Speeches

Mr President, colleagues, we're at a pivotal moment in agriculture. The Commission will soon publish their strategy for the livestock sector, and this report offers us a real opportunity to shape it. The livestock sector is not a liability or a problem to be managed. It's the cornerstone of food security, of economic strength and rural life. It employs millions across Europe and sustains communities that would otherwise face depopulation and decline. Yet there are those that would have us believe that rural Ireland, for example, is a drain on the economy. That view is not only wrong, it's actually offensive. The people who feed this continent, who maintain our landscapes, who work hard every day, they are not a burden – they are the backbone of society. The Commission strategy must now reflect that. Fair prices, strong income support and a predictable regulatory environment that allows farmers to plan for the long term. That's what we need. We owe it to farmers and to rural communities to now get this strategy right.

Madam President, we often talk about sustainability here in the Chamber, and the interconnectivity of the three pillars associated with it: economic, social and environmental. Our vision for the future of agriculture alludes to the importance of this on many occasions, and sets out an ambitious roadmap for making agriculture a sustainable and profitable, successful sector, one that is attractive to new entrants and provides real livelihood for those already working the land. But when we look at the CAP budget in the proposed MFF, we see that there simply isn't the political will to back up that ambition, and once again, our farmers are being asked to do more for less. A 20 % cut, for example, is not acceptable. This week, the Parliament will vote on its ring-fenced EUR 433 billion for the CAP, a significant increase, of course, and one we will have to fight hard to secure. But we can't simply celebrate a number. We know the shortfall remains real, and it is not enough to stand here and shout about it, as many do. As CAP negotiator, I have worked hard to find a concrete path forward. As a Parliament, we have the power to act and I would commit to fully ring‑fence the EUR 45 billion mid‑term amount and the EUR 48 billion rural target proposed within the CAP. That path exists and it's clear, and I would urge my colleagues to support this proposal.

Madam President, colleagues, we meet once again in the midst of an energy shock. Member States, including my own, have committed to, and are responding with, targeted and temporary supports. In Ireland's case, that is only possible because of the prudent economic management of recent years allowing interventions during past crises, the present situation and in the event of current circumstances persisting. Measures, I may add, that are costed and focused, not driven by the usual bluff and bluster or calls for action without any regard for cost or consequence. But this moment must also sharpen our focus at European level, because the reality is this: Europe has the capacity. I see it at home, from the potential of offshore wind along Ireland's western seaboard to public-private partnerships such as Amazon working with Bord na Móna in my own home county of Offaly. But if we're serious about energy security, we must now match ambition with delivery. That means accelerating a European super grid and putting in place planning and permitting systems that are predictable, that are efficient and bound by statutory timelines, not processes that take years while opportunity slips away. And that is how we will strengthen our energy security, reduce our exposure to global shocks, and ultimately, that is how Europe will take control of its own energy future.

Madam President, colleagues, my reason for pushing for a Housing Commissioner and this report was always very simple. Two things needed to happen: reform of state aid rules and a stronger lending role for the European Investment Bank. Both are clearly recognised in this report. From my perspective, that means the core job here is done. At the same time, housing has become and remains a Member State competence. Delivery happens at national, regional and local level. For Ireland, reform of state aid rules will broaden the criteria under which the State can invest in social and affordable housing, meaning more homes for families and young people. Meanwhile, the impact of expanded EIB financing is already visible, with our Land Development Agency seeking up to EUR 1 billion in funding – a step alone that could support the delivery of more than 2 500 homes. Overall, this report makes our national goal of delivering 300 000 homes by 2030 more achievable than ever. So now it's for the Commission to implement these recommendations, as it has promised to do, and for Member States, like my own in Ireland, to turn them then into delivery.

Mr President, as preparations accelerate for Ireland's Presidency of the EU later this year, my message is clear: our focus must remain firmly on the issues that truly matter to citizens, to business and to communities. Ireland must use this opportunity to drive progress on the priorities that will shape Europe's future. For example, the likes of agriculture means staying laser‑focused on the next CAP, its budget, its architecture and the long‑term sustainability of farm incomes. In trade, it means advancing agreements more efficiently while ensuring that key industries are not exposed to unfair competition. In energy, it means strengthening cooperation on a European super grid and unlocking the likes of Ireland's renewable energy potential – a potential I saw first‑hand last week myself in Shannonbridge, County Offaly, with the launch of Ireland's first hybridised grid‑stabilisation system. We must use our presidency, of course, to seek to protect children online while strengthening Europe's security. We will use our presidency to ensure that Member States facing threats from Russia are fully dealt with while respecting, of course, Ireland's neutrality. If we remain focused and united, I have no doubt that Ireland's Presidency can deliver real progress for our citizens and for Europe.

In the first instance, considering America looking inward, China being more assertive, it's imperative that the EU bloc finds alliances, allegiances and trade agreements with other blocs. Thankfully, in recent months you have seen a greater pace by the Commission in relation to its negotiations and the delivery of such options, which of course offer great opportunities for the agriculture sector, as it does many other sectors, whether it be the drinks industry, wines and spirits, medtech, contract procurement, opportunities for services, and so forth. In the case of Mercosur, if you were to depend solely on the economics, it would be a no-brainer. It would have been passed. But unfortunately, environmental commitments have to stand for something. It's not always about the money. It's about level playing pitches and we didn't have that there. In relation to India, if I might just say briefly, there is an exclusion in relation to many agricultural products, which means we don't have fears that we might have had in relation to the Mercosur countries.

Madam President, I'm sure every farmer understands unfair trade practices. They know them as late payments, last-minute order changes are being told to take a lower price or lose the buyer altogether. The EU's evaluation of the Unfair Trading Practices Directive confirms what farmers already know: the rules exist, but the power imbalance hasn't gone away. Complaints are underreported because farmers fear retaliation, and enforcement depends too much on who shouts the loudest. In Ireland, the agri-food regulator's own survey highlighted that almost 30 % of farmers experienced at least one unfair trading practice last year, with late payments for perishables being top of the list. At a time when fertiliser costs are eating into already tight margins, that cash-flow pressure is brutal. Things have improved in recent years, there is no doubt about that, but as we review this directive further, we must push for stronger proactive enforcement, because farmers shouldn't have to choose between speaking up or staying in business.

Madam President, honourable Members, extreme weather events are no longer exceptional. They are becoming more frequent, more severe and more disruptive right across Europe. When these events expose clear infrastructural weaknesses, particularly in flood defences, we must act decisively. Flood protection, like housing and energy infrastructure, should never be trapped for years in planning paralysis or serial judicial reviews, as is too often currently the case. A more realistic balance must be struck. Environmental protections, of course, matter, but so too do people's homes, businesses and livelihoods. Rectifying gaps and weaknesses is in the common good. As such, flood relief schemes and critical adaptation works must be delivered faster, including through wider use of streamlined planning and permitting procedures, like the Part 8 process at home in Ireland. European solidarity also matters. And I want to echo my colleague, Barry Andrews, in calling for Ireland to apply swiftly to the EU Solidarity Fund following Storm Chandra. But as I said, ultimately, preparedness starts at home. If extreme weather is now the new norm, then political resolve, better planning and faster delivery must be our new norm. Thankfully, this appears clearly understood by our own Taoiseach and government, and I expect it will lead our decision-making in this area in the weeks, months and, indeed, years ahead.

Mr President, recent decisions would be amongst the most consequential in Irish agriculture for decades. I say that having been directly involved in the nitrates derogation renewal, in securing Mercosur safeguards in the event of its progression, and as a lead negotiator in the next CAP. And it is against that backdrop that I have found the events surrounding Bord Bia back home in Ireland deeply regrettable. The facts are clear. The chair of Bord Bia has confirmed that less than 1 % of beef sourced by his food company was Brazilian. This, he said, was done for contingency supply in global contracts, which is legal, regulated and standard practice. But that explanation hasn't stopped a personalised campaign being launched against him. The whole episode also lays bare a contradiction: condemnation of these minuscule imports, while relying on Mercosur grain every day for our own livestock – all while losing focus on real issues, like CAP reform, trade volatility and farm incomes. These are the issues that will define European and Irish agriculture for the next generation. So it's beyond time for all parties to come to the table and resolve this responsibly, including through increased farmer representation on governance boards if necessary, because current divisiveness is helping absolutely nobody whatsoever.

Madam President, speaking in Davos this week, our Commission President described the emerging EU-India trade agreement as the mother of all trade deals. And in many ways, of course, that is right, for it will create a market of 2 billion people, accounting for almost a quarter of global GDP. Personally, I was glad to attend a recent International Trade Committee delegation to New Delhi as negotiations intensified. Of course, nobody doubts the urgent need for Europe to diversify its trade, but not unlike the case of Mercosur, which was referred to the courts earlier today, we must do a better job at aligning ambition and principle. In this regard, I am concerned, for example, by briefings I've heard in recent days that certain agri-food sectors, including elements of dairy, appear to be carved out or will be carved out of any final deal. Removing difficult issues instead of finding compromises is not advisable. There is no doubt that many Irish industries, particularly spirits, med tech and, indeed, others will benefit enormously here, but trade policy cannot be about progress for some at the expense of others. So, as we enter the final stages, I'd urge the Commission and the Commissioner to ensure it delivers an agreement that works for all of Europe, that works for all its Member States, but of course works for all industries and all sectors too.

Mr President, President Trump's latest tariff threat to several EU Member States over Greenland are profoundly dangerous. I personally remain steadfast in my own belief that this administration does not speak for the American people, a country that for decades stood shoulder to shoulder with Europe in defence of a rules-based international order. We are now witnessing a clear break from that tradition. During Covid, President Trump undermined the WHO. In trade, he has consistently disregarded the WTO, at the UN he sows division, and now within NATO, he opts for pressure instead of partnership. Where are the voices of the US Congress, who not so long ago stood for partnership and international law? Their silence has been heard across Europe. Are they much like the anti-EU, anti-trade, pro-isolationism brand of politics creeping into our own Union, putting politics over principle? It is not simply a trade dispute to test whether law still matters, whether alliances still matter, and whether Europe is prepared to defend them. Alongside the Irish Government. I stand ready to play a part in defending fellow Member States, who themselves have stood by Ireland time and time again, because the EU is at its best when it stands united in such a case.

Madam President, chair, colleagues, when the Brexit process was at its most fraught, the greatest concern for us in Ireland, of course, was always peace on the island of Ireland. The fear of more lives potentially being lost or a hard border re-emerging on our island was real. The Windsor Framework restored stability and protected the Good Friday Agreement. That matters above everything else. And the EU Member States' support is something that is recognised and greatly appreciated at home, as is the fact that today the Trade and Cooperation Agreement is working and EU-UK relations are back on a steady footing. But stability alone is only a starting point. Now we need delivery. The summit's priorities were clear: deeper energy cooperation to strengthen security and lower costs, practical SPS cooperation to cut red tape for business, a youth mobility scheme that re-opens opportunities for young people, and structured dialogue on security and defence in an increasingly unstable world. As we are all too well aware, the war in Ukraine showed our vulnerabilities on energy and security, but it also showed how effective the EU and UK can be when we act together. We know we cannot repeat past overreliance, especially now on Russian gas. That is why cooperation on offshore renewables, grid interconnection and long-term planning is essential. A European supergrid would be decisive tool for strengthening competitiveness and easing input costs that are crippling industry today. So, with the US looking inward and China growing more assertive, a stable and more predictable EU-UK relationship and partnership is now a strategic necessity. After extensive negotiations and a political deal being arrived at, now comes the real test: delivery and implementation. Those civil servants and officials that have been tasked with that technical work in both the EU and UK systems must now step up to the plate and get it done. We have waited long enough.

Madam President, in these uncertain times for global trade and international relations, building stronger partnerships matters more than ever. As the United States turns inwards, Europe must strengthen its position in regions such as Latin America in order to promote our values of democracy and free trade, and to ensure we don't fall behind other interested parties such as China. My own country of Ireland already enjoys a EUR 1 billion trade surplus with the Mercosur nations of Latin America, showing the strong potential for many European sectors, including pharmaceuticals, machinery, medical devices, dairy and spirits. But these partnerships are not purely about profit; Latin America has still has a distance to travel before matching Europe's environmental, labour and food safety standards. Legitimate concerns remain over the proposed safeguards for agreements like the Mercosur one, especially given the projected increase of 99 000 tonnes of beef into the European market. The Commission must show that standards will not be sacrificed for short-term gain, and that agri-food producers will not be undermined for the benefit of other sectors. I have said before that I will not reject any deal out of hand, but I will not support one that undermines our own citizens either. Europe's partnership with Latin America can have a bright future, but only if it is built on shared values, high standards and mutual respect.

Mr President, after two decades of on‑and‑off negotiations, the EU‑India trade talks are finally nearing conclusion. The 14th round of negotiations begins this week, and personally I am honoured myself to have accepted an invitation to join the European Parliament's International Trade Committee delegation to India later this month, as we enter a decisive phase. This deal carries vast economic promise. India is now the world's fastest‑growing large economy and home to 1.5 billion people – a market of enormous potential for European and indeed Irish exporters. My own country's whiskey exports to India, for example, have grown tenfold in five years, while our dairy, pharma, MedTech and nutrition sectors are ready to do similar once barriers are lifted. But this partnership is about more than trade alone. It's about Europe's place in a rapidly changing world. As the United States turns inwards and Russia and China grow more assertive, deepening ties with India and others is essential to strengthen global stability and ensure Europe remains an active shaper rather than a passive observer of the century ahead. Yet, like many other trade agreements, it must be fair. We must defend high European standards, including protecting our farmers and ensuring sustainability commitments are real. An ambitious, forward‑looking deal can work for both sides, strengthening Europe's resilience while opening new doors for the likes of Irish business.

Mr President, Commissioner, colleagues, tomorrow we are voting on two hugely important CAP files. The first is a simplification package, which rightly addresses farmers' concerns and moves us away from a one-size-fits-all conditionality policy and recognises that different countries and regions have different needs. I welcome this, and I welcome the Commission's willingness too to build flexibility into the next CAP in this area also. But that same logic has not been applied in the second file we vote on, as alluded to by my colleague and MEP, Flanagan: the common markets organisation. Instead of maintaining the market-orientated approach, the Commission has proposed rigid contractual measures that risk undermining what are successful cooperative models, especially and particularly those in my own country of Ireland. This, I believe, is a clear inconsistency and we must have flexibility in this regard. And it is because of that, I would be proposing amendments catering for Member State opt-outs, where majority farm organisations request them, and clear derogations for cooperatives, so that systems that are already working well are allowed to keep succeeding. As I said, the EU should be about building on successful models, not necessarily undermining them.

Mr President, colleagues, China's recent decision to impose tariffs on European pork is unjustified and it demands a response that is firm, fair and strategic. China's market is vital for Europe's pig sector, as has been said, especially for bi-products, where no other market offers the same return. Just last year, pork exports to China were worth over EUR 2.4 billion. In Ireland's case, that is 61 000 tonnes of pigmeat worth nearly EUR 100 million. Losing that income would be a serious blow to farm families and rural communities. The Commission has pledged to defend foreign producers and now it must follow through on that pledge. Farmers cannot be collateral damage in bigger trade disputes driven by other sectors. Now is the time to be firm without being reckless. A trade war with China benefits no one, and protecting farmers must remain central to the EU's strategy going forward.

Madam President, colleagues, when I sought election to the European Parliament last year, it was to make a real practical difference for communities across Ireland through productive politics, not populist rhetoric or point‑scoring, and being appointed to the AGRI Committee and as Renew Europe's lead negotiator on Parliament's CAP report has since provided me with a great opportunity to reflect the views and priorities of Irish farmers in shaping the next CAP. It was not a task I took lightly. I do appreciate that you enter negotiations with one position and cannot expect to come out with the same one. But I am satisfied that large swathes of the vision that I outlined on behalf of the Irish farming community are now part of the final text of our report. We have secured clear demands: an increased budget and retention of CAP's stand‑alone structure; recognition that food security is a fundamental part of Europe's strategic security; less red tape and better rewards for environmental work; and meaningful support for young farmers to promote generation renewal and much more. This week's overwhelming vote sends a strong message to you, Commissioner, and to the Commission ahead of the upcoming multiannual financial framework CAP proposals. We won't stand for a reduced budget or a dismantled CAP, and it would be wise for you to listen and treat our report as a serious issue...

Mr President, since the election of President Trump, I've constantly pointed out that the economic bond between Europe and the US is one of the strongest globally and of great mutual benefit – a relationship that tariffs, of course, will only damage. That is why I've repeatedly called for a strategic, measured and politically precise response to President Trump. I am satisfied that the Commission has so far reflected this, consulting Member States from drafting its counter tariff list and rightly deferring action following the 90-day delay to give diplomacy a chance. But should this pause end without substantive US engagement, we must be ready to respond firmly, proportionately, and as one. At the same time, this uncertainty in EU-US trade has brought the urgent need to broaden our trade partnerships into sharper focus, but not at the expense of certain countries or sectors. For Ireland, where agriculture remains a vital pillar of our economy, that means ensuring the fair treatment of our farmers in any future agreement. Proposed deals, including that with the Mercosur bloc, must reflect EU values of fairness and reciprocity. As it stands, that deal unfortunately does not meet that standard. In the days and weeks ahead, I urge the Commission to remember that Europe's strength lies not in noise or brashness, but in unity, resolve, and staying power. We learned that through the COVID-19 pandemic, through Brexit and the financial crash, and I have no doubt that, once again, we will stay the course.

Madam President, colleagues, as we look ahead to the upcoming summit, I want to commend the Commission for its ongoing efforts to strengthen our relationship with the UK. Despite the challenges posed by Brexit, the UK remains a valued and like‑minded partner of the EU in the face of global challenges. In light of the recent tariff decisions by the US, it is more important than ever to deepen our engagement with our British neighbours. I urge the Commission to be ambitious in our dialogue with the UK, to work to align our trade regulations and enhance cooperation on energy, particularly on offshore wind and grid infrastructure, and, of course, to preserve the Common Travel Area. Above all, our united and unwavering support for Ukraine must remain a central priority. With that said, any lasting partnership must begin with the full implementation of existing agreements, including the Windsor Framework. The unique status of Northern Ireland must be protected in all future negotiations, and the peace and stability secured by the Good Friday Agreement must never, ever be taken for granted. Only through trust, cooperation and mutual respect can we secure a prosperous future for both EU and UK citizens alike.

Madam President, in two days' time, the Trump administration will impose tariffs that threaten the future of the European economy, not just for months, but possibly for years to come. Europe must respond firmly, but strategically. Our counter-tariffs, when they arrive in mid-April, must be measured and considered. It's inevitable during this consultation period that individual Member States, their governments and sector representatives will make the case for their right to be shielded from such tariffs. I personally, for example, have made representations to the Commission on behalf of several Irish industries. But when the time comes, it's vital that we unite. In times of crisis, the strength of the EU has always been its unity. We are all now well aware that the EU exports EUR 157 billion more in goods to the US, while the US has a EUR 109 billion surplus in services. It's a mutually beneficial relationship, one that tariffs will only damage. As such, if and when the time comes, we must engage with the Trump administration transactionally, exploring American LNG purchases, for example, and security commitments, as part of a solution to avoid all-out trade war. All in all, let's make sure the EU's response is measured and politically precise. The goal must be to bring the US back to the table because, as we all know, a trade war serves neither them nor us.

Thank you, MEP Flanagan. And you're quite correct, of course. I'm well aware of the impact, and the fears and concerns that exist in many farmers, many landowners, whose soil is designated as peaty, and the worries that they would have for the implications of what's contained. However, I'm convinced that the Commission, in its efforts to have this addressed, primarily is committed to nature restoration laws and rewetting programmes, which Ireland and the region has committed strongly to. It has been funded by this Commission to the tune of EUR 100 million – to Bord na Móna, for example, a state body that has responsibility in this regard, that will meet much of the demands that are contained within that. I think farmers will continue to be in a position to carry out farm practices in relation to ploughing, in relation to reseeding, in relation to maintenance of drains ...

Mr President, Commissioner Hansen, thank you for your presentation earlier. As I mentioned when we met yesterday morning, I welcome much of what is contained in the vision, particularly the Commission's intention to shift the future CAP from a system of conditions to that of incentives. That, of course, is a step in the right direction. However, the vision falls short in addressing one critical issue: the need for a strong CAP in the next multiannual financial framework. This vision is worryingly vague, and there are persistent rumours that the CAP budget could be merged into a broader funding pot. It says nothing concrete specifically about the budgetary needs of the next CAP, failing to acknowledge the need for new funds to pay for the transition towards sustainable food systems and productions. So, Commissioner Hansen, I'd like to ask you at this stage, have you identified the level of funding needed to sustain the CAP in the next MFF? And crucially, what steps are you taking within the College to secure this funding?

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, we face a new global reality today, with countries retreating from trade and turning to protectionism. Amidst this shift, it's natural for the EU to seek new trading partners. In doing so, however, we must continue to uphold our principles by ensuring a level playing field. As it stands, the Mercosur deal lacks key guarantees and imposes demands on Europe's farmers not matched by Mercosur nations. On the whole, for example, Ireland's agricultural industry has three strategic goals, all with EU competences: extending the nitrates derogation, an increased CAP budget and stopping a Mercosur deal that farmers believe threatens beef exports. If the Commission were to provide meaningful assurances around the Mercosur deal and firm commitments on the derogations in the next CAP, I believe farmers' views could shift. Our country, for example, presently enjoys an EUR 800 million trade surplus with Mercosur nations. This deal has the potential to bring about further opportunities, but good politics is ultimately about compromise. Good politics! And the question now is whether the Commission will prove its political astuteness by strengthening the deal and providing strategic assurances on the CAP and the derogation – or not!

Madam President, the economic ties between Europe and the US are amongst the strongest there is globally, with trade flows exceeding 1.5 trillion annually. The EU exported 156 billion more in goods to the US, while the US holds a 104 billion surplus in services. So it is a partnership of mutual benefit, one that tariffs would only damage. Ireland's deep historic and economic ties to the US are well known. Equally known, however, is the fact that our success is also built on EU membership and the solidarity we received during key periods and challenges like Brexit and the COVID‑19 pandemic. As such, it's fair to say that the potential for tariffs to turn allies into adversaries leaves few with more to lose than Ireland. But as the geopolitical challenges emerge, we in Ireland and the delegation here from Ireland will continue to push the EU to strengthen its own competitiveness, tackle energy costs, address infrastructure deficits and secure our place in the global economy. At the same time, Ireland knows that the EU must stand united. Protectionism weakens all of us. The EU should engage early, defend open trade and ensure that cooperation, not division, shapes our future.

Yes, I accept, of course, as many deputies do here, that the issue of red tape is one that has to be tackled in the context of the upcoming common agricultural policy. I have no doubt that it, in its own right, makes a contribution towards this issue in relation to the mental health and wellbeing of farmers and their families. It's incumbent on us to engage in that process that is the common agricultural policy, to ensure that you engage with your stakeholders, with representatives and with your own communities, in order to ensure that you are well informed in your representations to the Commissioner, to the Parliament, to the Council; in order to ensure that a common agricultural policy is not just specifically about funding farmers and supplementing their income, but is about helping them in many other ways, including in relation to the issue of red tape, which was very dominant during the course of the election campaign in my own country and, I am sure, in yours. We have a duty and a responsibility to improve that and to improve it in a way in which, in turn, restricts the amount of capability that there is amongst this red tape to impact on people's and farmers' mental health.