Speeches

Mr President, Commissioners, ladies and gentlemen, in this hemisphere we often talk about strategic autonomy when it comes to our defence, when it comes to our food, when it comes to our medicines. The message is always: We need to be able to take more control in order to protect our citizens in the future. This also applies to critical raw materials. Without ever realizing it, they have become the invisible engine of our society. Because without critical raw materials, no smartphones, no electric cars, no windmills. Just for those critical raw materials, we are incredibly dependent on China: 90 %. So we are not really talking about a mere trade imbalance. No, it's about a strategic weakness that China is using. Because China determines whether and in what way critical raw materials can and should be used in Europe. Well, this is unacceptable. At the upcoming EU-China summit, it cannot business as usual be. Europe must not become Beijing's plaything and must therefore be on the table as far as critical materials are concerned, as you have just done, Madam President.

Mr President, Commissioner, 'European policymakers will be jointly responsible for my death'. That is what Mr Djalali said in April, exactly nine years after his arrest in Iran. When he was arrested, his son was four years old. Today he is 13 years old. Mr. Djalali has been imprisoned in Evin Prison for nine years. Nine years. Nine years without his family. Nine years of torture, disease, heart failure, malnutrition. Nine years without medical care. Nine years of missed chances of release. Every day can be the last. If Iran does not execute him, he will die from the consequences of hardship. What about us? We're watching. When will Europe stop looking away? When does Europe really intervene to get this innocent man free? It's not five to twelve anymore; It's not 12 hours anymore. It's half a. He needs to be released. Now. Immediately.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, our electricity grid is the most integrated in the world. And yet today we find it painful that it is not adapted to the reality of the 21st century. Once it was built on fossil raw materials and centralized production. But today we are in a new era: wind and solar energy in addition to nuclear energy. That from electric vehicles to water pumps and digitization. If we do nothing, we not only miss our climate targets, but we also expose ourselves to new energy crises. This is how we undermine our economic growth of tomorrow. The need is high. Citizens and businesses demand affordable, reliable and clean power. Local communities want to contribute to renewable energy projects. That is why we urgently need to do three things: 1. Invest in the electricity grid on a large scale with sufficient support for cross-border projects. 2. Accelerate permitting procedures and ensure that European environmental rules support rather than block the energy transition. 3. Stimulate stability and flexibility and reward citizens and businesses investing in renewable energy. Colleagues, the electricity grid is not an afterthought. It is the backbone of our future. Invest now or we run the risk of going backwards grandiosely.

Mr President, Madam High Representative, we can have a whole debate on the NATO summit here and that is particularly important. But actually, the question is: In the meantime, what can we as Europe do ourselves? We need to invest smartly and Europeanly. That is to say: not seventeen tank systems but one tank system. That is to say: more standardisation, one strategy and under a European umbrella. This European approach could bring us EUR 60 billion in efficiency gains. That is the size of the defence budget in France at the moment. European security is our responsibility. It is also about taxpayers' money. So: European security is European defence. The summit takes place in The Hague, where Winston Churchill called for a European army in 1948. The most efficient way to ensure our safety is to put Churchill's words into practice.

Mr President, High Representative, ladies and gentlemen, what Israel is doing in Gaza today is unacceptable: Tens of thousands dead, shelling of food stations, famine as a weapon of war. Of course, Israel was allowed to defend itself after October 7. But what it does now is disproportionate, is illegal, and its war crimes. We can no longer tolerate that. Anyone who says that international law must be defended must also show the courage, Madam High Representative, to uphold it. Immediately suspends the Association Agreement with Israel, Article 2 of which is crystal clear. Respect for human rights is not an option but a basic condition. That's the way it says it. Red line after red line is crossed, even though Prime Minister Netanyahu is now trying to shift attention to Iran. Mrs Kallas, Europe must choose its principles. Europe must choose international law, without exception.

Mr President, the Commission is finally launching an investigation into human rights violations in Gaza. Because what's going on there? An organized famine and bombing of hospitals. Of course, there are the October 7 attacks with more than a thousand deaths on the Israeli side. Meanwhile, more than 50,000 people have been killed and more than 100,000 wounded in Gaza, the vast majority of whom are civilians, women and children. Human rights violations at the crossroads. There is only one appropriate answer, and that is a swift suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel. Today, colleagues, there is something even more important: release the hostages, but also, immediately and unconditionally, provide humanitarian aid in Gaza. There are more than 14,000 babies at risk of dying within 48 hours. We, as Europe, must now provide support. Every hour counts, because every person counts and every baby counts. Stop the madness. Release the hostages. Give humanitarian aid in Gaza and suspend the Association Agreement with Israel.

Mr President, today we are commemorating the end of the Second World War. Eighty years ago, in the ruins of 1945, visionary leaders such as Adenauer, Schuman and De Gasperi chose reconciliation, reconciliation over revenge, cooperation over conflict, democracy over dictatorship. Their radical response laid the seeds of what we are still reaping the benefits of today. A European Union of shared sovereignty, democracy and human dignity. That choice remains burningly topical, because extremes in Europe – we have seen it again here today in the debate – want to undermine our rule of law and try to break the ties that hold us together. And the aggression against Ukraine forces us to have a stronger defence policy, precisely to prevent a new war. A more effective Europe is not the enemy of subsidiarity, but it is the condition of subsidiarity. Only through cooperation can we guarantee our security, our fundamental rights and our prosperity. I have three children and I hope they can grow up in a Europe where freedom, democracy and human dignity are no exception, but remain the rule. Let us therefore continue to invest decisively in the Union. A Union that has risen from this rubble, because it is the best guarantee for our future.

Mr President, how do we achieve a lasting and comprehensive peace? That is the issue today. And according to the extreme nationalists, it's very simple: The Ukrainian people must submit to Russia. Paradoxical. But there is another paradox. And that paradox is that Russia will only stop its aggression if it loses the war and that Russia will continue its aggression if it wins this war. The Ukrainian people and the Ukrainian army are fighting not only for their territory, but also for European values, for freedom and for democracy, and against authoritarian regimes. Today, the Ukrainian army is the real European army. And yes, it has a cost. And that cost is one and a half euros per week. That's what it costs. This solidarity must be able to bring the European people to the Ukrainian people, because they are fighting for the European way of life.

Mr President, we have two choices: Putting our heads in the sand, not listening to the signals of our industries and letting the energy-intensive sectors leave Europe, or listening to the cries of distress of these sectors, sticking our necks out and ensuring that the tens of thousands of jobs that would be lost remain in Europe. The alarms are very clear. Ten years ago, the European Union exported 15 million tonnes of steel. Today, it imports 10 million tonnes of steel. BASF, ArcelorMittal and other large companies have suspended their investments. This poses a major risk to the anchoring of this industry in Europe, as well as to the green transition. The port of Antwerp is the main hub of the chemical industry in Europe. However, chemical production is at its lowest level since the 1980s. In Belgium alone, nearly ten thousand jobs were cut in these energy-intensive sectors last year. If we do not take action, we will lose not only our jobs, but also our economic clout and autonomy, and we will, very paradoxically, have to import products with a higher CO2footprint than the products we can produce ourselves in Europe. So we know what we have to do to cope with the skyrocketing energy prices, the rising CO2costs and unfair competition. Let's move forward with the plan, which provides for action, accelerated permitting procedures, lower energy costs, a carbon border adjustment mechanism as a real weapon against CO2‐leakage, access to critical materials and protecting our businesses from unfair competition. There's no time to lose.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, just seven weeks ago, a very large majority in this hemisphere adopted a strict resolution against the violence in eastern Congo by Rwanda and the rebel group M23. Unfortunately, the situation is still unchanged today. Kigali now even bans all development cooperation from Belgium to the detriment of its own population. With thousands of deaths and a multitude of internally displaced people, one of the bloodiest conflicts in the world is raging in the region. My message is clear: Stop that horror now! While we must give all opportunities to difficult regional peace processes, it is also time for action from Europe. After the scaling up of the Council after our previous resolution, we really need to take action now. Firstly, by imposing clear sanctions against the illegal smuggling of raw materials by Rwanda. Secondly, by imposing additional individual sanctions against war criminals. Finally, by forcing an immediate ceasefire, with the M23 leaving Congolese territory and Kinshasa itself taking back control, together with international actors. I'm counting on you, ma'am.

Mr President, ‘everything that is truly great and inspiring has been created by individuals who can work in complete freedom’, says Albert Einstein. Albert Einstein, and with him many others, including the thinkers of the Frankfurt School and Hannah Arendt, fled Nazism and fascism in Nazi Germany in the 1930s and went to the United States to develop their academic ideas in complete freedom and space. Today we see the opposite: The Trump administration has made major cuts in research funding. It also restricts academic freedom and weakens public debate. As a result, more and more American researchers are looking for new places of refuge. This is a unique opportunity for the European Union to present itself as a haven for international talent and to close the innovation gap. To bridge the gap in this area, we need to strengthen the basis of innovation with the European Research Area legislative act, which provides for better access to research infrastructure and a strategy to remove barriers to start-ups and scale-ups. By doubling research resources and adopting the Clean Industrial Deal, we can attract ambitious scientists to come here and develop the technologies of the future. The current austerity and the climate of intolerance in the United States are a golden opportunity for Europe. Let us invest in research, education and attractive careers so that the European Union once again becomes a beacon for the scientists of tomorrow. Let's bring the Einsteins back to Europe!

Mr President, Who will defend Europe? This is not just the title of a book. That is also the crucial question before us today. Who will defend Europe? And when the Commissioner took office, he said: We need a big bang. 800 billion is on the table, Commissioner. But yesterday you even talked on Bloomberg TV about the need for a thousand five hundred billion to protect us. Now, money is one thing. The way we use it is another matter. Let us take advantage of this crisis, take advantage of this opportunity, to use the money efficiently, to use the European. Better together European. That must be the adage, otherwise it is a missed opportunity. We should be able to do it together. The latest Eurobarometer is clear: The main concern of Europeans is their protection, their safety. So you have a strong mandate, not just money, but you have a strong mandate to work together on that European defence. Do it now. You have our support.

Mr President, Commissioner, in recent weeks we have seen the United States under Trump increasingly engage in geopolitical and economic conflicts, with sanctions and trade restrictions following each other at a rapid pace. But the export restrictions on AI microchips to China predate Trump and have been imposed by the Biden administration on 17 European member states. This makes one thing very clear to us: Whoever is at the helm on the other side of the Atlantic, we as the European Union must set our own course. This means strengthening our strategic autonomy and reducing our dependence on foreign powers in terms of technology, defence and raw materials. It means that we must thoroughly strengthen our own ecosystem of microchips, not only with words, but also with concrete investments. And finally, it also means that we must be assertive and speak with one voice, with one real geopolitical strategy. In this struggle, Europe must not become a toy of great powers pursuing their own interests. We cannot simply respond to what Washington or Beijing decide. We must be a player, not a field of play, a chess player, not a pawn. A strong European Union, economic, diplomatic and military. That is the only way forward. Let's all work on that!

Mr President, Commissioner, we can no longer remain silent about the situation in eastern Congo. The facts are clear: thousands of Rwandan troops on Congolese territory, an advancing rebel group – M23 – aiming to march towards Kinshasa, millions of smuggled raw materials and thousands of victims, including UN blue helmets. All this against a background of sexual abuse as a weapon and millions of internally displaced people. All reports are clear. This has to stop. The additional humanitarian support of 60 million for civilian casualties in eastern Congo is a good first step. For example, more efforts will also have to be made to reform the security apparatus in Congo in order to avoid such abuses. The starting point remains the strategy set out in 2023. Now the in-depth implementation must follow. I would like to call on colleagues to show, together with the United Nations, that Europe can still play an important role in the Great Lakes region. We must not let the region fall prey to Russia or China, but also not let it fall apart through mutual disputes. Tomorrow, a resolution will be voted on to stop the violence in the region. It is time for a clear signal from Europe that abuses in the region and Rwandan interference cannot be left without consequences. I hope for your support.

Mr President, Commissioner, not a week goes by without a new bizarre proposal from President Trump. His latest plan to buy up and rebuild the Gaza Strip was not only bizarre, it was crazy and dangerous for the entire region. It shows once again that Europe must sit down at the table to discuss the future of the Middle East. Not only to give the Palestinian and Israeli citizens the peace they deserve, but also in our own strategic interest. After all, a stable peace in the Middle East means fewer refugee flows – half of the Palestinian refugees are currently coming to Belgium. A stable peace ensures less radicalisation and more cooperation against the alliances of Iran, Russia and North Korea, which only want to cause damage throughout the region. It is therefore very important that we develop a plan for the Middle East ourselves. I call on you to ensure that in this way we can bring peace, stability and perspective to the whole region.

Mr President, for more than eight months now, the Belgian-Congolese Jean-Jacques Wondo has been in a Congolese cell, where he is tortured and deprived of all medical care. He was sentenced to death without much evidence because he was involved in a coup attempt. Not just him, but 36 others are facing the death penalty. The death penalty has recently been reinstated in the Democratic Republic of Congo, following a years-long moratorium. Mr Wondo's medical condition is deteriorating on a daily basis and he is not receiving any significant medical assistance. Let us reflect together on this suffering and send a clear signal against the death penalty, torture and unfair trials and for the release of these prisoners unless credible evidence emerges. After all, it is not just about Jean-Jacques Wondo, but about the fundamental values of universal justice and human rights, which we defend. A fair trial and medical care are not favors but rights that everyone should have. The reintroduction of the death penalty completely contradicts this.

Mr President, according to Donald Tusk, we should not ask what America can do for our security, but we should ask ourselves what we can do for our security. In this time of geopolitical tensions, we cannot blindly rely on the US security umbrella. Trump was elected president. Putin is causing chaos, both at our borders and at the heart of our democracy. Hybrid attacks and cyberattacks are rife. We need to get our backs up more than ever. We can only do this if we work together; not only in Europe, but also beyond, to create stable regions at our borders. To this end, we must not only strengthen our defence industry and military spending, which are necessary, but we must also be more assertive and decisive. In 1991, former Prime Minister Mark Eyskens stated that Europe is an economic giant, a political dwarf and a military worm. Let's make sure that military worm belongs to the past.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we have known for a long time now that Russia is not only fighting its war against Ukraine on the front line. In the last two years, there have been several incidents across Europe. Sabotage. Sabotage with the aim of disrupting our society, causing chaos. There's really only one word for it, and that's "terror." A clear example of this was the use of civilian ships. With this so-called shadow fleet, Russia is not only trying to impose or circumvent economic sanctions. It is also actively sabotaging our utilities. It is therefore only logical that we should take action against this. Preventive and reactive. Cooperation with NATO in the Baltic Sea is therefore also necessary. The 15th package of sanctions is also a good step. But more needs to be done. Don't let us shy away from outside pressure. And then I look at my Hungarian colleagues, and it is up to us to protect Ukraine and ourselves from Russian terror, on land, at sea and in the air.

(Beginning of the speech next to the microphone) ... denies that Donald Trump was legally elected. He's an elected president of the United States and we're going to have to deal with it. But the way we do it depends on us. And so we have to prepare. We must not be intimidated; We need to prepare. This means: More Europe and a stronger Europe. This is completely at odds with what your group, your group, stands for. A stronger Europe is a better Europe and a safer Europe for our prosperity and for our citizens.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, in Trump's first speech as 47th President, Europe was not worth a word in his speech. That could be good news. Maybe Europe wasn't a target. It can also be bad news. Maybe it just wasn't worth it for him to talk about it. Trump's unpredictability is great. In his first term, he broke more than half of his electoral promises and ran 30,000 times with the truth. What is coming at us, we do not know. What we do know is that we may be able to hope for the best, but we need to be prepared for the worst. And so we need to speak with one voice. Trump is already trying to divide Europe. We cannot let that happen and it will depend on us here. Secondly, we must take our own responsibility for our own safety. Donald Tusk is coming here tomorrow. The motto of the Polish Presidency is "Security Europe". We have to do that. Thirdly, we must put an end to economic naivety. We must not become a toy in a trade war between China and the United States. It is up to us to radiate that unity.

Mr President, after more than 471 days, the weapons in Gaza are silent. That's not a day too early. As fragile as the truce may be for the time being, it will hopefully allow us to turn one of the darkest pages in the history of the Middle East, both for the Palestinians and for the Israelis. If we zoom out for a moment, we see that there are several positive signs in the region: the fall of Assad in Syria, the new president and prime minister in Lebanon, and the diminishing influence of Russia and Iran in this agreement. These are all bright spots for peace and security. However, all this happened without strong involvement of Europe. Where is Europe in this story? Let us therefore use this fragile peace to pave the way for a lasting peace, a lasting cooperation with the Palestinian Authority and Israel, but also in Lebanon and in Syria. It is up to us, as a community of values, to find solutions so that terror and extremism never take this region hostage again.

Mr President, Commissioner, farmers experience more stress and pressure on mental well-being than other professions. The Flemish Institute for Agricultural, Fisheries and Food Research (ILVO) identified no less than seven stress factors, including occupational risks, a lack of appreciation and workload. But the core of the problem for many farmers lies here in European policy. An uncertain future perspective and a volatile regulatory framework today prevent farmers from planning ahead. Last week we held a Young Farmers' Congress with the European People's Party. I spoke to a lot of young farmers and they told me: We do not so much ask for a lower goal, but we do ask for certainty, perspective. One of them said to me: You politicians think in terms of five years. We have to think in terms of 20 years. If we go to a bank, we have to take out loans for 20 years. That's a totally different perspective. And it is that perspective that we must keep in mind. Let us strive together for stable, predictable rules, sufficient support for our farmers, our farmers. They deserve our full commitment. Not only today with words, but also in the coming months when drawing up specific legislation and concrete budgets. It is time to make the necessary changes and give our farmers the security they so desperately need. Let's work on that.

Mr President, Commissioner, Merry Christmas and a Happy New Year. That's what we all wish for each other these days. But it is not at our external borders. There is the war in Ukraine, and Putin, which destroys electricity infrastructure and thus figuratively and literally leaves the Ukrainians in the cold. We have received here this morning the Georgian President, who courageously encourages the protests against Russian influence. We have Moldova, where 100 million invested by Russia to manipulate the elections. And at Poland's borders, asylum seekers are used in hybrid warfare. It's not quiet on the Eastern front. Europe needs a Ring of FriendsRight now, we only have one. Ring of Fire. Yesterday I called here for a strong response to the TikTok investigation in Romania and yesterday the European Commission also decided to do so: very good! We also need that determination in the next few moments. The question is not whether Russia is at war or not. Russia is at war today, in a hybrid way and on social media. And that deserves only censure from this whole Parliament.

Mr President, colleagues, Commissioner, our Western democracy, which depends on the trust of elections and in elections. Objective, fair, impartial elections are the absolute foundation of a Western democratic society. As Nelson Mandela once rightly said: ‘a free press, free opinion’. Free media is essential to the functioning of our democracy. For many of us, today's press is also social media. It is therefore unacceptable that social media platforms do not fulfil that crucial role. The fact that they allow themselves to be abused by figures like Vladimir Putin is simply unacceptable. Before the introduction of the Digital Service Act, the Commission could still hide behind a lack of instruments, a lack of tools to act. Today she can't do this anymore. That is why I call on the Commission to investigate this matter to the bone. The responsibility of platforms such as TikTok in influencing the Romanian elections must be clearly identified, followed by sanctions, appropriate sanctions and measures. Anyone who allows an autocrat, a war criminal, to interfere in elections in Europe might as well end democracy and free elections. Let's work together to ensure that our elections remain free and fair, and protected from foreign interference and abuse of social media platforms. Our democracy deserves nothing less.

Mr President, Madam High Commissioner, you were in office for one week and one authoritarian regime has already fallen. We can only welcome the fall of Assad. Anyone who doubts whether we should be happy with that should take a look at the images of the Sednaya prison or listen to the testimonies. A human prison, a human slaughterhouse, the slaughterhouse of Assad. This is a new opportunity. Yes, it may also be a new threat because we must ensure that it does not become like Iraq after the fall of Saddam Hussein. Or Libya after the fall of Gaddafi, or the new Afghanistan. This means that Europe and you, Madam, must take the lead in the first place. Ensuring that regimes such as Turkey, Iran and Russia do not use the vacuum to expand their influence. We need a plan for Syria, but also for Syria. There are 13 to 15 million Syrians in the diaspora. They also look with great concern at that country. Europe must ensure stability and enter into dialogue with them. Not by sending them back today, but by devising a plan for the future together. We're counting on you for that, ma'am!