reality is the following. You visited Putin in February 2022. A few days later, Putin attacked Ukraine with a brutal, unprovoked war. What have you told him? Has he shown you the military deployment plans? This summer, again you visited Putin and, only 48 hours later, he bombed a children's hospital, killed innocent children in Ukraine. Prime Minister, those are the facts. That is the outcome of policy you are representing. Your trip was never a peace mission. It was a big propaganda show for the autocrats and those who are defying our European way of life. Your trip was not a peace mission. Your trip was never a peace mission. It was a war prolongation mission. That is what we speak about. When we speak about content, we can talk about everything: about migration, about climate change, jobs. We do this here every day, so it's not news for us when you present some ideas. The key question is another one. Because on migration, we found in April this year an overall compromise between all countries in Europe, the big parties in the European Parliament. We want to give an answer, and Hungary is outside. It's isolated. It's not having part of this. When you compare today's presidency with 2011, the last presidency, you met 12, 13 years ago all EU leaders. You met several times all EU institution leaders. You were in the centre of Europe. Today, no one really wants to see you. In 2011, you had 44 high-level meetings in Budapest. Today, no one wants to come to Budapest. In 2011, the Hungarian Presidency closed 103 legislative files. Today, no progress at all. Back then you were in the centre of Europe. Today, you are alone. You are sidelined. That is the question you have to answer: why nobody wants to speak with you. I also know that you are telling journalists and the public that you are now claiming to be the conservative centre-right leader. But let's have a look on the PfE Group. Geert Wilders became famous in Italy. Do you know why? Because he said publicly, I quote, 'No cent of European support for Italy.' That is Wilders. I don't know whether Salvini discussed this with him. I don't know whether he did so. That's not patriotism. That is egoism, and that is nationalism. Dear colleagues, Le Pen in France, Vlaams Belang in Belgium, they were opposing the idea to welcome, for example, Romania, Hungary and Slovakia inside of the European Union. That's not patriots for Europe, that is nationalists against Europe, dear friends. That's why people criticise this. Let's be also clear. Viktor, you didn't win the elections. Fidesz is not the winner of the elections. You had in the last mandate 12 seats and now you have 10 seats. So don't create this image that you have the support. The EPP, we won elections. That's why Ursula von der Leyen, Roberta Metsola, we have the chance to lead in Europe. We won because we followed our DNA as Christian democrats and as conservatives. You are trying to present you as a true conservative. But I tell you, Margaret Thatcher was a mother of today's European single market. She was leading these policies. Ronald Reagan stood up against communism and won. He did not please autocrats and anti‑democrats. Helmut Kohl unified east and west with good policies like the euro and the Schengen proposal – united and didn't split Europe. That is the true nature of Christian democrats and the EPP. These conservative leaders knew that the democratic world and Europe are stronger together. They would never be Putin's and Xi's puppets. Dear friends, that is about the European reality. When we finally focus on the Hungarian reality, corruption is killing Hungary's future. We see the consequences every day. 4 000 Hungarian teachers left their jobs only last year due to terrible working conditions, and nearly 400 000 Hungarians emigrated in the last decades. They are fed up of corruption. As the EPP, we know Hungary deserves better. Hungarians deserve a strong voice in Europe. When Péter Magyar was the first time in the EPP Group meeting, he said the pro-European and pro-rule-of-law-based Hungary is back in the EPP, with seven MEPs. Today, the Tisza Party is neck and neck with Fidesz in the polls, and I know you're getting nervous about this. But I tell you, just as Pavel defeated Babiš in the Czech Republic, just as Tusk defeated Kaczyński in Poland, Tisza and Péter Magyar will defeat you in Hungary. Mr Orbán, you are the past. Péter Magyar is the future.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President, ladies and gentlemen! The name Mario Draghi stands for great experience and also for a long career. He stands for a man who is in the right place at the right time and gives the right answers – that's what he did as Italian Prime Minister, and that's what he did as ECB President. And today he does it again: He presents us with a report that puts its finger in the wound, a clear analysis, a brutal analysis: Europe has no future if we do not turn the tide now – we are losing the global connection. We as the European People's Party, as a party of competition, prosperity and economic growth, have highlighted these issues in recent years, and that is why we are pleased that it is now such a high priority. Over the next five years, the Draghi report will be an essential basis for us to help implement our political goals. And it is perhaps no coincidence that it will be presented here in Parliament on the same day that the new Commission is also presented, that it gives us exactly this construction principle. When we talk about the specific topics, I would just like to name them in a buzzword: strengthen the single market, energy prices have been mentioned, innovation, education, free trade as one of the big issues, trade with the rest of the world to build wealth – many colleagues will go into this. For us as EPP, I would like to highlight a second point specifically, namely the horizontal issues: The criticism also of the overregulation, which has transpired, the consideration that start-ups do not initially have customer contact with us, but that start-ups first have contact with the bureaucrat because they have to fill out forms. That's why we need to think about how to get better there: Policy that makes fewer laws, dictates fewer details, but thinks about implementation; less bureaucracy, more trust and listening instead of giving lectures. This is the policy approach we should take over the next five years based on Mario Draghi's proposals. I would like to say two more thoughts. What we are most concerned about right now are the sectoral approaches. In his report, Mario Draghi made it clear that we, as Europeans, are losing touch in certain areas of technology, and the most important thing to worry about as Members of the European Parliament is the situation of the car industry. We have a wake-up call from different corners of our car industry – a nuclear industry in Europe. Hundreds of thousands of jobs depend on this industry, and therefore a first priority for the Commission must be to create a horizontal approach so that our car industry has a future, so that the cars of tomorrow are not produced in China, but in Europe. And I would like to tell Mario Draghi that we still need him, because he has a high level of authority and he can now do the job of not only delivering the message to us – and I believe there is a lot of sympathy for his proposals in the European Parliament – but also of going to the Council so that we can now get a wake-up call on the Council side as well. He made it clear: Europe is the answer. With this optimism, we will respond to the tasks of our time.

Madam President Metsola, President von der Leyen, Presidency, colleagues, one month ago, 180 million Europeans went to the ballot boxes. Never before have so many Europeans voted for the European Parliament. We in this House mirror the political landscape of Europe. We as EPP won the elections, we are the far biggest group in this House, and we have half of the members of the European Council in our family. But we know that European success has never been a one-party show. We are bridge builders. We love the compromise. And since Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman, all of them were Christian Democrats, we are convinced Europeans. We showed already this idea of unity, I mean the vote for our president, Roberta Metsola. She is a great president and you can understand that we as EPP, we are proud to see her managing and representing our Parliament. I thank you all for the great support she got, she truly deserves it. Today we must do the next step, to vote for Ursula von der Leyen as President of the European Commission. Allow me to present some considerations before we vote. The EPP nominated Ursula von der Leyen as our candidate for the post four months ago in Bucharest. She was campaigning, she argued, she defended our programme. She and we as a party, we won the elections. And today she is also candidate of the European Council. We had in this Chamber so many debates about attacks against European democracy. I tell you, if you want to defend democracy, vote today for Ursula von der Leyen. We know her, she respects our Parliament. She was always present when we had discussions. She knows that her power is democratically based on the mandate we give her here. And she knows she is politically also accountable to us. We know her. She is ready to lead the Green Deal, fundamental and necessary legislation to show the world that we can and must stop climate change. COVID, no first and second class Europeans, solidarity with the NextGenerationEU funds. And Ukraine, dear friends, she was leading the unconditional support and the clear commitment that one day Ukrainians will sit here with us as colleagues in this European Parliament. Thank you Ursula for this clear leadership. We know her. She is the first female president of the European Commission. We as EPP are proud to present this week two strong female candidates for the presidential jobs. We can talk a lot about gender equality for women. I tell you, now is a moment to implement it in practice by voting for Ursula von der Leyen. We have to overcome the fears of people. We have to answer the questions and we have to fulfil their dreams for tomorrow. Next to the strong personalities, the programme, dear colleagues, counts and allow me to underline three EPP priorities. First, we listen to the voters, to the workers in the steel and car manufacturing sectors, the craftsmen, the farmers, and that’s why we are happy that Ursula von de Leyen is proposing fair competitiveness and also prosperity as a first chapter of her guidelines. Second, we listen to the people in Ukraine. Putin is a war criminal and we must stop him. Increased support for Ukraine and a European defence pillar, that is what is needed. And Ursula von der Leyen is proposing this. And thirdly, we listen to the people who are afraid about too many illegal migrants. We opened the door for around 3 million Ukrainian refugees. So Europe showed that we stick to the Geneva Convention and to the right of asylum. But still, there are too many people illegally crossing our borders and we have to stop this. We should be deciding about who is entering and not the smugglers. And Ursula von der Leyen is presenting exactly the other solutions for us. Her programme, dear colleagues, is the right programme for the next years. Today there is a lot at stake. Europeans want a democratic, not a radical Europe. They want us to work together and to build compromise, not to divide people like Orbán, Le Pen and Mélenchon do. Europeans want a united, not a divided Europe. Our friends in America are in deep waters. Putin brings war and wants to divide Europe. Today we have to send a strong signal of a united and determined Europe. Many of you, dear colleagues, know my personal history. I urge you, vote for Ursula von der Leyen. It’s the right choice. The EPP will certainly do so.

Madam President, dear Madam President von der Leyen, dear colleagues, first of all I think we have to recognise that we cannot welcome the President of the European Council today. We speak about the outcome of an official European Council meeting last week in Brussels and the President of the European Council, Charles Michel, has obviously not the need to come to Strasbourg and explain to us as MEPs about the outcomes. So the Commission President is reporting, but not the Council President, so that’s why I would first of all generally underline that I see there a lack of respect towards this institution and I ask also our services to ask Charles Michel for clarification. What is the reasoning why he is not with us? I want to thank Ursula von der Leyen, because in the last five years she was a representative of the Commission, always being present in all debates here in this House, thank you so much, Ursula, for doing so. That, dear colleagues, is the last speech before we go into campaign, before we try to convince Europeans for our parties, but also in general for Europe, and you can imagine that for me as the EPP Group’s leader, it is a great thing that we discuss now competitiveness, because the EPP has been asking for this debate for years now about jobs, jobs, jobs. That was our EPP agenda over the last two or three years. Now it has arrived on the European level, on the European Council table. To be clear, competitiveness is not an empty word: it means preserving Europe’s more than 30 million jobs in manufacturing, creating new jobs like in the artificial intelligence field, it means empowering the 25 million SMEs in Europe to successfully lead Made in Europe into the future and it means also ensuring that 450 million European consumers receive good, safe and affordable products every day. When we speak about competitiveness, that is what we mean to underline the importance of this field. From a political point of view, I have to say yes, that on the European level the Council understood it from a party point of view. Let me also say that in the PES electoral programme, Iratxe, you never mention competitiveness with one single word there, so you can really see also from a party political point of view who has an idea about what is needed and who has no idea about what is needed. What do we have to do? We support the ideas presented by Ursula von der Leyen. The first thing is to strengthen our own market, the single market, the capital market union, services, energy. Also, the implementation of the current rules is an issue to strengthen our market, so we should not look to the outside world first of all, we should trust in our growth engine and that is our own single market. The second thing is innovation: not to allow that Horizon Europe be further watered down and cut. We need more money for innovation. We have to cut bureaucracy. This mandate was not a good one in this regard: we increased bureaucracy, it was driven by the thinking that a regulatory framework is better than having trust in those who are delivering on economic success stories. We want and stand for a Europe that creates opportunities and not a regulatory framework first of all. Finally, trade and not being naive in this world we are living in. When Olaf Scholz is in China and he is telling the Chinese that he has no problem with electric car production there, then for me that is quite naive, having in mind that 20 % of the cars sold in Europe last year are produced in China. They want to occupy this new market with their dumping approach. That is why we should be strong as Europeans, and we should be open for others for us to create a common market of the democracies in the world with Mercosur, with other agreements, this is the line to take. Ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, for us this is in front of us when we speak also for preparing the next mandate: at the end of this mandate, before we go to elections, I want to underline that we all share one common understanding: to save democracy in Europe, to fight against those who are taking Europe, who are taking the democratic principles. My party, the European People’s Party, is a founding party of Europe with Adenauer, De Gasperi, Schuman. Today, people like Donald Tusk have this flag in their hands. So we do this together with a pro-European, pro-rule of law and pro-Ukraine approach. The campaign means to discuss things, but the starting point is that we delivered. We delivered together with Brexit, with the vaccines, with the RRF, with the Green Deal, migration and digital, the list is long. We did it together, and we did it together under the lead of Ursula von der Leyen as Commission President. So let us be proud about this and let us then have a good campaign where we show Europeans the alternatives in front of us.