Speeches

Madam President, I stand before you not just as a European, but as a Romanian as well. My country shares the longest EU border with Ukraine. We are not just neighbours; we are brothers and sisters who have sheltered millions from the storms of Russian aggression. We have seen their fear in their eyes and heard the sirens first-hand. We talk of peace, and we must. But let us be clear: a peace dictated by the aggressor is not peace, it is surrender. And a 'just peace' is not a negotiation over how much of a sovereign nation is fed to the wolves. That peace will never hold without real ironclad security guarantees. Vague promises are an invitation for future aggression. Ukraine needs more than our resolutions. It needs our resolves. So I ask you, look east from this Chamber. See the courage of a people fighting for their very values we represent. History will not forgive us if we answer their sacrifice without hesitation. Let our legacy be that when tyranny challenged our continent, we did not flinch. We acted. We secured a just peace.

Mr President, as we face challenging trade talks with our American partners, we must not forget the vital importance of our transatlantic bond. For over 70 years, the partnership between Europe and the United States has been the foundation for global prosperity and security. This is about more than just tariffs. It’s about our shared democratic values and our joint responsibility to tackle global challenges, from climate change to cybersecurity. Choosing protectionism now would be a huge error, undoing decades of shared progress. We must work towards a fair-trade relationship that strengthens both sides, guided by a spirit of cooperation. Let's be inspired by President John F. Kennedy, who said, 'We must seek a world where peace is not a mere interlude between wars, but an incentive to the creative energies of humanity.' In that spirit, let's use our energy to build a stronger, safer future for both the European Union and the United States.

Mr President, as we face challenging trade talks with our American partners, we must not forget the vital importance of our transatlantic bond. For over 70 years, the partnership between Europe and the United States has been the foundation for global prosperity and security. This is about more than just tariffs. It’s about our shared democratic values and our joint responsibility to tackle global challenges, from climate change to cybersecurity. Choosing protectionism now would be a huge error, undoing decades of shared progress. We must work towards a fair-trade relationship that strengthens both sides, guided by a spirit of cooperation. Let's be inspired by President John F. Kennedy, who said, 'We must seek a world where peace is not a mere interlude between wars, but an incentive to the creative energies of humanity.' In that spirit, let's use our energy to build a stronger, safer future for both the European Union and the United States.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, well, listening to the previous two interventions, this has not been an easy file. It was marked by some controversy, sensitive issues, and of course, the always-in-fashion misinformation. Nevertheless, the fact that we finally have a report after three years is a major step forward. I congratulate the rapporteur and the other fellow shadows for their resilience in the face of an obvious smear campaign, and I praise the negotiation process, which is the essence of politics. The European Parliament is not in the business of qualifying or quantifying core national issues. Our report is here to assess North Macedonia's path to becoming an EU member: reforms and steps forward, but also areas where the country needs to pick up the pace. My message today is one of hope. Our past determines our present. And our present determines our future. This is the path towards progress. I hope that all actors will – at some point – act wiser and responsibly and recognise enlargement for what it is: a strategic imperative benefiting our nations and the entire continent.

Madam President, Madam Commissioner, well, listening to the previous two interventions, this has not been an easy file. It was marked by some controversy, sensitive issues, and of course, the always-in-fashion misinformation. Nevertheless, the fact that we finally have a report after three years is a major step forward. I congratulate the rapporteur and the other fellow shadows for their resilience in the face of an obvious smear campaign, and I praise the negotiation process, which is the essence of politics. The European Parliament is not in the business of qualifying or quantifying core national issues. Our report is here to assess North Macedonia's path to becoming an EU member: reforms and steps forward, but also areas where the country needs to pick up the pace. My message today is one of hope. Our past determines our present. And our present determines our future. This is the path towards progress. I hope that all actors will – at some point – act wiser and responsibly and recognise enlargement for what it is: a strategic imperative benefiting our nations and the entire continent.

Mr President, Russia's war has made EU enlargement a strategic necessity to secure a stable and democratic continent. But we face a critical challenge: our current institutions risk paralysis in a larger Union. The unanimity rule threatens to block the very action we need to be a credible global actor. Inaction is not an option; it means losing credibility, importing instability and undermining the rule of law we champion. We must act now, treating enlargement and internal reform as two sides of the same coin. So I call on us to be bold: move to qualified majority voting to break the gridlock. Let's be smart: implement phased integration to reward reform now. And let's be prepared: overhaul our budget to be fit for a stronger Union. Let us seize this moment to build a Union that is not just bigger, but more cohesive and decisive, ready to secure peace for generations to come.

Madam President, Madam High Representative, next week in The Hague, our leaders will gather for a pivotal NATO summit shaping the future of European security in an era of unprecedented challenges. The long peace we have taken for granted was not a lucky chance. It was the product of vigilance and strength. For years, we spoke of 2 % of GDP for defence as an ambition. Today, in the face of blatant aggression on our continent, it is a dangerously low baseline. We must look beyond it. Let us be clear eyed and courageous. We must chart a realistic course towards 5 % of GDP for our collective defence. This is not a matter of choice. It is the premium. We must pay for the freedom and the cost of deterring those who wish us harm. This increased investment must be smart. It must be coordinated. For too long, our national defence efforts have been fragmented, leading to duplication and inefficiency. It is time to build a true, powerful and coherent European pillar within the NATO alliance. This meant joint procurement share capabilities and seamless interoperability. A stronger Europe makes for a stronger alliance. To achieve this. We must unleash the potential of our own defence industrial base. We must slash the suffocating bureaucracy that slows down procurement and prevents innovative small and medium sized enterprises prices from contributing. We need a regulatory environment that fosters speed, scale and cross-border collaboration. Finally, as we build this renewed strength, we must deepen our engagement with our allies in the United States. A more self-reliant Europe is not a rival to the United States. It is the credible, capable and reliable partner they need. Let the message from this Parliament to the summit in The Hague be ambiguous. We are united, we are resolute, and we are ready to do what is necessary to defend our people, our values and our peace.

Mr President, I welcome the adoption of the Country Report for the Republic of Moldova and the work of the rapporteurs of all pro-European groups, as well as the effort of rapporteur Sven Mikser, whose contribution has been remarkable in this process. The final form of the text clearly shows the European Parliament's support for Moldova and its efforts to integrate into the European Union. We see how disinformation and manipulation campaigns have already started before the September parliamentary elections. Russia and its minions in Europe lost the presidential election, lost the referendum on European integration and are now fighting a furious battle for the Moldovan Parliament. We must fight Russia's hybrid war with all legal and democratic means. It is time for Moscow's defeat to take place on all fronts, for Eastern Europe to return to peace and prosperity. In this regard, I strongly ask the European Commission to include the pre-accession funds for the Republic of Moldova and the other candidate countries in the draft of the future multiannual budget. Also, the European Commission and the Member States must actively assist Chisinau in the coming period in carrying out reforms and accessing funds from the growth facility, and I congratulate Commissioner Marta Kos for the remarkable example of Europe's presence there, in Moldova, in every region, not just in Chisinau. Enlargement of the Union with Moldova is a strategic priority of Europe. Our continent can and must ensure development, prosperity and security for the members of the Union, the candidate states and its eastern neighbourhood.

Madam President, let's talk about the truth. For more than 1,000 days, Ukraine has been battling a slow-moving aggressor. Every day, Russian bombs hit hospitals, homes, kindergartens, schools. Ukrainian civilians are abducted and tortured. Prisoners of war are subjected to cruel treatment and denied the most basic rights in international law. This is the human cost we see every day, and the need for action is becoming more important than ever. Firstly, the acceleration of Ukraine's European integration is a moral imperative and a shield for the protection of the country's future. Secondly, this shield needs energy, strength. Our military support for Ukraine must be sustained and increased. The defence of Ukraine is the defence of Europe. And thirdly, we must learn from the courage of the Ukrainians. Their direct combat experience must be integrated into our collective security strategies. History concerns us today. What we need to remember is that we have risen to the height of this moment. That we fought for freedom and did everything in our power to achieve this freedom and just peace. Glory to Ukraine!

Mr President, today we are commemorating the 80th anniversary of the Second World War, but its lessons are more timely than ever. In '38, when Nazi Germany annexed Austria, it was not just an act of force, it had been paved by a relentless campaign of propaganda and disinformation. The Nazi regime portrayed a false narrative of an Austrian people eager to unite, fabricating crises and suppressing any news that contradicted the official story. The Nazis controlled information and perception, making their aggression seem justified, even welcome. Nowadays, the fight for truth has moved to the screens of our lives. Disinformation, amplified by the speed and amplitude of social networks, erodes trust in institutions and democracy and can destabilise societies. Tactics are evolving - from fake radio shows and photos to algorithm-driven deepfakes and bubbles - but the goal of manipulating the truth for power remains horribly familiar. The past gives us a hard and urgent lesson: We need to be critical consumers of information. We have to ask questions, we have to check and we have to understand the agendas that can hide behind the narratives that are presented to us. History shows us that when truth is compromised, freedom and peace are seriously endangered. We must learn from the darkness of the past to protect the present and the future.

Madam President, I believe that peace in Ukraine is the only topic on which there is consensus in this House. Divergences between the groups arise when it comes to how to reach peace in Ukraine and how to show this peace. I argue that military support for Ukraine must continue, because a peace cannot be sustainable without Ukraine's ability to ensure its security. I argue that it should no longer be negotiated alongside or without Ukraine, as the Trump administration has tried unsuccessfully. There is another point that needs to be addressed, and I am glad that the President of the Commission has spoken about it. Ukraine must become a member of the European Union. The opening of negotiating clusters must be accelerated as a political signal for both Ukraine and the Republic of Moldova, and the European perspective must become part of the peace agreement when it is negotiated and hopefully signed. Ukraine is Europe and is part of Europe's security, and Russia must recognise this.

Mr. President, when I went to school in communist Romania, my parents reminded me almost daily not to tell anyone that we were listening to Free Europe, that radio station that offered us a window into the free world in full communist dictatorship, that radio station that informed the Romanian people that in Timisoara a revolution had begun in '89 that then changed the whole country. I didn't think I would get to live the day when Free Europe and, in general, the right press, would be under siege, as it is today. At the White House, Associated Press It is banned because it refuses to rename the Gulf of Mexico. Instead, a bunch of New Media extras are being courted to praise an American president with authoritarian sympathies. Where is today that freedom of speech that conservatives in the United States were defending? She is banished on social media, she tells me, but there the access to freedom is no longer free. It's controlled by algorithms in the possession of billionaires ready to do anything for money and resources. Our mission today is to defend and support a fair press, not to prevent and sanction manipulation on social media. Because, Commissioner, humanity cannot exist without real facts and truth. There is no alternative truth, there is only truth.

Madam President, two characters in human history have destinies that are very current today. Giordano Bruno, burned at the stake for the crime of saying that the universe is infinite, and Galileo Galilei, escaped from the stake, but imprisoned for life for the crime of saying that the Earth revolves around the Sun. 400 years later, today in the United States, universities are threatened with losing funding, research programs are interrupted because they do not agree with a dogma, scientists come to fear the police of thoughts or words. Europe is now the only and strongest guarantor of freedom, as long as the current US administration is just experimenting with the ‘Ideological Inquisition 2.0’ app. What seemed unimaginable a few months ago is a reality we are living. Europe has become a haven of academic freedom. Scientific asylum initiatives already exist in France, Belgium or the Netherlands and are to be welcomed, but this is not enough. The European Commission must urgently present and implement a programme to attract scientists from the United States. Free spirits must have a home.

Mr President, after President Trump's shameful behaviour towards President Zelenskyy, the European Union has no excuse today. The use of frozen Russian assets in Europe for financing and supporting Ukraine is a natural consequence and a matter of justice, justice and strategic necessity. For those who still have a dilemma, we are not talking about racial confiscation, as the far right has just told us that the Nazis did. The victims of Nazism were no one's aggressors. We are talking about responsibility, as each of us is responsible for what we do, so Putin must be responsible for, let's not forget, invasion and war, because this is the truth. The use of Russian assets will also send a clear message: aggression cannot go unpunished in Europe. This is a continent of equality and the rule of law, and strategically, a victorious Ukraine in this war, and then a sovereign, stable and rebuilt country, are essential for Europe's security. Refusal or hesitation to use these assets is tantamount to renouncing the fundamental principles of the Union of which we are a part.

Madam President, Commissioner, President Costa, I appreciate and thank you for your presence in the debate. Unfortunately, the security context of the European Union is no longer a peaceful certainty, but rather a battlefield. We have seen our vulnerabilities after the installation of an American administration with pro-Putin priorities and affinities. We remembered again – and the Eastern European states know this very well – that betting on external guarantees is a very dangerous one in the long run. No, no, no. We can no longer afford illusory refuges in strategic dependencies, neither military nor energy. Now is the time for the European Union to become a real builder of its own security. The Commission's current proposals are a vital step, but we need more than financial allocations. We need a robust and unified defence industry. We need interoperable forces capable of rapid deployment. We need a common strategic approach, a unified understanding of current threats. We must become masters of our own destiny and guarantor of our own security. Only then can we truly protect our values, our citizens and our future.

Madam President, I welcome the development of the growth plan for the Republic of Moldova and I congratulate the Commission and Commissioner Kos for the very constructive attitude shown in the negotiations. At the referendum on Moldova's accession to the European Union, Russia wasted over 100 million euros in dirty money, trying to influence the result. But Chisinau has resisted in an absolutely exemplary way, and Moldova is today a true model for the already member states of the Union in terms of combating hybrid threats. A state that has resisted Russia's 14th Army on its territory since 1992, which has come to Ukraine's aid with the Russian invasion and which does not deviate for a second from the European future, deserves all our support. For Vladimir Putin, the message is clear: Europe knows how to mobilize and concretely support a friendly and candidate state for accession. Putin tried to trick a country with 100 million for propaganda. We are responding with 2 billion, with almost 2 billion for development. Yes, Mr Putin, the Union exists and is not going anywhere. No matter how much the geopolitical wind changes, one thing is confirmed today again: Europe will not abandon its allies and friends. We have the capacity and the determination to preserve Europe as a continent of peace and well-being for people. Tomorrow, when we vote for the growth facility, we will take a firm step in this direction. In the case of Moldova, we will take further steps to negotiate the future multi-annual budget, in which it and the other candidate countries must receive pre-accession funds. Nothing will deflect us from this path, just as Moldova has never hesitated to prove the European aspiration with facts.

Madam President, history tells us that Truman created the Marshall Plan, but I say Truman's true genius was swallowing his pride and reaching out to Herbert Hoover. Yes, Hoover, the most reviled former president in those days. Why? Because they understood a strong Europe meant a strong America. They crossed party lines and prevented millions starving. Hoover, that hated man, convinced his isolationist Republican Party to support the plan. Where is that spirit today? Republicans are just as isolationist now. But where is their Hoover? Where? Where is a Truman- or Eisenhower-style leadership in the White House? Now it's our turn. We were saved by visionaries, now we must be those visionaries. Millions face famine, disease, or threats to democracy today. I demand that the Commission immediately present to this Parliament a plan to fill the void left by America's retreat from international cooperation.

Madam President, for a Romanian, the collapse of the North Railway Station, the Novi Sad Railway Station, and the loss of innocent lives is an echo of a well-known tragedy. The tragedy of 2015 in Colectiv club still haunts our society and is a cruel reminder of the price paid for negligence and corruption. Nine years have passed since that awful night in Bucharest. Sixty-four souls were lost. Romania protested, demanded change and continued to mourn. In Serbia, as in Romania, we see the same painful pattern: non-compliance with the rules, lack of accountability and a corrupt system that fails to protect its citizens. The train station in Novi Sad, a symbol of progress, became a tomb. From the European Parliament, we call for those responsible for this tragedy to be held accountable. We demand transparency and the rule of law. We demand that freedom of assembly be protected, not suppressed. President Vučić must understand that his people demand change and it is the duty of the European Union to support this.

Madam President, when Russia tried to destroy submarine communication cables in the Baltic Sea, NATO responded by sending ships and aircraft to defend critical infrastructure. It is a natural and welcome response, but Europe has long since passed the moment when it can only respond and must move to the stage of preventing attacks and challenges from hostile actors. It's time for our security to be a priority. Let us not forget that the internal order also plays a crucial role in this process. Compliance with laws and decisions, such as sanctions imposed on Russia, is also essential for our European security. For example, exports to states where there is evidence that they sell those goods on to Russia become a security threat and must be stopped. Defence against external actors cannot function without the rule of law within the European Union, here at home.

Mr President, it seems there is something going around across the pond and Uncle Sam caught a cold. Last night, we all witnessed a spectacle of isolationism and outright proclamations of miracles bound to happen. What we didn't hear was a true vision for the future, other than a flurry of sometimes barbaric executive orders and threats to rewrite geography, like it's George Orwell's 1984. There was no mention of the European Union or transatlantic security. There were no logical thoughts about the world economy, not even about the American one. I've said it in the past: with or without Donald Trump in the White House, Europe needs to evolve and develop, no matter the context. It's time to face reality. We will not abandon our partnership with the United States, but we will also not forget it's a wide world out there. We will collaborate with other states and regions – because this is the time for Europe to lead the free world by example, diplomacy and the power of our defining values.

Madam President, disinformation and manipulation have become terribly cheap and accessible today. In Romania's election campaign, 25 Facebook pages ran 4,100 fake ads against Elena Lasconi, the pro-European presidential candidate. It has been viewed 199 million times. I repeat: 25 pages, 4,000 advertisements generated almost 200 million views. This is the power of a single network. If we multiply by 4 or 5, the numbers become dizzying, and this example is from the time when, theoretically, there were mechanisms to control and block fake news. Now, with Donald Trump, we see all the Internet moguls lining up behind a president who promotes disinformation as public policy. We are on the verge of a techno-oligarchy that controls global information and irresponsibly eliminates internal lie-proofing mechanisms. The only way to fight it is the rule of law and the law. History shows us that there can be no future without truth. That's what the DSA has to defend.

Mr President, during this plenary session, this is my fourth speech. They were all on the same topic. It is extremely worrying that the theme of human rights and anti-democratic measures is repeating itself, although we have talked about completely different situations and countries. About Azerbaijan, recent and less recent reports highlight a worrying trend. The Azerbaijani government continues to harass, imprison or threaten with violence journalists, opposition members and civil society activists for the mere exercise of their fundamental rights. These actions are a direct attack on the principles of democracy and human rights that we stand for in this House. Systematic erosion of freedoms and stifling of dissent in Azerbaijan are not just internal matters. They undermine the very principles of democratic governance and international norms of law. We must unequivocally condemn these violations and take a firm stand against the anti-democratic tendencies of the Azerbaijani government. It is imperative that we support its victims and advocate for (Words not heard) People in Azerbaijan. Let us act swiftly and with determination to ensure that the fundamental rights of all people in Azerbaijan are respected and protected.

Madam President, when we speak of Vladimir Putin, the already historical truth is as follows: we are facing a serious threat to the international order and democratic principles. Russia has actively falsified history to justify its aggressive policy, invasions and hybrid warfare against independent countries. This dangerous rewriting of history is not just an academic problem, it is a calculated strategy to undermine the foundations of our society. Without a common ground on truth and facts, we cannot function. By distorting history, Russia wants to legitimize its actions and precisely erode the sovereignty of nations. In this continuous manipulation it paves the way for further potential aggression, creating a dangerous environment for all nations that value freedom and independence. We must firmly oppose these attempts. Preserving the integrity of historical truth is essential to maintaining peace and stability in our world. The international community must unite in condemning these actions. And for Vladimir Putin my message is a simple one: History will hold you as a bloody dictator. No matter how much you try now, Mr. Putin, to justify your actions, history will know how to tell the truth.

At the moment, the data that have been presented in Romania by the authorities show extraordinary similarities with what has already happened in the Republic of Moldova. It's not hard to connect these points. There is no doubt that a candidate who says ‘Romania’s future is Russian wisdom’ is supported precisely from that area of Europe.

Madam President, the recent elections in Romania have shown a major and very real danger to our European democracy: unregulated and unsafe use of social networks such as TikTok explicitly, but also Facebook, X or Instagram. We are just discovering at this time that these platforms, when left unattended, become very fertile grounds for disinformation and manipulation, and threaten the very integrity of the idea of fair elections. The very real interference Romania has faced is a stark warning about the vulnerabilities in our digital landscape. This idea that it was a passing incident, a mere chance, algorithms used more inspired and for which there should be no responsibility and no consequences, is unacceptable. Romania is still awaiting these responsibilities today. The European Union must act quickly and decisively, and I welcome the announcement made today by the Commission, thank you, announcing the start of these checks. We cannot afford to allow such interference to spread to other countries in Europe. Our democratic institutions and the trust of our citizens are at stake. We need to rigorously apply the DSA (Digital Services Act) to ensure transparency and accountability of social networks. In addition, we need to invest in robust cybersecurity measures and encourage collaboration between Member States to defend European democracy, that is what this is about.