Speeches

Mrs von der Leyen, Dear colleagues, Russia is testing and provoking. It wants to see how far it can go to put our unity to the test and at the same time divert attention from Ukraine. We can't let that break us up. We need to keep a cool head and react decisively with one common European response. And to that end, you came up with concrete initiatives within the Defence Readiness Roadmap. The discussion about this or that name is unimportant: It doesn't matter if the cat is white or black, as long as it catches mice. What matters is that we work with Ukraine, which now has the experience and technology to intercept Russian drones efficiently. We must combine their knowledge with all the high-tech industry that is already available in Europe to strengthen our own air defenses. I therefore ask you to work swiftly on your initiatives, in cooperation with our industry and NATO, but above all with our Ukrainian partners. The time to stop this is over, I believe in your decisiveness. Thank you very much.

Mr President, on Saturday, I was at the Pope’s audience with a number of colleagues in the Vatican. I was sitting there in the Sala Clementina, and on the wall, on the ceiling, two words were written: ‘justitia’ and ‘clementia’. This is where Ukraine's future lies: justitia and clementia. But in that order, first justitiaFirst, justice. In Bucha, 500 innocent civilians were killed. Bucha reminded me of Oradour-sur-Glane in France. Hundreds of innocent civilians killed by Russian soldiers because they were brought in not as liberators, but as occupiers. It is a symbol of so much horror in Ukraine. Justitia It must come first, as in Nuremberg and at the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Only then, when the truth can come out, can there be a future and can there be a future. clementia Get a place. The longer this war lasts, the more Russia and Putin will have to answer for their crimes. First justitia and then clementia.

Mr President, the situation we are facing is serious. It is not for nothing that the International Energy Agency speaks of the mother of all energy crises. This crisis will cut deeper and last longer, partly because crucial energy ‑ infrastructure has been destroyed in the Middle East. Europe must play its part, but the real levers are still with the Member States. Therefore, I believe that the Commission should take temporary targeted measures to enable targeted state aid and to create room to reduce gas and electricity prices. I would like to say to the Member States: I do not think that the time has come to spend billions without limits. But that does not mean that nothing can happen, but that it must be done in a targeted way to protect the most vulnerable. Give support to families and SMEs who really need it, but don't give blank checks and don't pass invoices on to tomorrow. This crisis shows once again that our dependence on fossil energy makes our prosperity incredibly vulnerable. Therefore, let us deal wisely with the emissions trading system. Blowing up, as some colleagues have said here, is not a solution for the future. However, we need to adjust it where necessary, especially for the energy ‑ intensive industry, with additional flexibility and more breathing space. But blowing up the system would be a historic mistake. The public is counting on us. The companies are counting on us. Let's take our responsibility.

Mr President, tomorrow there will be a retreat in Alden Biesen, a beautiful castle with a rich history. That is in my province, Limburg, also with a beautiful history, a beautiful industrial history, a history of the rise of the mines and the closure of the mines, the rise of Ford Genk, the automotive sector and the closure of the automotive sector. We have been hit a few times in the region, but we have always been on top of it. This is what is happening in Europe today: We're getting knocked. One million jobs have been lost in the last four years, 110 000 jobs in the chemical industry, 170 chemical operations have been closed. And we know what needs to be done: lower energy costs, fair competition, workable rules and a stronger internal market. There are plenty of plans. What Europe needs to do is, as we did in Limburg after we were knocked, stand up again, make decisions and prepare for the future. There's no time to lose.

Mr President, drones and anti-drone technology are no longer music for the future, but a strategic necessity for our security and our economy. But as with other innovations and other innovative sectors, we often encounter the same barriers. Too little access to finance, too many rules, too little room to grow. Europe must not slow down innovation through fragmented regulation or administrative burdens. We have to be proud of them in the world and we don't have to reinvent the wheel for that. In Ukraine today, unprecedented know-how is being built up on the use and neutralisation of drones under the harshest conditions imaginable. We need to translate this experience into European innovation and security. And let us also play out our own strength points. Flanders, and in particular Limburg, is one of the absolute top regions in Europe in terms of drone innovation. This ecosystem exists. That talent is there. Now we need to further unlock that potential with ambition, trust and decisiveness. This is the only way to achieve a truly European top technology for military and civilian drone applications. Let's work on that.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, current affairs today are dominated by all kinds of geopolitical tensions, confusing speeches in Davos, the situation around Greenland, war in Ukraine, the horror in Gaza, eastern Congo, Sudan ... They are all high on the agenda. But unfortunately, there are also dormant conflicts or repressive regimes in the world where less attention is paid. Yesterday, in this sense, we voted on a necessary report on humanitarian crises and development cooperation. One of the key elements of that report is the protection of humanitarian workers and organisations working for vulnerable people around the world. The increasing number of attacks on these aid workers is not only worrying, it also calls for action. The same is true of Joseph Figueira Martin. This Belgian-Portuguese development worker has been illegally imprisoned in the Central African Republic for more than a year and a half, on the basis of ridiculous charges. His physical and mental health is deteriorating. During his last mock trial, he was sentenced to no less than ten years of forced labour. Ten years. We can't let that pass. Following an earlier resolution in July last year, we must once again increase pressure on President Touadéra's regime to release Joseph as soon as possible, with targeted sanctions if our demands are not acted upon soon. Such arbitrary arrests are, unfortunately, rife. The role of paramilitary militias, such as the Wagner Group, which should be included on the list of terrorist organisations, should not be underestimated. We must remain vigilant and continue to respond to injustice against European citizens, including abroad. Especially when the accusations are clearly purely politically inspired, as in this case. I ask you all to support this resolution en masse, not only in order to quickly unite Joseph with his family and friends, but also in order to avoid such situations in the future. Thank you for your support.

Mr President, Mr President-in-Office of the European Council, Madam High Representative, narcissistic leaders are not afraid of individual countries playing against each other. We've seen enough of that by now. But they fear unanimous blocks that dare to use their weight. One year of Trump is all about economic coercion and political intimidation. Anyone who thinks this will happen by itself is mistaken. Canada, Switzerland, Japan, South Korea, Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom, together with the European Union, form eight strong democracies that believe in the rule of law, mutual respect and rules-based global trade. That's not naive. That's a choice, and it should be a strategy. It should be a foundation for a ‘D8’, a ‘democratic eight’. The European Union must take the lead in this as the engine of a D8. In doing so, economic coercion towards one country must lead to a joint reaction of the other countries, such as an article 5 of NATO, but then economically. This is not a plea for escalation. This is a plea for a credible alternative. The question is not whether Europe is strong enough. The question is whether we are finally ready to use that strength. I hope so.

Mr President, High Representative, in the first twenty days of the new year, countless red lines have already been reached and borders have been crossed. Alliances are falling apart before our eyes and conflicts are spreading everywhere, showing how the world is turning into a mess, and unfortunately not in the right direction. Europe can no longer be under any illusions about this. Naivety is not a strategy. Sticking our heads further in the sand and hoping that the world will be okay by itself is not an option. This report shows that there is only one way to maintain security and prosperity on our continent, namely a more decisive Europe. It is therefore crucial to move forward at European level to support our defence and jointly build our military capacity to become a credible player on the geopolitical chessboard. A new European security architecture is urgently needed, with new, in-depth European cooperation and partnerships with partners such as the United Kingdom and Norway. Moreover, as Commissioner Kubilius also advocates, we must be able to respond more quickly to threats, for example with a European Security Council, and we must also create a European army step by step. If we don't move forward now, when will we? Are we going to wait until Russia has taken over the Baltic states or until NATO is completely torn apart? It is now time to unite our security and prosperity. After all, our credibility vis-à-vis citizens and geopolitics is at stake. The European Union can no longer be a global player, either militarily or economically. We have a strong economy and a prosperous middle class and are the largest trading bloc in the world. Let us use this power to create sufficient military deterrence so that Europe can also become strategically autonomous.

Mr Gozi, I think that when it comes to making Europe stronger, it is about two important things. That is to strengthen and increase the competitiveness of our industry. We need to move forward, not back. Or we lose our industry. If 1 million jobs in Europe have been lost in the last four years, if 1 million jobs have been lost in competitiveness, that is more than a wake-up call. And then, when it comes to omnibuses, for example, we have to take steps forward to ensure that these companies stay here. A second important challenge is to ensure that we have a European defence. I hope I can have a partner in that in you, because I know that the far right will not be a partner in that.

Mr President, the summit in Berlin brought progress for peace in Ukraine. Let's hope; Let's cross our fingers. Under Friedrich Merz's leadership, Europe has once again fought in the peace process. That in itself is a good thing. But there is also an uncomfortable question: Why did this not happen under the leadership of the President of the European Commission? The answer is painfully clear: because foreign policy remains the painful Achilles heel of our European Union. Because let's be honest, we will no longer be able to count on the United States. We will have to take our own security into our hands. That is what President von der Leyen said earlier. We'll have to do it ourselves. In addition to Article 5, the European Treaties include Article 42(7): mutual assistance, by all means in our power. But the question is: What does that mean in concrete terms today? Today, that means nothing. It's an empty box. Why is it an empty box? Because we don't have European defence. Without defence, we are not really at the table, but rather part of the menu, as has been shown in the past. Much has already been said about the financial support to Ukraine. Leaders must find a solution in the coming days that both supports Ukraine and ensures and strengthens our security, without exposing one country to all possible legal risks, but it requires cooperation, European responsibility and solidarity, rather than pointing a finger at Belgium.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, there is a lot of talk about the importance of a strong European defence. We are not going to defend ourselves by talking alone. We must therefore add the deed to the word. That is exactly what we are doing with this proposal and with the various initiatives that Commissioner Kubilius is taking in this regard. Indeed, an important step towards this is the mini-omnibus, which opens up European civilian research programmes such as Horizon Europe or the Digital Europe Programme to dual use, allowing us to further strengthen our defence investments. Seemingly a small step, but with great effects. This not only destroys the artificial walls between different research areas, but also strengthens cooperation between companies within and outside the defence sector, which will lead to interesting cross-fertilisations. The number of innovations that have been made in this way in the past within a military context is almost endless. Think of the internet, the microwave, GPS. In Europe, too, we must continue to focus on technological progress. That is why we are opening the doors to companies from the defence industry, in order to be able to share their know-how with the civil industry and vice versa. Colleagues, we all agree that we need to invest better and more in defence. However, we need to do this in a smart and balanced way. This means working towards European cooperation and avoiding overlap. This omnibus is a step in the right direction, but it is not an end point. If we want to make Europe competitive and resilient, we will have to continue to focus on a strong European industry, including in the field of defence. Let this be a good start.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, critical raw materials are the invisible backbone of modern life. Without these materials, no defense production, no electric cars, no windmills, no microchips. Europe's future therefore depends on access to the very raw materials that others are now using as a tool of power. For example, China controls large parts of global mining, refining and processing. A single export restriction and an entire European sector could collapse, with hundreds of thousands of jobs at stake. President Xi has long recognized that the country is willing to use that leverage as well. Now that the United States has been able to obtain a temporary suspension of its export restrictions, we now seem to be doubly dependent: We are leaning on China for our supplies and on Washington to keep Beijing in check. Without access to critical raw materials, we lose not only our competitiveness, but also our political autonomy. It is therefore high time for Europe to be able to pursue a straight and decisive policy, based on new partnerships, reinforced by recycling and new refining and production lines.

Mr President, the agreement we are discussing here today does not come a day too early. For too long, our collective security has been undermined by national fragmentation and inefficiency. With EDIP, we are now taking an important step forward towards further integration of our industry, and therefore also our European security. But this shouldn't be an end point. What we are discussing and approving today is necessary, but insufficient. There is still a lot of work to be done to achieve genuine European cooperation. Not with the intention of simply throwing taxpayers' money over the line, but with the intention of using these scarce resources as efficiently as possible. To efficiently protect our citizens from the hybrid and military threats on European territory. If Europe wants to protect its citizens, it needs soft power. But it also needs a lot of power. And that hard power will only come if it is used for a real European defence. Let's all work together.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, every euro that goes to Russian gas or oil in Russia is a euro that feeds Putin’s war. Today we say ‘enough!’. By 2027 we will close the crane permanently. Not only out of necessity, but also out of conviction. That is a historic decision, because it is not only about energy, but also about moral responsibility and strategic independence. Europe takes that responsibility, because it is about values, about peace and about security. And I hope that the Council will also take that responsibility. But this choice also requires a vision, Commissioner. The Commission must diversify and strengthen partnerships so that we do not simply shift our dependence, but become truly more autonomous in terms of our energy. And it must urgently, very urgently, provide affordable energy for families and for businesses. Today, Europe is opting for peace, for Ukraine, for responsibility and for greater autonomy.

Mr President, Ukraine is our first-line European defence today and deserves our full support. Whatever it takes. But there is a temptation: the quick and easy solution, namely to seize the frozen Russian assets. They look a bit like crown jewels that are in a glass cabinet, secure or not. But they are not, because unlike crown jewels, the frozen assets yield interest, which can be used to pay G7 loans for Ukraine. Remember, we can only use that money once: either for military support, or soon for the reconstruction of Ukraine. On the other hand, there is a bold choice, namely a proposal for a structural European Ukraine Fund. If we Europeanise 2% of our defence spending, we can mobilise EUR 150 billion. EUR 150 billion, while continuing to use interest for Ukraine and supporting Ukraine militarily and financially, and frozen assets can be used for the reconstruction of Ukraine.