Speeches

Madam President, thank you to the Commissioner for all the remarks, which I subscribe to, and for the dignified homage he paid to Daphne Caruana Galizia. The killing of a journalist leaves deep wounds for loved ones left behind first and foremost, but also in society. And when someone keeping those in power accountable is literally under fire, it’s not the journalist only that is under threat: ae are all under threat and democracy is in danger. Today, we honour the legacy of Daphne Caruana Galizia. The day a car bomb ended her life left indescribable damage for her family and friends, but it also exposed the problems of Maltese rule of law, as Daphne Caruana Galizia did herself. She paid for this with her life. In order to keep her legacy alive, the wounds to Maltese democracy need to recover. We will not get her back, but bringing all accomplices to her death to justice is the absolute minimum and remains a top priority. A lot has changed in the five years after the tragic and indigestible death of Daphne Caruana Galizia. The current government is constructively working on important reforms, and although we understand that change does not happen overnight, we always aim higher. Therefore, on several reforms, from the judiciary to the citizenship schemes, as mentioned by the Commissioner, we need further progress. In the European Parliament, we are proud to hold the rule of law in high esteem. Journalists are our most important ally in this, everywhere in Europe, and they should never be in danger for fulfilling this crucial role. That’s why working on better laws to protect journalists and prevent SLAPPs needs to be a shared priority of this Parliament, the Commission and Member States – all Member States, whether it’s Hungary, Greece, Poland or Malta, or any other Member State. Only when we keep our independent media safe, will our democracies be healthy.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commissioner, tomorrow this Parliament will vote on the report just debated before on Hungary, stating that this country is not a democracy any more. That did not happen overnight. It’s the result of a years’ long process full of smaller, targeted restrictions on fundamental rights. Autocrats have a plan to which we have to respond immediately. We learned the hard way. Orbán also had a plan 12 years ago. Curbing fundamental rights plays a crucial role one way or the other in every autocrat’s plan from the outset. Once they secure a position of power and influence, the masks, if they still have them, fall and the freedom they claim for themselves is denied to others. And this will not stop unless we stop them as liberal democracies together. And yes, fundamental rights are under attack in Poland, in Hungary, but what about the dramatic backsliding in media freedom and respect for human rights of migrants in Greece? And let’s not forget that fundamental rights can also be in danger in Member States with healthy rule of law. The appalling conditions for refugees in Ter Apel in the Netherlands, my country, are unfortunately an example of that. And I thank the rapporteur and the shadow rapporteurs who worked on this report and showed the true soul of Europe. We should address and counteract every violation of every fundamental right. Missing the early signals can be irreparable and unforgivable.

Mr President, Commission Vice-President, I thought the UK Prime Minister ‘got Brexit done’, but today we are not even sure how long he will be in office, while the UK Government is threatening to unilaterally rip up the Northern Ireland Protocol. Mr President, to the people in Britain I want to say, we here in Europe are committed to our friendship with you. This is not about rehashing debates of the past, this is about making Brexit work for all UK citizens. Is the Prime Minister of Britain really willing to break up international law, jeopardise the Good Friday Agreement and axe trust between the UK and its most important trading partner? I urge the UK Government to step back from the abyss. Flexible solutions for the people in Northern Ireland exist within the Protocol, and Commission Vice-President Šefčovič has those solutions. All it takes for the UK Government is to act in good faith.

Madam President, thanks to the rapporteur for this timely report. Each of Russia’s atrocities in Ukraine represents the brutal face of the crisis in multilateralism. And this crisis did not happen overnight. No, it is a culmination of coordinated efforts of autocrats to undermine the international rules-based order. And we simply cannot allow them to weaponise, hijack or destroy multilateralism for their own geopolitical purposes. The global crisis we face are many, whether of democratic decline, the ongoing pandemic or climate emergency. And this is the moment for the EU to step up together with like-minded partners. Our Union must place itself at the forefront of efforts to revitalise multilateralism. Doing so requires urgent strategic autonomy, and we must be much more assertive in promoting our values. We have no second to lose.

Madam President, Kosovo’s people deserve this liberalisation and this is nothing new. They have deserved it since 2018. Kosovo played by the rules and fulfilled all the Commission benchmarks. Yet last month, the European Council failed them, failed all of the Western Balkan countries again. And I’m embarrassed. It is also my home country, the Netherlands, that continues to block what the Kosovars clearly deserve. Let us be very clear: any Franco-Dutch demands for yet another Commission report or road map are absurd. If we want to retain any remaining credibility in the Western Balkans, the Council must put an end to this habit of changing the rules in the middle of the game. All Member States and the Commission need to hold obstructers accountable. Our leaders need to realize Europe’s geopolitical reality does not leave room for unending roadmaps. So I call on the Council and on the French and Dutch governments, in particular, to be resolute: end this irresponsible obstruction. Just like finally opening accession negotiations with North Macedonia and Albania, Kosovo’s visa liberalisation will be a sign of hope that will resound across the Western Balkans and it will demonstrate to all that EU enlargement is alive and kicking if you deliver on what you were asked. We need to do this together.

Madam President, we want Serbia to advance on its EU path. Instead, Serbia’s President Vučić is pulling his country away from the European Union, even if he says something else. Serbia’s leadership chooses regression on the rule of law over pro-European reforms. Its handling of this year’s elections demonstrates democracy is in clear peril. And while Russia bombs Ukrainian hospitals, Vučić’s government tried and failed to fly the Russian Foreign Minister out to Belgrade. Let us be very clear. The EU is Serbia’s largest donor. Our support has long been steadfast. But we need to change tack; minimising Vučić’s clear autocratic tendencies and focusing on investment projects instead is a dead end. Accession negotiations with Serbia should only continue on two conditions: clear progress on the rule of law and full alignment with our sanctions on Russia.

Madam President, Commissioner, I would like to thank the rapporteur for this very good report. The Western Balkans deserve a real, genuine commitment, and Montenegro demonstrates why. A year ago, in this same annual report, I called on Montenegro’s leadership to set political differences aside and make the right choices for all Montenegrins. I commend Montenegro’s new government for their support to Ukrainian refugees, for aligning with the sanctions – thus fully embracing our shared European values – and for pursuing the necessary reforms. The report also clearly indicates remaining – and very important – shortcomings, but Montenegro is in pole position and has an opportunity to rewrite history which should not be wasted. It is a sign of hope for the region and the European Union. This is the moment to maintain political unity and go the extra mile. I ask the Council to do the same: act decisively for the Western Balkans, unblock North Macedonia and Albania, and give Kosovo visa liberalisation – write history together!

Madam President, it is precisely one year ago today that the Tut.By website was shut down: 15 arrests followed by subsequent constructed convictions, the dictator’s well—known playbook. By now, we not only speak about Lukashenko’s illegitimate regime holding hostage an entire population, but Lukashenko is also fully complicit in Putin’s gruesome war and all war crimes that were committed, and he will be held accountable for this. Prosecution of opposition figures, trade union leaders and other critical voices shows the regime’s weakness, turning against his own people. But the brave Belarus people resisting will prevail. We are here to send our support to all representatives of the Belarusian democratic opposition, to union leaders and all the other 1 203 political prisoners, like Viasna’s Ales Bialiatski. We assure you: we have not forgotten about Belarus and about you, you will get your country back, and your freedom.

Mr President, I want to extend my compliments also to the rapporteur for a good report. I fully agree with what has been said by colleagues Schieder and Olekas. Bulgaria at this critical moment in history has a unique chance to give a strong message to Russia, to Europe and to Skopje. But the time has also come to hold the other 26 Member States accountable for further delay from today onwards, because expressing, like Monday at the Foreign Affairs Council, full commitment and unwavering support is not going to do the trick anymore. The other 26 Member States have to work together accordingly, to help Bulgaria to overcome this hurdle. Bulgaria has a unique chance to do a historic decision in this lifetime.

Madam President, judges under political pressure, investigative journalists targeted by strategic lawsuits, children learning in school that their only option is to start a traditional family – these people are the story behind the Commission’s annual Rule of Law Report. These people are our fellow EU citizens. Thank you, Terry Reintke, for the excellent collaboration that we had with you this year on the Rule of Law Report; my compliments to you. Thanks to our Parliament, the Commission is now exercising a yearly rule of law review, and even including country—specific recommendations as of next year. But to protect the core values of the EU, and the fundamental rights of our common Europeans, we need more! We are currently in a two—front struggle: preventing further rule of law violations on the one hand, but also fixing what has gone terribly wrong. That is why we ask for the Commission’s Rule of Law Report to be more than just a descriptive document. It needs to be analytical, preventive, and it needs the concrete follow—ups by connecting it to the EU’s rule of law instruments. We have them – let’s use them! Autocrats are not deterred by reports nor by Article 7 hearings in the Council we never hear back from. That is, of course, a message to the Council, to the Member States. Dialogue is not the language they speak. The only way to stop undemocratic leaders, undemocratic in behaviour, is by taking real measures and making sure they feel the consequences. No more patience, no more EU money into authoritarian pockets – the rule of law can never be subject to compromise.

Mr President, I’m both highly proud of and deeply concerned for Moldova. Proud because of the incredible assistance the Moldovan people have offered to the Ukrainians and because of Moldova’s unambiguous pro-European turn. But I am also concerned because Putin and his cronies have now set their sights on Moldova. The Kremlin is pumping propaganda by the bucket—load into the country, it has ramped up its cyberattacks and its false flags in Transnistria are escalating by the day. Our Moldovan friends have clearly chosen democracy over dictatorship and we should be firmly with them on every step of their path to the EU membership they seek. We cannot afford complacency. I commend the Council and Commission’s pledge to boost defensive aid to Moldova, and this must be fast and ambitious. We need to learn fast and act fast now.

Mr President, yesterday was World Press Freedom Day. In this Parliament, we reinstated again that democracies can only exist when critical media can do their jobs – scrutinise all of us without pressure, without any limitation. And one day later, we are discussing European governments using spyware on the phones of journalists. Imagine investigating the people in power and finding out that your phone is infected by spyware. It’s invasive. It gets in your head. Are your sources safe? Does this have consequences for your friends and family? Wouldn’t it be wiser to start writing about a less controversial topic? This is happening in the EU and not only to the press, but also to activists, lawyers, academics and politicians, to Members of this House. Let’s make sure that the Pegasus Committee, our inquiry, will serve its purpose to protect and defend our people and our democracies.

Mr President, I say to the Commissioner: in 2011 the Commission did a good job. The EU adopted its Roma integration strategies for the coming decade. On paper, the right solutions were there, but in reality we had to conclude that 10 years later, Member States throughout Europe had done close to nothing to implement these policies. And in 2022, Romani people are still subject to persistent, dehumanising discrimination. They face poor access to health care, education and the labour market. This would have been already unacceptable if it was about a few people, but we are talking about at least 10 million Romani people in the EU. How can we systematically neglect so many Europeans? The new framework sets out minimum standards for 2030. We have to make sure we exceed them way before 2030. And by the way, President, I am disgusted by the exponents of flat-out racism and discrimination in this Parliament. We, on the side of dignity, humanity and equal opportunities are worth more.

Madam President, a good 200 days ago – the last day that Afghani teenage girls packed their bags and went to school – the Taliban erased half the population from public life. Today they are holding Afghanistan’s entire population hostage as 20 million Afghans face acute hunger. All they care about is repressing Afghans, brave women and girls for cynical political aims. We must never recognise this totalitarian Taliban regime. Any practical engagement must be made conditional on the free participation of women and girls in all aspects of society. I applaud the Commission for helping vulnerable Afghans directly and for setting up the World Afghan Women Leaders Forum. But I call on the Member States to do more, much more: resettlement of the most endangered Afghans, more direct aid. Just like Ukrainians, just like us, Afghanistan’s people deserve freedom, democracy and the chance to simply live and pursue dreams and a dignified life. Let Afghan girls learn!

Madam President, yesterday we debated the CFSP and to CSDP here, and I commend the High Representative for his tireless and successful efforts in trying to bring about unity. However, I expect more from the Council – peer-pressuring Member States and deliberately jeopardising this very unity for internal political reasons or with misconceptions of history. We must stand foursquare behind the free and independent people of Ukraine, through diplomacy, through the provision of defensive aid, and through hard cash. This is also about us, about our values, about upholding international law. It must be crystal clear, ahead of any further aggression, how high the price will be: freezing assets, stopping freedom of movement for everyone related to the regime, banning Russia from the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (SWIFT) and halting Nord Stream 2. My message to the Russian people, who are not our enemy, is: do not let Mr Putin drag you into a senseless war. To the people of Ukraine: long live democratic Ukraine!

Mr President, unity is our strongest weapon, and as an example of this, let me commend the High Representative for his efforts that embody this unity. Our common foreign and security policy works only when it’s truly common, when we are truly united. This is exactly why autocrats are trying to play us apart at the expense of our values, democracy, human rights and the rule of law, and the institutions defending them. We cannot allow this! We must stand strong for the brave people of Belarus, for the strong women of Afghanistan, for the courageous citizens of Ukraine, for our citizens. Our values should be at the heart of a truly coherent and integral foreign policy. President, that means it is time to finally do away with unanimity in foreign affairs. The CFSP that we need is one in which our responses are swift, in which our unity not only defends but promotes European values, and in which decisiveness and the prospect of sanctions deter aggression – possible sanctions that, in the case of the Russia crisis today, make crystal clear that the price of further aggression will be extremely high, including halting Nord Stream 2. Every year, we say here that this year, these two reports are really important. But this year, it was extremely easy to explain, why a common foreign policy is of the essence. David, thank you for your leadership on this report, and thanks to our colleagues for the cooperation. I hope the Council takes a lesson from our efforts.

Mr President, China’s totalitarian regime has absolutely no love for media freedom, democracy or even for its own citizens, from Hong Kong to Xinjiang. I fully stand with Hong Kong’s brave citizens, activists and journalists still courageously fighting to uphold press freedom. Colleagues, the big picture is crystal clear, and I thank the colleagues who worked on this good resolution. The harsh reality is that China today is openly advocating against human rights and democratic values. In Hong Kong, China is illegally stamping out the remains of democracy. In Xinjiang, China is arguably committing the biggest human rights violation of our time. All over the world, the long arm of Beijing is pursuing dissidents like Uyghur activist Idris Hasan, detained abroad with abuse of Interpol. China even has the audacity to coerce our own Member States. None of this can be tolerated. I therefore call on you, Commissioner, all Member States and institutions to commit to the diplomatic boycott of the Beijing Olympics. Today, we have nothing to celebrate with China.

Madam President, the attempts to intimidate, silence and, ultimately, close Memorial are not only an example of how far Putin is prepared to go, they are an insult to the Russian people, to their history. We have a problem with the Putin kleptocrat autocracy, not with the Russian people. If we let them down, those who fight for the values we hold sacred, we also allow the undermining of these same values. What do Sakharov and Memorial teach us? We are reminded of Soviet-era intimidation, oppression and atrocities, and we get confronted with the inspiration they still provide to us today. Arguably, the most important instrument we have is to raise our voice and keep telling their stories, the stories of the countless killed in Russia and abroad, those prosecuted and imprisoned, people who simply stood up for their rights, for the environment, for political freedoms or stood as an opposition candidate. Let me share with you a lesser—known contemporary story to pay tribute to all of them. On 15 July 2021, Andrei Borovikov was convicted to 27 months in prison by the appeals court of Arkhangelsk. Allegedly, he spread pornography by sharing a generally available music clip on his profile on the Russian alternative to Facebook. This, of course, was one of these commonly fabricated charges to be able to convict him. Who was Borovikov? Who is Borovikov? He was allied as a local coordinator to Aleksei Navalny. He has a wife and a newborn son. He’s now detained a thousand kilometres from his home, on purpose, moved there after being convicted to make it very difficult for his family to visit him – to break him. Keep telling their stories, past and present.

Mr President, as we speak, an unknown number of people is stuck in the Polish-Belarusian border zone. But that’s all we know. The Polish Government still denies any access or help to the victims of Lukashenko’s depraved political games. Suspension of asylum rules, though, is not the answer. Poland should accept EASO and Frontex assistance instead. Did you get guarantees, Commissioner, that in return for the extra funding you propose they will start processing asylum requests of people that have reached, or will reach, Polish soil, as they are obliged to? I have been a staunch supporter of reinforced sanctions against Lukashenko since the summer. You’ll find me on your side. But regarding what we do on our side of the border, I hope to hear a few reflections of humanity, compassion and real solidarity. Is that too much to ask?

Mr President, organised crime and corruption are everywhere most harmful for the vast majority of ordinary citizens and most profitable for those elites who refuse to take action. Projects like the recent Citizens’ Assembly on corruption in Montenegro, upon the initiative of this House, are good, but also the efforts of leaders who took responsibility instead of refusing to take action, like in Kosovo, Albania and North Macedonia, should be recognised with steps forward. Backsliding on media freedom and the rule of law, which are so crucial to fight organised crime and corruption, like in Serbia, raises concern. Organised crime does not know borders. Any delay or backsliding on necessary reforms is also our problem. I welcome the work of the rapporteur, Mr Mandl, and the shadows. It should serve as a signal to our fellow Europeans to show where we stand: on their side. Impunity must end and citizens should be assured that they can trust their institutions.

Mr President, last month we experienced a low point in this Parliament; we had to discuss the Polish Government questioning the primacy of EU law. Let me stress that I do not want, and also do not expect, to have a similar plenary debate about Slovenia in two years. But, we should have learned by now to read early warning signals. The crumbling of rule of law and democracy often starts with bigger or smaller attacks on the media, judiciary and vulnerable groups. That is why we should take the Slovenian problems with the European Public Prosecutor’s Office and the STA and Prime Minister Janša’s ridiculous and personal attacks on individuals seriously. Although solved partly and extremely late, we should not accept the downplaying of these issues. When dialogue is not sufficient, measures should follow. Not after months, after hesitation by the Commission, but swiftly. It will save time. I’m saying this because I’m on the side of the Slovenian citizens. When political leaders anywhere in Europe are not preserving the positions and the rights of their journalists, judges or minorities, the EU has to step in and support them as effectively as possible.

Mr President, the declaration after the Western Balkans Summit started with a promise of unequivocal support. It left me a bit confused. What does this actually mean? The commitment to a substantial investment package of EUR 30 billion is very welcome. Is that it? Or is it the merit-based approach, but with new demands and surprise vetoes after meeting the criteria? Words matter. Instead of unequivocal support, we can also say: ‘yes, we will fight with you for your future in the EU. No promises on dates. No false hope. But if you deliver to the highest standards, we want you to be part of it.’ Countries perfectly understand we will remain fair and strict. It is in their own interests and in ours. Strict on all our values and equally strict for Member States watering down on them. So no Orbán-Vučić-friendly approach advancing the Serbian candidacy while there are great concerns and no instrumentalising tensions and endangering the Dayton Agreement. But yes, to your leadership in pushing the Council to now deliver for North Macedonia and Albania and to grant visa liberalisation for Kosovo.

Mr President, democracies are founded on one basic principle. Politicians represent their people and they have this power on loan from their people. I’m afraid you have forgotten about this fundamental concept, Prime Minister. The reason, the so-called ruling of the Constitutional Tribunal, is the result of a reckless gambling game putting an entire country at stake. The outcome is serving the interests of the people in power. You, Prime Minister, say yes to the money, but no to the values and the treaties. President von der Leyen, I hope to see decisive and determined action soon. It is good that the Commission presents careful judicial analysis, which is the opposite of the Polish Government’s judicial hooliganism, but no more patience with autocrats. We owe this to the judges under pressure, the ones fired, to the women, to the LGBT community and to all demonstrators. And of course these demonstrators are worried not about Europe or Brussels, but about their democracy and the protection of their rights vis-à-vis their own government. The Polish government tries to create a false contrast between the Polish people and the rest of Europe, and the louder they shout, the clearer it becomes. The opposite is true. We Europeans are the partners of the people in Poland. We will not let ourselves play a part and we will do all we can to protect them against their own autocratic leaders and to preserve their rights and their democracy.

Mr President, Nikita Zolotariov, born in 2004, is a now 17—year—old boy. He was arrested and convicted to almost five years in prison after attending the protests of last year. His parents are unsure if he is still alive because he is dependent on medication. A political prisoner – a child! There are over 700 political prisoners, and Lukashenka has still room and resources to intimidate, and worse still, abroad. I asked in July to start preparing new sanctions, not to lose any time. We need to stop the cynical bargaining, without exceptions among the individual Member States. Instead of cynical bargaining, we need to engage more non—EU countries to achieve the most complete isolation possible. Lukashenko is pushing vulnerable people over the border. This is unacceptable, but pushing them back and leaving them to die can never be the European answer. I urge the Polish authorities to find a solution now in cooperation with the Commission and Member States. And the latter, the Member States, should stop looking away because one Moria is already one too many. Creating many ‘Morias’ at our external borders would be a moral failure.

Mr President, the EU—US Transatlantic Partnership – the renewed reinforced partnership – is opening a new chapter of closer bilateral relations following the election of Joe Biden. The EU and the US are the bedrock of the rules—based international order and champions of multilateralism, democracy and human rights. But we should also acknowledge the differences between the EU and the US, and that is only healthy in a long—standing friendship. A clear, self-confident strategic vision is then necessary. In that sense, the drafting of the EU Strategic Compass is an important step forward, and it should be accompanied with a more united, decisive foreign policy decision—making. An effective transatlantic relationship should focus on what we can do together – what we can do together as two strong partners sharing so much more than what divides us.