Speeches

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, more than two years after the coup, Niger's democratically elected president, Mohamed Bazoum, remains under house arrest – without charge, without trial. This is unacceptable. I call for his immediate and unconditional release. Not only for him, but for all those arbitrarily detained, like, for example, human rights defender Moussa Tchangari, who is detained solely for reporting critically on the authorities, because the junta has targeted political opponents, civil society and the media. This crackdown on dissent reflects a broader pattern across the Sahel – democratic backsliding, shrinking civic space and a sharp decline in press freedom. We should worry about this trend and do our best to reverse it. At the same time, Niger faces a severe humanitarian crisis. Insecurity, economy and climate change have left around three million people in need of assistance. There, the EU must continue its efforts to ensure humanitarian aid reaches those who need it the most. Today, this Parliament calls for the restoration of constitutional order and the full respect of fundamental rights for everyone in Niger.

Mr President, it's clear that for doing their job, upholding international law and investigating genocide claims, the International Criminal Court Judges and the UN Special Rapporteurs are being treated like terrorists with sanctions from the from the US administration. We've raised it in letters, we've raised it in committee meetings, and we are raising it here in plenary. But even after this meeting, I still have two questions: what and where? First of all, what is keeping the Commission from finally taking action and activating the blocking statute to protect these EU citizens? By the way, where are our EPP colleagues – the largest group in the European Parliament, with 188 Members – who promise to uphold international law? And one of them shows up. We should think about that.

Madam President, Commissioner Šefčovič, in a time of unilateral trade tariffs and systematic breaches of the global order – by the way, a global order that indeed is still worth defending – it's also worth acknowledging that 70 % of global trade still relies on WTO rules, and that is quite remarkable. As we head into Cameroon in two weeks, three things are sharply on my mind. First, that we must define the WTO as a multilateral framework where common rules, rather than sheer economic might, govern our trades. Second, is that to remain relevant, the WTO must be fit for purpose. Its rules must be fair, equitable and implementable for all members, particularly those in the Global South. And third, let's not forget the role that the WTO should have in ensuring that trade is a driver of collective action to green our economies and fight climate change. Colleagues, let us work for a WTO that protects the rules-based order that ensures a fair and transparent system, and that makes trade a force for a just green transition.

Madam President, colleagues, Ms Kallas, we are taking a painful snapshot of 2025. In Gaza and the West Bank civilians suffer unimaginably while humanitarian access is restricted. In Sudan, mass atrocities continued without accountability. In Myanmar, a brutal military junta uses sham elections to legitimise its repression. In Iran, dissidents face systematic violence and a wave of executions. And even in the United States, migrants are treated not as people but as targets: detained, dehumanised and stripped of dignity. It is painful to look back. The system that is meant to defend human rights is being weakened. Funding cuts are shutting down life‑saving programmes and crippling UN agencies and civil society when they are needed most; international courts are also under attack. But we're not powerless: we can sanction perpetrators, hold governments and companies accountable for abuses, and stand with those who risk everything to defend human rights. And we can and should also leverage our trade policy for the benefit of human rights. Dear colleagues, this report is not a bureaucratic exercise. It's a mirror. It's forcing us to confront the state of the world and our role within it. It's a call to action. Let us please not look away.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear Commissioner, Guinea-Bissau has once again been plunged into crisis by a military coup. This coup, reportedly orchestrated to prevent electoral defeat, reflects a troubling trend of unconstitutional changes of government that is undermining stability and the rule of law across West Africa. Since the coup, journalists, civil society leaders, electoral officials and opposition figures have faced intimidation, arbitrary detention and incommunicado imprisonment. These are clear violations of fundamental rights. It's a serious attack on the Constitution and on the democratic choice of the people of Guinea-Bissau. As Guinea-Bissau's largest trading partner, the EU cannot look away. We have both leverage and responsibility. All EU funding and agreements, including the new fisheries agreement, must be urgently reviewed to avoid giving any legitimacy to the junta. Our responsibility is clear: support civil society, protect independent media and foster an inclusive political dialogue aimed at delivering free, fair and peaceful outcomes for the people of Guinea-Bissau.

Madam President, dear colleagues, today I speak in outrage and in solidarity. The mass kidnapping of children and teachers in Nigeria, including the abduction of 100 children from St Mary's School, is shocking and unacceptable. This is not an isolated tragedy: it is part of a wider pattern in which students, teachers and schools are deliberately targeted. Violence against education is enabled by a broader climate of insecurity in Nigeria, which affects Christians and Muslims alike. Conflict over scarce resources, widespread poverty, the collapse of livelihoods and a lack of opportunities for young people: these issues fuel violence, embolden criminal gangs and extremist groups, and allow impunity to persist. To the victims, their families and communities I want to say: you are not forgotten. Our solidarity with you is unwavering. I call on the Nigerian authorities to act now to secure the safe release of all abducted students and teachers, support the victims and their families, and protect schools and communities from further attacks. Children in Nigeria have the right to go to school without fear. That right must be protected.

Mr President, on Sunday I returned from Palestine. And let me start by telling you what I did not see. I did not see Gaza, children exposed to the cold in tents under a storm, the continued lack of humanitarian aid, or Palestinians mourning the loved ones that were killed even after the ceasefire. But what I did see was the West Bank, a relentless system of illegal settlements, carving up Palestinian land, demolished homes, unchecked settler violence, a maze of 900 checkpoints and barriers whose arbitrary rules dictate daily life. Roads that cut across the West Bank, but only for Israeli drivers. I saw a system of oppression that ticks all the boxes of apartheid. But I also saw hope, UNRWA staff that kept schools running, human rights defenders working despite being sanctioned, and a young Palestinian woman who told me that she will continue to dare to imagine a better future. Colleagues, the EU has tools to uphold human rights and international law. The association agreement with Israel, our trade policy regarding settlements, the blocking statute to protect the ICC and sanctions for the worst perpetrators. These tools are gathering dust as we speak. It is about time we use them.

Mr President, dear colleagues, months ago, I stood here calling on the authorities of Tanzania to release all political prisoners. And today that call is more urgent than ever. Tanzania is showing a deeply troubling pattern of repression and abuse. Critics like opposition leaders, journalists and activists face threats, arbitrary arrests, extrajudicial killings and forced disappearances. The government is shutting down free media and taking away people's basic rights to speak, gather and move. Human rights defenders are in grave danger. The cases of Agather Atuhaire and Boniface Mwangi, who came from Uganda and Kenya to observe the trial of Tundu Lissu, prove it. They were arrested and allegedly beaten and tortured by members of the army, and their story demands urgent accountability and justice. The October elections further expose the scale of repression. Voters were denied a real choice and security forces use deadly force against protesters. Today, I urge again the authorities in Tanzania to release Tundu Lissu and investigate disappearance of government critics, including that of Humphrey Polepole. Colleagues, we all care about human rights in Tanzania. So we need to do more. Beyond raising these issues at the highest level, the EU must also establish long-term support for human rights defenders and journalists and ensure that our systems allow those most at risk to relocate and find legal pathways for asylum. Our actions – not only our words – must match the needs of the people of Tanzania.

Madam President, let me share with you the words of a Rohingya survivor: 'Every day, I remember my life is destroyed. We lost our home. My family members were killed and we had to leave our country. I was raped in my own land and I can't even live there.' The Rohingya have been enduring decades of marginalisation. They've been deprived of basic rights and freedoms, forcibly displaced, denied citizenship, made stateless, and subjected to killing, torture and rape. Today, more than 1 million Rohingya are refugees living in precarious conditions. The UN described them as the most persecuted minority in the world. But, sadly, they are not the only victims of the Myanmar regime. Since the military seized power, rights and freedoms across Myanmar have significantly deteriorated for everyone. Human rights defenders, civil society organisations and minorities are targeted. With the support of China and Russia, the military bombed civilians as a form of collective punishment. The junta, having banned dozens of political parties and holding 30 000 political prisoners, now seeks to fabricate legitimacy by holding elections next month. Our resolution is clear: these are legitimate elections with no conditions to be free, fair or inclusive. The EU and the international community must reject this sham, and we must also strengthen sanctions against the regime: close loopholes, expand humanitarian assistance, foster pro-democracy efforts, and support the critical work of the ICC, the ICJ and the UN. From this Parliament to the people of Myanmar, we say today: we see your extraordinary courage, we share your hope for a free and democratic Myanmar, and we stand with you.

Madam President, a peace plan that circumvents international law; a ceasefire that has already been violated, killing dozens; humanitarian aid turned on and off, using civilians as leverage; Palestinians having no say on who will lead Gaza in rebuilding what Israel has destroyed; impunity in the face of genocide – this is the reality in Gaza. And meanwhile, in the West Bank, the illegal occupation grows, subjecting millions of people to killing, torture and displacement. Yes, much has changed in the past few weeks: a ceasefire agreement, the return of the hostages, more humanitarian aid coming in. These are all crucial steps. But let us be clear: this is not peace and this is not justice. Colleagues, our credibility is on the line. What influence can we have with Russia, with any other state, if we don't stand by our values? We must uphold international law, and that means taking action: suspend the association agreement and all trade with illegal settlements, impose sanctions and stand firmly behind the ICC and the ICJ. This is the moment to secure a path – a just and a lasting path – that guarantees safety, freedom and self-determination to Israelis and Palestinians alike.

Madam President, colleagues, the suffering in Haiti does not make the news or our social media screens, but it should. Armed gangs, corruption and impunity have overtaken the country, driving fear and despair. More than 1 million people are internally displaced and over half the population faces food insecurity. Women and girls are particularly at risk and sexual violence is widespread. Yet, instead of solidarity, the people of Haiti face rejection. USAID funding cuts have disrupted health services, including HIV treatments, while massive forced repatriation from the US and the Dominican Republic risks worsening the already dire socio-economic conditions. We must send a clear message: these forced returns violate international human rights standards. To help Haiti move to a safer, more democratic future we must sanction those who are fuelling the violence, protect human rights defenders and support local civil society. It's time to work with Haiti on a strategy that combines humanitarian aid, development and inclusive political dialogue, recognising that military interventions alone have consistently failed. The people of Haiti deserve our empathy and our action – let us not hesitate to give them both now.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the arbitrary imprisonment of Abdoul Aziz Goma for over seven years in Togo is not just concerning, it's outrageous. His case exposes a system that punishes peaceful advocates with torture and sham trials. Aziz was arrested simply for helping protesters who were calling for democratic reforms. At the request of a friend he gave shelter to these protesters from rural areas at his home in Lomé. For this act of solidarity, he was accused of crimes against state security and thrown in prison. The UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention has confirmed what is obvious –Aziz's detention violates international law. His basic rights to liberty, healthcare and a fair trial have all been denied. Recently, in desperation, he began a hunger strike to protest against his inhumane treatment. His doctor warns that, without urgent medical care and release, he may not survive. The EU must act with urgency, demand his immediate release, press the Togolese authorities to end sham trials and prolonged pre-trial detention, and urge the government to respect freedom of assembly and expression, and protect the civil space for civil society and human rights defenders. Our voice here in Europe must be a voice for Aziz's freedom and for all of those who dare to stand for democracy.

Mr President, dear Colleagues – and now, as well, dear children of Victoire – this Parliament calls today for the immediate and unconditional release of Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and other opposition figures who are on trial for politically motivated grounds. She is a courageous opposition leader, jailed not for any crime but for daring to challenge the status quo and, sadly, her case is not unique. It is part of a broader pattern: in Rwanda, opposition voices, independent media and civil society are being silenced systematically, deliberately and with impunity. Those who speak out face intimidation, surveillance, detention or worse. The European Union cannot be a silent partner to repression. Our credibility depends on speaking up – not just when it's easy, but also when it's necessary. I call on the EU and the Member States to confront the Rwandan Government on its crackdown against political opposition and violation of human rights. Our cooperation with Rwanda must be consistent with the promotion of human rights and democracy, including fair trial standards. If we stay silent, we legitimise oppression. If we speak with courage, we give hope to those who risk everything for democracy. Let us please choose courage.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, you and our colleagues from the EPP called for political responsibility in supporting this deal. But I think it's very far-fetched to claim that it is responsible for us to spend USD 750 billion on natural gas, oil and nuclear energy from the US. If Russia has taught us something, it is that Europe must become independent in its energy production through a green transition by no longer depending on others – and especially not on unpredictable populists and dictators. But looking at this deal with the US, it seems perhaps we have not learned our lesson. Let's face it, Commissioner Šefčovič, these billions are needed here in Europe, to benefit European consumers and companies, not to fill the coffers of ExxonMobil and Chevron – the same corporations that have blocked ambitious climate action for decades. Instead of pouring money into fossil fuels, we must invest in renewable energy production, in batteries, in the circular economy. Our regulation, our climate goals, our values are not for sale. And we cannot – ever – trade them away.

Dear colleague, you say this is not humanity. You just called all Palestinians extremists: is it humanity to call the 55 000 or more children who have been killed or injured in this horrible genocide extremists? Where is your humanity? How dare you call an entire nation extremist?

Mr President, dear colleagues, the arbitrary and unjust imprisonment of Ryan Cornelius for 17 years in the United Arab Emirates is extremely concerning. He should be immediately and unconditionally released. But I must say he is not the only one. The Emirates have a concerning track record of arbitrary detention, unfair trials and allegations of torture. So why is it that the EU and this House too cannot name Ahmed Mansoor as well, and a long list of others who are arbitrarily detained, often in inhumane conditions? Is it perhaps related to our dependency in UAE oil, or perhaps related to the USE 67 billion in non‑oil trade between the EU and the UAE? Or perhaps the special partnership and trade agreement that is under negotiation? While it might seem economically convenient to stay silent about human rights abuses by our partners in the short term, rest assured that we are paying the price in the long term. Our global reputation as a promoter of human rights is deteriorating at a rapid pace. We should end the double standards. Free Ryan, yes. And free all the other prisoners.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the arbitrary and unjust imprisonment of Ryan Cornelius for 17 years in the United Arab Emirates is extremely concerning. He should be immediately and unconditionally released. But I must say he is not the only one. The Emirates have a concerning track record of arbitrary detention, unfair trials and allegations of torture. So why is it that the EU and this House too cannot name Ahmed Mansoor as well, and a long list of others who are arbitrarily detained, often in inhumane conditions? Is it perhaps related to our dependency in UAE oil, or perhaps related to the USE 67 billion in non‑oil trade between the EU and the UAE? Or perhaps the special partnership and trade agreement that is under negotiation? While it might seem economically convenient to stay silent about human rights abuses by our partners in the short term, rest assured that we are paying the price in the long term. Our global reputation as a promoter of human rights is deteriorating at a rapid pace. We should end the double standards. Free Ryan, yes. And free all the other prisoners.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, today the Commissioner came to us to say that the trade war seemed to be turning into some sort of trade truce, even though we don't know that much yet in detail about the content. In any case, I'm very happy to hear that, for you, our legislation remains a non-negotiable point. It can't have been easy to negotiate with the Trump administration. The amount of U-turns on deadlines and tariff rate is unprecedented. With that unstable background and knowing that nothing binds Trump to a final deal, we must always proceed with caution. While the EU might be able to strike a deal, this is unlikely to be the case for most of the world. For many, the absurdly high tariffs are still on the table, and this poses a huge challenge for developing nations. The compound impact of high tariffs and the cuts in development assistance risks all the progress that has been made on the poorest economies and, by consequence, on the Sustainable Development Goals. Our multilateral system is failing and those who are most vulnerable risk paying the highest price.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, today the Commissioner came to us to say that the trade war seemed to be turning into some sort of trade truce, even though we don't know that much yet in detail about the content. In any case, I'm very happy to hear that, for you, our legislation remains a non-negotiable point. It can't have been easy to negotiate with the Trump administration. The amount of U-turns on deadlines and tariff rate is unprecedented. With that unstable background and knowing that nothing binds Trump to a final deal, we must always proceed with caution. While the EU might be able to strike a deal, this is unlikely to be the case for most of the world. For many, the absurdly high tariffs are still on the table, and this poses a huge challenge for developing nations. The compound impact of high tariffs and the cuts in development assistance risks all the progress that has been made on the poorest economies and, by consequence, on the Sustainable Development Goals. Our multilateral system is failing and those who are most vulnerable risk paying the highest price.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the proposal to dissolve and ban political parties in Mali is concerning, to say the least. Anyone can see that such a ban is deeply undemocratic and a nail in the coffin of any self-respecting democracy. It is also at odds with the Constitution that was enacted in 2023. But this is not a standalone development; it is part of a wider crackdown on opposition, civil society, critics of the regime and many political opponents, who have been abducted or arrested. The autocratisation trend – not only in Mali, but in the entire region – is extremely worrying. So we stand here today, as Europeans, speaking about human rights and democracy in Africa; and as we do it, we cannot deny our colonial past. Neither can we deny our present, where so many of our relationships with countries that were formerly colonies continue to be deeply unequal. The EU must come to terms with our past and start treating African nations like equal partners, not only in words and in speeches, but also in actions, negotiations and trades.

Mr President, the EU-Israel Association Agreement requires respect for human rights from a government that targets aid workers, doctors and journalists; that is blocking humanitarian aid using famine as a weapon of war; that is committing apartheid in the West Bank; that is committing a genocide in Gaza. So, Commission, Council, colleagues in this House, my question to you is this: how long will you ignore them? The UN experts and special rapporteurs, the international courts, the human rights organisations, the students who are on hunger strike outside the doors of this Parliament, the volunteers that try to walk or sail to Gaza with aid, the tens of thousands of people marching in the streets of Europe. For how long will they be ignored? The suspension of this agreement is long overdue. It's a legal necessity. We are Israel's largest trading partner. We have leverage. We have a responsibility. If we mean 'never again', we must act today. Our complicity must end today.

Madam President, colleagues, Commissioner, Mr Lissu started his career as a lawyer working on land rights and on the impact of mining in protected areas. His political activity and his exposure of government corruption made him a target for an assassination attempt, followed by several years of exile in Belgium. He returned home to Tanzania, he became a leader of the opposition party, and just last month he was arrested, disqualified from participating in the upcoming election in October and charged with treason – a crime punishable with a death sentence. This is not a standalone case. It exemplifies the regime's treatment of political opposition, civil society organisations, journalists, indigenous peoples and human rights defenders. Anyone who poses a threat to the ruling elite is effectively silenced. The EU can – and should – do more. We should make any future EU investments in Tanzania conditional upon improvements in human rights, democracy and the rule of law. Embassies and the EU delegation must monitor the trials of those unlawfully detained, and we should increase the funds supporting civil society and indigenous communities. Today, this Parliament stands with Mr Lissu and with all those unjustly deprived of freedom in Tanzania. To them we say: you are not alone!

Mr President, dear colleagues, the European Day of the Righteous came about in 2012, intended as a way of commemoration, a way to honour the brave people who risked their lives to stand up for democracy and humanity in the dark times of totalitarianism that our continents experienced not too long ago. It is also a day to remind ourselves that we may never allow these tendencies to rise again. No one could have expected that, just ten years after the creation of this day, we would be confronted with war in our continent, with an authoritarian-leaning President in the White House, and with chilling amounts of anti-democratic forces deeply cemented in European governments and parliaments – in this House too. This combination is a toxic cocktail posing an existential threat to our democracies and our societies. Against this backdrop, the only way to truly honour the righteous is by echoing their voices today, to speak up, to denounce all forms of totalitarian regimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. Do it now, as they did back then. Our democratic values fade when we silence the righteous, so we must speak up.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the media shapes our world view. Journalists who report with no fear or favour are able to foster transparency and to hold those in power accountable. Without them, we are the targets of misinformation and further polarisation, with immense risks for our societies and democracies. But the free press is under threat. We are witnessing alarming trends all around the world – from strategic litigation to arbitrary detention, use of violence and a tragic increase in journalist fatalities. So I am proud that today this Parliament is standing up for journalists in Cameroon. They are routinely censored, detained, attacked and imprisoned. Sometimes they're tried in military courts, which is against international law. I condemn these structural violations and call for the immediate and unconditional release of all those imprisoned in Cameroon. The UN member states must use all of their leverage to improve the human rights situation and issue humanitarian visas for journalists at risk. Let us stand in solidarity with the courageous journalists in Cameroon and elsewhere, who risked their lives to bring us the truth. Their fight for freedom of expression is a vital part of the global struggle for a more informed and just world.

Dear colleague, you and your colleagues have repeatedly used this debate on human rights to raise the issue of Marine Le Pen. My question to you is: yesterday, when our group proposed a debate on corruption, on this case, how did you vote? If you voted against, why are you instead using this platform to make the points that you could have voted on a debate to speak about?