Speeches

Since the beginning of Russia’s barbaric invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and its full-scale armed aggression in February 2022, Poland and Poles have provided unprecedented support to Ukraine and the entire Ukrainian people, hosting millions of refugees, providing military and humanitarian assistance, and becoming the leader of a coalition of states supporting Ukraine. The motion for a resolution on the need for continued EU support for Ukraine, which we are about to adopt, is proof that today Europe is united by the conviction of the need for continued assistance to Ukraine, which is steadfastly fighting not only for its freedom, but also for the freedom of the entire continent. Financial support, as well as the supply of arms and ammunition, is critically important and remains a condition for the survival and victory of Ukraine. However, Ukraine also needs economic assistance, among other things, in order to reorganise the energy supply system, which Russia is systematically destroying, thus directly hitting Ukrainian society and wanting to trigger a humanitarian crisis. The list of crimes committed by Russia, including those against humanity, is very long. Their symbols were Mariupol and Bucza, attacks on hospitals and civilian facilities, rape and torture. But also thousands of Ukrainian children kidnapped and abducted to Russia. Russia must be held accountable for all of them. This should also be our commitment to the next generation. Ukraine, we are with you!

Madam President, I'm sorry. Last week's summit of the European Union brought a number of worrying signals, especially for the countries of the eastern flank, where security is not an abstract debate, but a real, tangible challenge. Countries such as Poland know that NATO is the foundation of the European defence architecture, and that the American presence in Europe is a key element of deterrence. That is why I am surprised by the statements of European politicians, including the Prime Minister of my country, which suggest moving away from this model in favour of the operationalisation of the mutual assistance clause or European strategic autonomy. These concepts are detached from reality and go beyond the Treaty competences of the Union. This is a risk that Europe cannot afford. Of course, we need to strengthen our capabilities and build up our defence capabilities, but we need to do it within NATO, not alongside it or, worse, instead. Mutual assistance clauses will not replace Article 5 of NATO. Undermining the role of the U.S. is a damaging policy that will, in the long run, lead to the weakening of our continent's defense capabilities. Today, Europe is not faced with a choice between ambition and lack of ambition. This is a choice between security and a proven partner and the fantasies that lead to the weakening of our alliances.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The next debate on defence in this term confirms what Poland has been talking about for a long time: The Russian Federation has never been a partner of Europe. Unfortunately, our warnings about her aggressive actions were most often ignored. We are currently facing the consequences of this approach, a short-sighted and calculated policy in which for years economic interests with Russia have been placed above the security of Europe. The best example of this short-sightedness, national selfishness and greed was the Nord Stream project implemented by Germany and Russia. The attitude towards the Kremlin was the most important test of EU solidarity, a test that, unfortunately, the Union has failed. Today we need to strengthen Europe's defence. There's no doubt about that. However, the direction proposed by the European Commission is wrong and cannot be accepted. Under the banner of supporting the European defence industry and strengthening cooperation, there is increasing pressure to transfer competences from Member States to the EU level. Unfortunately, this also applies to the area of security and defence. This trend is reflected, among other things, in the concept of a single defence market. We must remember that defence is not a mere branch of the economy. The idea of applying the principles of the single market in such a sensitive sector is dangerous and creates the risk that in practice it will primarily strengthen the largest arms companies. Another worrying trend in EU defence industry initiatives is the exclusion of our traditional allies. And let us remember that it is NATO that creates the real foundations of European security. The EU cannot repeat the mistake of the past, when interests with Russia were put before solidarity and security. Today, we cannot allow the interests of the dominant arms companies, mainly German and French, to be placed above them. European security must therefore be based on genuine solidarity, above all on urgent and dedicated support for the countries on the eastern flank – those that guard Europe’s borders. This means prioritising these countries and ensuring geographical balance in EU programmes.

Mr President, thank you very much. Russia's full-scale aggression against Ukraine has radically changed our perception of security and the modern battlefield. Faced with these challenges, EU countries face three key challenges and challenges. Firstly, building a sovereign industrial ecosystem. Today's dependence of European unmanned systems on components from China is a manifestation of strategic short-sightedness. Without control over supply chains, there is no guarantee of security and autonomy of production. We need to relocate the production of key components to Europe and strongly strengthen the financing of projects dual use, so that civilian innovation can rapidly and effectively feed military capabilities. Second, the weight and pace of adaptation. In the realities of the modern battlefield, quantitative advantage and the ability to quickly modify systems are as important as their technical sophistication. Meanwhile, European purchasing procedures continue to function in the logic of a bygone era. We need to simplify and speed them up. We need a sustainable system of incentives for private capital and start-ups for tomorrow's technologies to emerge in Europe. Thirdly, domain convergence and protection of critical infrastructure. Drones blur the boundaries between domains. This requires full integration of reconnaissance, command and protection systems. Our critical infrastructure must be provided with an effective anti-drone shield. If Europe wants to be safe, it must be technologically independent and prepared for the next generation of war. Let us use the experience of Ukrainian partners to build a credible and effective deterrence capacity.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Mr. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Europe needs a strong defence industry. Poland and the countries of the eastern flank know it best, because we have borne the greatest burden of supporting Ukraine. Therefore, our potential needs to be rebuilt as soon as possible. And from this perspective, I assess EDIP. Although the current text is better than the original proposal, it still does not respond to the scale of the risks or the urgent need to increase production capacity. The budget is too small and the eligibility rules are unclear. Without transparent rules and cooperation with partners outside the European Union, the participation of some countries can be severely limited. An example is the Save negotiations with the UK, showing how difficult it is to reach an agreement even with one of NATO's most important allies. That is why we must remember that EDIP is about strengthening our defence, not weakening transatlantic ties, ties with our allies outside the European Union. Supporting the European defence industry as much as possible, but taking into account that its structure differs between countries. EDIP should be open, flexible, tailored to the real needs of all countries and prefer countries on NATO's eastern flank.

Madam President, I'm sorry. The report we are debating today is not just an analytical document. It is also a testimony to the extraordinary determination of Ukraine, which, despite the ongoing Russian aggression, not only defends its borders, but also continuously reforms its institutions and strengthens democratic mechanisms, adapting its law to the requirements of the Union. The report shows significant progress, from the fight against corruption to judicial reform. At the same time, we also see challenges: reform of state administration at local level, the need for greater judicial independence, more effective protection of free media and support for civil society. For Poland, it is extremely important to resume, from the end of 2022, the issuance by the Ukrainian authorities of permits for the exploration and exhumation of Poles murdered by Ukrainian nationalists from the UPA during World War II. This is a very important process that must be continued not only for the sake of bilateral, Polish-Ukrainian relations, but also in the spirit of Christian values, which are the foundation of a united Europe. Ukraine's membership is in the strategic interest of the entire continent. This means greater energy security and stability of the eastern borders. A strong Europe is a Europe with Ukraine. Today, therefore, our duty is not only solidarity, but the courage to build this future together, supporting Ukraine in its struggle and through further reforms.

Mr President, thank you very much. The treatment of prisoners of war as well as civilians by the Russians undoubtedly stems from the Soviet tradition and means violence, torture and death. As Poles, we have experienced this barbarism many times, such as in 1940, when more than 22,000 Polish officers were shot at Stalin's orders. Today, this criminal activity continues. Numerous reports of inhuman treatment and murders of prisoners from Ukraine are not only a violation of all international norms, but above all a blatant violation of fundamental human rights. Such acts are a disgrace to humanity and cannot go unpunished. And while the ongoing exchange of prisoners between Russia and Ukraine is a step in the right direction, we, as the European Parliament, must put pressure on Russia to agree to the exchange of prisoners in the ‘all for all’ format. In view of this serious issue, we ask you, as a group of European Conservatives and Reformists, to support our proposal that the European Parliament adopt a resolution on this issue at its next plenary session.

Madam President, thank you very much. Ladies and Gentlemen, On behalf of the European Conservatives and Reformists, I would like to table an amendment. At the end of paragraph 12, I propose to add the following: "The European Parliament calls for the extension of funding possibilities from European funds, including the Integrated Border Management Fund, engineering preparation of border areas in countries threatened by hybrid activities and conventional armed aggression by third countries, especially in Member States located in the eastern part of the European Union".

Madam President, I'm sorry. Commissioner, I'm sorry. Ladies and Gentlemen, Poles have repeatedly passed the test of readiness and resilience. Recent crises linked to the hybrid attack on our borders, with the influx of war refugees from Ukraine, have shown that it is the Member States and their citizens that play a key role in responding to threats. Similarly, during the last flood in Lower Silesia, Poles showed solidarity and determination. The involvement of thousands of Poles in the territorial defence created by the Law and Justice government is also a daily expression of readiness. Therefore, although the ideas of cooperation and solidarity in the face of threats contained in the European Union preparedness strategy are commendable, it is worth asking whether the European Commission really knows better how to build preparedness in Poland or in Finland? Does central planning of social resilience from Brussels make more sense than solutions adapted to local realities? The strategy is another Commission proposal that correctly diagnoses the problem, but proposes a dubious cure. It crosses the boundaries of coordination and shifts the focus from nation states to the EU level. Let's not go down this road.

Madam President, I'm sorry. Commissioner, I'm sorry. The treatment of captive Ukrainian prisoners of war and civilians who have been unlawfully deprived of their liberty and are in Russian prisons or perhaps more torture chambers is undoubtedly a war crime and a crime against humanity. A significant increase in cases of torture, rape and executions and other Russian crimes is reported by the report of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights published this month. Russian crimes affect without exception all social groups of ordinary citizens, regardless of age and gender, representatives of power, artists and journalists. Unfortunately, Russian bestiality also affects Ukrainian children who are abducted and transported deep into Russia. As the European Parliament, we cannot pass on this information in passing, but only in individual speeches. I believe that the subject is so important that it should be the subject of a broad debate and the adoption of a resolution. Therefore, on behalf of the ECR, I am calling for it to be included on the agenda of the May session of the European Parliament.

Madam President, thank you very much. In recent weeks, the European Commission has presented a number of initiatives in the field of security and defence: the White Paper, the ReArm Europe programme or the Safe Regulation. Nor can we overlook the EDIP programme for the European defence industry. After reading these documents, it is clear that the Commission puts joint procurement and a mandatory European component at the heart of its proposals. Both of these issues are, of course, important in the long run, but today we do not live in an abstract future, but in a real and dangerous here and now. Therefore, the priorities for support should be different. Firstly, direct involvement in the protection of the eastern border of NATO and the European Union. Second, the level of defence spending relative to GDP. And thirdly, real assistance to fighting Ukraine, both military and logistical. These are fundamental and obvious criteria. Meanwhile, the priorities set by the Commission, instead of strengthening Europe's security, practically translate into benefits for large arms companies and their record results are proof of this. I therefore encourage both the Commission and Members to make the necessary adjustments to their priorities when working on EDIP and future projects.

Mr President, thank you very much. Ladies and Gentlemen, For three years, Russian missiles have been destroying Ukrainian cities, killing civilians, and warfare has turned entire regions into ruins. All this time, Ukraine's allies are looking for financial resources to support Ukraine in this unequal fight. At the same time, there are almost $300 billion of frozen Russian assets in Western banks. Money that could support Ukraine. Most of these funds are located in the European Union, which in subsequent resolutions and documents likes to emphasise its role in supporting Ukraine. In fact, the support of the Union perfectly reflects the saying that when the Russians occupy more territories of Ukraine, the European Union takes only a position. Why has this sentence been relevant for more than 10 years? Why are words not followed by concrete actions – real and not just on paper? The issue of freezing Russian assets is another clear example of such a paper action. There are legal mechanisms in place to channel these funds to help Ukraine. Russia has no moral or legal grounds to demand the money back. Therefore, I appeal to the governments of the countries in which Russian assets are located: It is time to act. We need to donate the first billions now. Every day of delay means more victims in Ukraine.

Mr President, thank you very much. Friends and colleagues! In two weeks, it will be three years since Russia brutally attacked Ukraine and killed civilians and soldiers. It is also 1084 days of heroic defense of the Ukrainian people, who steadfastly resist in the unequal struggle for freedom and independence of their country. Poland has accompanied Ukraine since the first day of the war, also when many European Union countries calculated whether such assistance was worth taking, putting their thriving interests with Russia at risk. It was the Polish ambassador, then the only European ambassador, who did not leave Kiev and continued his mission despite the ongoing war. And although today we see how necessary it is to end hostilities as soon as possible and to restore peace, it must involve providing Ukraine with credible and strong security guarantees. We must therefore, as the European Community, continue to support Ukraine and its efforts in peace talks and its position. It is high time that the common security and peace policy in Europe is built on the basis of genuine security for all European countries, and not on the prism of Business as usual.

Mr President, colleagues, I would like to thank you very much. Once again, the issue of Russia’s criminal activities through its so-called ‘shadow fleet’ returns to Parliament’s agenda. Unfortunately, the current lack of adequate and effective action on the part of the European Union has meant that it has not only not limited its activities, but on the contrary expanded them, this time to terrorist activities, leading to the breaking of sea cables at the bottom of the Baltic Sea. These were undoubtedly acts of international terrorism and as such require a firm response. It is high time to take real action. First of all, it is necessary to work closely with NATO to restore the security of the Baltic Sea and to take decisive action against entities involved in acts of terror. The sanctions imposed on the shadow fleet must be strictly respected and the list of vessels effectively completed. It currently has 79 units, and yet the active fleet of shadows has more than 600 ships. Finally, more sanctions are needed against Russia, including those that will hit the Russian gas and chemical sectors.

Madam President, thank you very much. The falsification of history is a well-known method of Russian politics. On the eve of the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Vladimir Putin delivered a speech full of lies to justify an attack on the country. So propaganda was the first weapon used in this full-scale aggression, in this full-scale war. Putin has often whitewashed the co-responsibility of the Soviet Union for triggering World War II, and the attack on Poland in 1939, which brought terror, murder and decades of enslavement, is still referred to as liberation. Europe must be at the forefront of the fight for truth, including historical truth. It is our duty to loudly remind the victims of the crimes of the Russian regime, as well as of other totalitarianisms. I therefore support the project to build a European Monument to the Victims of Totalitarianism and the 20th Century Regimes in Brussels and I call on the Commission to act to speed up this project. Once again, I would like to emphasise: Only a full victory for Ukraine will ensure lasting peace in Europe. This will be the foundation of justice and a response to Russia's imperial ambitions in the spirit of truth.

Mr President, thank you very much. Ladies and Gentlemen, The EDI programme, which is intended to strengthen Europe's common production and defence capabilities, raises legitimate concerns about the accessibility of the eastern flank countries' defence industries. The criteria proposed by the Commission for projects under this programme are unfair and favour entities with very large production capacities. It is in vain to look for support for smaller companies or start-ups there. Why has the criterion promoting projects located in Eastern flank countries been omitted when formulating criteria in programmes such as EDIRPA and EDI? The preference for large entities, French or German corporations, instead of introducing mechanisms equalizing opportunities for smaller companies and front states, results in the weakening of regional defence capabilities. Moreover, the need for own contribution as an important element of projects, for example in ASAD, further discriminates against countries where the defence industry does not have huge financial resources. Polish companies, although innovative, cannot compare in terms of capital with giants from Western Europe. It's time for a change. Before EDI repeats the mistakes of EDIRPA and ASAD, it is necessary to revise the criteria that will make these projects fairer and more in line with the real security needs of our continent.

Mr President, thank you very much. Ladies and Gentlemen, Since 2014, when Russia seized Crimea and parts of Donbass, Ukraine has faced Russian aggression. During most of this period, Western countries – primarily Germany, but not only – had lucrative deals with Russia over the head of Ukraine and the countries of the region, feeding billions of euros into the Russian budget. Soon it will be a thousand days since the full-scale aggression. It is true that the North Stream gas pipeline is no longer flowing, but further sanctions are being imposed on the Russian Federation. But we're still dealing with a game of appearances. We are too indecisive and this does not allow Ukraine to win. Of course, I support the loan mechanism from frozen Russian assets, but the European Union's proposal to grant a loan to Ukraine with recourse is opposed. I also believe that the stability of the mechanism would be ensured by the automatic prolongation of sanctions until Russia stops violating international law. Ukraine needs our support more than ever. The new Normandy formats, where there is no room at the table for representatives of the region whose future is at stake, are certainly not a step in the right direction.

Dear Madam President, Friends and colleagues! Since 2020, when Belarusians massively opposed another election rigged by the Lukashenka regime, more than 35,000 people have been detained for beatings, torture and inhumane treatment, and even killings. Today, the Belarusian regime continues to imprison more than 1,300 political prisoners, denying them basic rights, such as the right to medical care or the right to correspondence. These include Andrzej Poczobut, a Polish journalist and activist of the Union of Poles in Belarus, who was sentenced to eight years of maximum security in a trumped-up trial, as well as Ales Bialiacki, a Nobel laureate and founder of the most important human rights organisation in Belarus, ‘Wiesny’. Europe must seize all opportunities to put pressure on the illegal and criminal Belarusian regime for political prisoners to regain their freedom. Alexander Lukashenko and all those responsible for human rights violations in Belarus must stand before the International Criminal Court and be tried. Lively by Belarus!

Madam President, thank you very much. Poland as another country in Europe is struggling with extreme flooding. The inhabitants of the Lower Silesian, Opole and Silesian voivodeships were most severely affected by the element. Many lost their roof over their heads, and the water flooded the achievements of their lives. Several thousand people were evacuated, unfortunately there are also fatalities. Ladies and Gentlemen, in my region, in Lądek Zdrój, in Stronie Śląskie, in Kłodzko, in Trzebieszowice and a number of other places you really can not get out of amazement and you can not believe that these are the same places that we watched a few days ago. I would like to express my deep appreciation and gratitude for the generous work and the immediate response of all those involved in the fight against the floods and the rescue operations. Local authorities, emergency services, fire brigades, the Territorial Defence Forces, but above all ordinary citizens work tirelessly, evacuating people, providing assistance and strengthening flood embankments. This is an example of true solidarity and cooperation. The return to normal life will take months, perhaps years. In addition to flooded and demolished houses, receding water also reveals broken bridges and roads, and among the destroyed places there are also priceless monuments, testimonies of our culture, religion and history. Long-term help, analysis, building common institutions is important, but help is urgently needed today. That is why I make two very specific demands. First, the immediate mobilisation of the European Union Solidarity Fund. Secondly, suspending the plenary sessions of the European Parliament in Strasbourg for one year and organising them exclusively in Brussels, and donating the hundreds of millions of euros saved in this way to help the flood victims. The fund can be used to repair what has been destroyed, as well as to prevent similar phenomena in the future. It is extremely important to invest in new infrastructure as soon as possible, in addition to helping those affected. A decision to limit the plenary session to Brussels for one year would save hundreds of millions of euros, especially on transport, which is now urgently needed to deal with the tragic consequences of this disaster. Supporting as ECR the content of the resolution and announcing the introduction of our amendments, we once again strongly appeal for help, not only in the gestures and words of Solidarity, but by immediately transferring funds to the victims of the cataclysm.

What I call Russia, its perfidence and its barbarity, does not come from racism or any of my personal sympathies or antipathies. It is enough to recall the history of Polish-Russian relations over the last few hundred years to understand that this is the only term, and still very mild in relation to Russia and the Russians.

Dear Madam President, Ladies and Gentlemen, Friends and colleagues! Today's debate takes place on a special day. Namely, on the 85th anniversary of the Soviet attack on the Republic of Poland. The Russians attacked, violating the peace treaty, violating the non-aggression treaty. Why am I reminding you of this? Because I have the impression, listening to today's debate in this Chamber, that some people either do not know or have forgotten that Russia was, is and will be a barbaric, perfidious, aggressive state that understands only the language of force. Therefore, our actions must be more courageous and consistent than before. It has been two and a half years since Russia started its war against Ukraine, during which tens of thousands of people lost their lives and millions were forced to flee their homes. And although the European Union is constantly expressing its solidarity, there are still a lot of companies that easily export materials to Russia that are subject to sanctions. We must stop this scandalous process. Greater export controls and the identification of smuggling routes bypassing the sanctions imposed on Russia are needed, followed by their absolute elimination. This requires the cooperation of the European services. It's time to stop doing bloody business with Russia. The governments of the countries whose companies are involved in this process must take real action.