Speeches

Mr President, the rule of law is not an abstract concept, it is the basis of trust between citizens and their institutions, and that trust depends not only on the rules, but also on the perception of the independence of those who interpret them, but also of those who apply them. In the European Union we are seeing worrying actions in many Member States: Politicization of constitutional courts, attacks on the independence of the Prosecutor's Office, pressure on public media and judges, serious cases affecting the integrity of public procurement, skipping Parliament to avoid political opposition... and none of this can be ignored. Moreover, the credibility of the European Commission, for example, depends on something as essential as coherence. There cannot be a demanding yardstick for some and prudent for others, Commissioner, and the Commission's report is an enormously valuable instrument, but the Commission must also be prepared to act where necessary with the same determination and regardless of the Member State concerned, because the rule of law, Commissioner, applies equally to everyone or loses all its meaning.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, Europe has the talent, ambition and economic capacity to be a tech giant. Europe, as much as some insist, has nothing left to succeed, if anything is left over and I would say it is bureaucracy and legal fragmentation. For years we have tried to move towards European corporate frameworks, without success. We have tried to drive innovation from the offices, passing hundreds and hundreds of standards, without understanding that what is really necessary and what our entrepreneurs need is not more paper, but more security, more simplicity and more freedom to innovate. The so-called 28th regime could be the answer: a genuine European framework that allows businesses to operate across the single market with a single legal structure and a common growth logic, without having to reinvent themselves at every border. Commissioner, to achieve that we need an ambitious, simple and fully harmonised regime, a genuine European corporate form recognised in all Member States, with symbolic minimum capital, digital registration in 48 hours or less and without unnecessary administrative barriers. We want Europe to be a continent where undertaking is not a heroic act and where growing up is not a leap into the void. But, for that, we have to focus on what is important, which is nothing more than building with less bureaucracy and with clearer and much simpler rules.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the Georgian Government is walking backwards, saying that it is still looking at Europe, but all it is doing is taking steps in the opposite position. Claims to want freedom for its citizens, but represses freedom of expression; His prime minister says he defends national independence, but he does – again and again – what Mr Putin dictates. The crisis in Georgia is, above all, a democratic crisis, because to move away from the European Union is also to move away from its values. Human rights, freedom of the press or the rule of law suffer an unprecedented setback in a country that, since its independence, has always looked to the European Union and the West as its natural horizon. However, it's not all bad news either. In a Europe too accustomed to pessimism, seeing the streets of Tbilisi full of citizens fighting for the European dream should wake us up. Our flag, today, is in Georgia a symbol of hope for thousands and thousands of Georgians, and that must also reconcile us with the prosperous, free and competitive Europe that we are and that we want to remain. And our position must be firm, Commissioner. Georgia must move forward again, respect European values by uniting those who do not agree with this government and wish to continue walking towards a better country within a stronger European Union. I am aware that the Commission's position is not easy, but what I am sure of is that we cannot afford to lose Georgia and let it fall under the clutches and influence of Moscow.

Mr President, I wish this debate had never happened. I wish Spain was news for other things and not for the scandals of a government that proclaimed itself the most feminist in history. The reality is devastating: passed the law of the only yes is yes and more than a thousand sexual aggressors saw their sentences reduced; acquired defective anti-maltreatment bracelets and no one took responsibility; and now the PSOE is facing numerous cases of sexual abuse in both the government and its party. That slogan of "I am a feminist because I am a socialist", socialist ladies and gentlemen, has aged very badly. And as the saying goes: Tell me what you're bragging about and I'll tell you what you're lacking. Because that's the real problem of the left: You think you are morally superior, you suspect everyone but yourself. Now you realize that appointing harassers, sexists and neon light fans to positions of maximum responsibility was not going to end well. Feminism, gentlemen and ladies of the PSOE, does not go from left or right, it goes from decency and it goes from equality. Now you also realize that anyone who protects abusers for being left-wing or accuses men of being macho for not being so is not legitimized to give lessons of anything. And I understand your nervousness, I really understand it, but you should also feel ashamed. I'm going to ask you one thing: Don't ever teach feminism again, not just because you shouldn't, because you can't. Finally, to Mr. Sanchez, just a message: to ask forgiveness, to return the voice to the Spaniards and Spaniards in a general election and to stop doing so much harm to Spain.

Madam President, in recent years we have debated a lot in this Parliament about espionage as a form of foreign interference that threatens the future of our Union. However, it is incredible that today we have to be here discussing an alleged case of espionage committed not by a foreign power, but by an EU Member State against the EU itself. While in this House and in the European capitals - at least in the majority - we work to try to improve the lives of our citizens, in Budapest there is a government that is dedicated to weakening our institutions and sowing mistrust within our borders. Viktor Orbán has decided to play to try to be the Moscow Trojan Horse within the European Union. And now it seems, too, that their tactics to undermine European institutions are allegedly imported from the Kremlin. Commissioner, beyond the actions you are taking - the legal ones, the ongoing investigations into the activities of the Permanent Representation - I am surprised that you have not done the least, which is to ask for Mr Várhelyi's suspension of all activity until we know to what extent he was involved in this. That is the least the Commission has to do in the coming days. Finally, I just wanted to try to take a positive part of all this and hopefully this will be the last scandal of a government that will soon be thrown at the polls in the next national elections in Hungary.

Madam President, in the last five years Bulgaria has held five legislative elections. These five electoral processes are the result of the inability on which the country has settled to form stable governments, leading Bulgaria to an eternal spiral of early calls. However, the worst news of all political instability is how it has been harnessed and empowered by pro-Russian political movements to gain influence within the European Union. We cannot forget that a large majority of Bulgaria's internal and institutional problems are directly linked to these interferences. And yes, Bulgaria needs to make further progress on reforms to deepen the rule of law and judicial independence – the European Commission’s report is very clear. But I believe that Bulgaria, above all, needs union. Union between pro-European forces to counter Putin's attacks. I believe it is time to separate internal concerns between the Bulgarian democratic forces and support the government in its clear stance in defence of European integration and its pro-Western vision. And, of course, continue to build a full democratic state.

Mr President, in the face of an extraordinary situation, especially in my region, in Galicia, there has been an extraordinary reaction, because the fight against fire is a collective struggle of institutions, of course our officials, our firefighters, our firefighters and, above all, our citizens, who have responded as a united people. But we must do more: the ability to react to such emergencies needs to be improved. We have to work towards climate neutrality by law, as, incidentally, the Xunta de Galicia has done as the first autonomous community in Spain; create permanent bases of the EMUs in those regions that need it most, as also requested by the Xunta de Galicia. And, in that sense, also demand greater prevention from the European Commission. Commissioner, I would ask you to reopen the directive on the protection of the environment through criminal law. We have to be much more severe with those who are repeat offenders in environmental crimes. And, in conclusion, let me simply address Mrs. Miranda. Mrs. Miranda, you're all right. We are tired of you coming to this House to intoxicate and make hoaxes. It's okay for you to just come here and subtract. I propose that, for once in your life, you go up to that lectern and add and make a proposal instead of just criticizing. And, for that reason, I also tell you that I am so proud that there is a Government of the Xunta de Galicia with professionals, with responsible people, and not with people like you.

Madam President, as representatives of European citizens we have a fundamental responsibility, which is none other than to defend the values that have made our Union great. The freedom and dignity of the individual are some of the pillars of that greatness. Therefore, again the Government of Orbán by prohibiting that free association, that LGTBI march, in Budapest last weekend all it does is show a gesture of weakness, all it does is show fear. Fear that every person, every citizen, will live and love whoever he wants, however he pleases. To those who say they want to make Europe great again, I say that Europe already is, Europe is already great. Why? Because it allows everyone to live as they wish. And another sign of that fear is preventing citizens from expressing themselves freely in the streets. All you're getting is to dig deeper into the hole you're in. And yes, Europe is so big that even you have a place in it. But also – and here I give a message to the Commissioner – the movement is demonstrated by walking, Commissioner: when the rule of law is under attack let us stop monitoring, stop reporting and act because otherwise it will be too late.

Madam President, while some promise to resolve the war in 24 hours, such as President Trump, we must focus on continuing to support the Ukrainian people seamlessly and without excuses. While, in Moscow, Mr Putin prefers to brag about tanks and continue massacring Ukrainian citizens, we must prepare for any scenario, no matter how harsh it may be. And yes, we must exhaust all diplomatic channels to achieve a peace that is just and lasting, starting with a truce as an essential first step to achieve it. But let's not fool ourselves: a just and lasting peace requires the full restoration of Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. We will not accept results obtained by force, nor will we accept results obtained by pressure or from the other side of the Atlantic or from some comrades in Budapest. Europe cannot and must not resign itself. Europe must prepare and support Ukraine to the end.

Madam President, the fact that Mr Orbán is disturbed by freedom no longer surprises anyone. He has been passing laws for years that restrict freedom, twist the rule of law and reduce democracy to a system where only those who think, feel and love like him can fit. The most striking thing this time is not the prohibition of political opposition or persecution of the LGTBI community, but the excuse it uses, and I quote: I do it to protect the freedom of minors. He is a true master of language, this Mr. Orbán, the truth. Although, if you read article 621 of the Code of Offences of the Russian Federation, which sanctions the propaganda of non-traditional sexual relations between minors, you realize that this time they have not been you or original. Between the open societies of Europe and the dictatorship of Putin, Orbán and you always choose those who consider freedom a threat. But, fortunately, those of us who believe in freedom are the majority and, for many parties that you finance on our continent, such as Vox in Spain, do not worry, that freedom will flare up again in Budapest sooner or later. Mr Deutsch, if we have had a thousand and one debates in this House about Hungary, it is because we are fed up with you destroying democracy and freedom in your country. And if we have to have a thousand and one more debates, we will have them, don't worry. But don't worry, in Hungary there is already a real alternative. I know that there is an alternative that defends the rule of law, that defends democracy and freedoms: It is none other than the alternative led by Péter Magyar, who filled the streets a few months ago with Hungarians and, shortly, will also fill the polls.

Madam President, according to the ranking in Shanghai on university quality, only one of the 30 best universities in the world is located in the European Union. By contrast, 19 out of the top 30 teaching and research institutions, or 63%, are in the United States. The race for competitiveness and innovation is a race in the background. Many of the technology companies that dominate the market today were projects that emerged in university environments. Europe cannot be left behind: must be firmly committed, firstly, to retaining talent – something we have not done very well in recent years, because so many Europeans are in American universities and companies – and, secondly, to attracting talent to our academic centres. A European university that aspires to compete in the international arena is the best reflection of a European Union committed to its future. Now I think it's time to do it. The U.S. Department of Education has reduced its staff by about 50% in just two months of the Trump Administration. To this decision, Europe can offer academic freedom, can offer an attractive lifestyle for any researcher and should offer much more funding. We are in a privileged position to lead research in the next decade, and many of the academics looking to leave the United States are Europeans looking today more than ever to return. That is why, Commissioner, I invite you to take a tour of American universities and to convince them and bring the largest number of Europeans back home.

Madam President, in the last five years the European Union has produced more than 13 000 standards; At the same time, the United States has produced 3,500. According to the Draghi report, this regulatory avalanche has resulted in expenditure and loss of EUR 150 billion to Europeans, or 1.3% of GDP. It is unsustainable to continue to undermine our competitiveness in this way at a time when we need, more than ever, to compete in an increasingly complex and insecure world. And the Commission does well by rectifying the path; however, our companies have already invested millions to adapt to non-financial disclosure regulations and are now wondering how much more they have to reinvest to readjust again. That is why it is vital not to delay, but to freeze, the application of these rules and work on a new standard that is serious, that gives certainty and security to our productive sectors, that favors the creation of a European ecosystem of small and medium-sized companies and start-ups, that allows the attraction and retention of talent and that allows innovation. Competing is not an option, no matter how much the socialists and the greens say otherwise: It is a necessity to maintain our welfare state and today, more than ever, our security. But any review has to be done head-on and assessing its impact. Otherwise, no matter how many compasses we approve of, we'll still be lost looking north.

Mr President, Commissioner, what we are discussing today, if true, we see again a serious violation of democratic principles and the rule of law in the European Union. It is deeply alarming that the Hungarian Government might be involved in illegal spying on our institutions and fact-finding bodies. This practice not only jeopardises the security of our data and the integrity of the investigations of our institutions, but will also mean that it will undermine the trust that we must have between Member States and our common institutions. It is crucial that we can conduct investigations into fraud, corruption and any other illegal activity that impacts the financial interests of the Union without obstruction. We cannot tolerate a government undermining these fundamental principles that breaks the cornerstones of our union: mutual respect and cooperation. Without these, we have nothing. And again and again, we see how Viktor Orbán's government shows that is untrustworthy. And it actually threatens every European and Hungarian citizen's rights. What sort of patriotism is this when you constantly breach fundamental rights for political gains? That is why the Commission must take decisive action to protect the autonomy of our institutions and to ensure that any acts of espionage are investigated, and punished if necessary.

Mr President, the strength of the transatlantic link between Europe and the United States, based on democracy and the rule of law, does not depend solely on who occupies the White House. It depends, above all, on respect for democratic rules and the sovereign decisions of States. Americans have spoken and Europeans would do well to note that there are a majority of Americans tired of identity politics and distressed by the real problems that condition their lives. Some of us have been warning for years about the pendulum effect that movement could cause. surprised and calling for a political alternative based on, as we say in my land, the sentidiño. Yes, Trump has his roadmap. But Europe also has its own commercial and geopolitical interests, and these must be asserted in the world. The American rulers owe it to America and the European rulers owe it to Europe. Now it's only time to respect and understand each other as best we can.

Madam President, Mr Vice-President, Mrs O'Reilly, tomorrow we will choose who will succeed you for the next four years as the head of the European Ombudsman, a key institution in protecting the rights of European citizens and the fundamental values of our Union. Democracy and the rule of law are not only the system that governs our political organisation, they are also central elements of our identity, and for this reason we have to take the work of the European Ombudsman very seriously. This body acts as a bridge between Europeans and their institutions, starting from the premise that, just as there is no democracy without separation of powers or equality before the law, there can be no democracy without transparency and accountability. However, despite the great work you have done, that institution still has a lot of work ahead of it. During the last legislature, many Europeans came to this body in the hope of resolving doubts about procedures initiated by the European Commission in cases that directly affect their fundamental rights. An example is the high number of requests submitted by Spanish citizens to know the status of the procedure initiated by the Commission on the amnesty law. I therefore call for the next candidate to strengthen the Union's levels of transparency and accountability.

Madam President, we have just seen you. We see on the far right of the camera people who hate anyone who doesn't live like them or, at least, who doesn't live like them publicly. But we've also seen and heard on the far left of the camera those who cancel you if you don't say or think as they want you to say and think. But Europe is much more than this, Europe is perceived in the world as a bastion of values and democratic principles, with strong institutions that promote citizen participation and protect individual freedoms. And those European values are at the core of Western values. But, unfortunately, those values have suffered some setbacks in recent years and this debate gives a good account of it, with the setback that LGTBI people have suffered in Hungary, where what they have done is to pass a law aimed at stigmatizing those who do not think like the majority and who equate their rights to pedophilia, even prohibiting adoption to same-sex couples. Mr. Orbán, who says he is so concerned about defending these Western values, must understand that there is no value more Western than freedom: freedom to vote, to think, to express oneself, but also freedom to love. Those of us who believe in freedom and family - in all families, not just one model - cannot allow this intolerant attitude to sweep across our continent. And Orbán buys his influence by funding parties in other countries, such as the case of VOX in Spain, with the aim of achieving his dream of a closer Europe, a less free, less diverse and, consequently, less united Europe. Therefore, it is time to redouble our commitment and make a serious and non-sectarian European strategy, aimed at shielding the rights of those who feel discriminated against for living their love in freedom.

Mr President, without the rule of law there is no Europe. And without respect for the law, there is no democracy. They are two of the fundamental pillars common to all the laws we pass in this House. But, unfortunately, this report on the health of the rule of law does not stop growing year after year, and much of the blame lies with governments such as the one now in Spain, such as the Government of Mr Sánchez. This is a government that, in the last eleven months, has only managed to get a law in the Congress of Deputies: the Amnesty Law or the ‘Law on Impunity’, which they themselves considered unconstitutional a few months ago and which breaks the principle of equality between citizens. It is a law that, faced with the doubts expressed by many judges, is now before the Court of Justice of the European Union. We are waiting for it to decide whether or not it is compatible with the European Treaties. To this is added the constant colonization of other public entities, such as the Attorney General’s Office – which is also in the report –, public television, the CIS, the CNMV, the Bank of Spain and yes, also the Constitutional Court. Institution that touches the sanchismo, institution that perverts. That is why, Vice-President, we must ask you to continue working with the European Commission, closely monitoring the government of Mr Sánchez, because in the end you will end up putting your face like Mr Orbán.

Mr. President, do you remember this? For many months, a mask like this was the difference between getting sick or not, between infecting or not, a symbol of protection in the middle of one of the biggest health, economic and social crises we have experienced. Today, sadly, this mask is also beginning to become a symbol of corruption. Corruption of the most outrageous because they took slice of the most vulnerable in our most delicate moment. The same mask that used to be hope, today is shame. And it is and we debate it here because the European Public Prosecutor's Office has opened an investigation to Spain for a plot that allegedly already extends to different ministries and different socialist autonomous governments, for the fraudulent purchase of masks in poor condition in exchange for succulent personal commissions. Contracts that have also been paid with European funds and that, therefore, appeal to the entire Union. Funds that build Europe and that we have had a hard time getting enough to allow miserable people to manage them. Justice will have the final say. And from here I only ask one thing: Let everything be investigated, let it be investigated to the end, and let whoever has to fall fall fall.

Mr President, the truth is that it is good that most Members agree that we have to move forward, that we have to support legislation that is going to prepare us for future crises. And it is true that there are some Members who want to approve the INTA amendments and I just want to reinforce what the Commissioner said: that there are mechanisms to guarantee those exports, that those mechanisms exist and that we cannot ignore the technical complexities, as it is in the draft. Therefore, what I am asking is that, first, we send a strong message to European citizens and if this legislation goes ahead it will be confirmation that we have learned the lessons of the pandemic. In conclusion, I would therefore like to reiterate and call on all groups to support a text that will be important for the future of Europe, will be important for citizens and will prepare us for future crises.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner Breton, today we are debating the report on compulsory leave for crisis management. This initiative is a reflection of our collective commitment to public health and a response to improve our ability to face future crises such as the one we unfortunately experienced with the COVID-19 pandemic. First of all, I would like to stress that this is a meeting piece of legislation, in agreement and, in that regard, I would like to thank the Commission for the excellent work it has done in bringing this legislative proposal. It is essential that both governments and industry have legal channels to collaborate and be useful to society when it is most necessary. It is precisely for this reason that this report proposes that voluntary agreements should always be the first option. These agreements are essential to speed up the production and distribution of needed goods at critical times. During the pandemic we saw how this same voluntary public-private partnership was crucial in accelerating response times to the crisis. And, as we well know, buying time in a health crisis means saving lives. However, compulsory licensing mechanisms are an indispensable tool when such agreements are delayed or unsuccessful. Currently, each Member State has legislation, a different mechanism, leading to regulatory fragmentation and often ineffective in crisis situations that transcend national borders. This proposal seeks to harmonise these 27 mechanisms to provide solutions that address cross-border supply effectively. And that mechanism may never be used. However, its mere existence can be transcendental if the situation so requires. In that regard, we have worked hard to improve the Commission's initial proposal, focusing on key aspects such as legal certainty for patent holders. We have also stressed the importance of identifying all patent holders before activating this compulsory licensing mechanism and have worked to improve the conditions for financial compensation. One of the most significant challenges in our negotiations has been access to technical knowledge. As we say in English, the know how. The scientific literature is unanimous in stating that a certain level of access to technical knowledge is indispensable for the effective manufacture of complex products such as vaccines or other medical equipment, such as a respirator. Therefore, we have presented an ambitious proposal in this area incorporating the necessary safeguards to ensure that the transfer of knowledge from the licensor to the licensee is carried out with the majority of legal guarantees. These measures include temporary limitations, restrictions on the scope of application at times of crisis and penalties in cases of non-compliance with the agreed terms. In short, the report we are debating today is the result of a delicate and necessary balance between promoting innovation and access to essential goods in times of crisis. It is a testament to our ability to work together towards solutions that not only address today's needs, but also prepare us for the future. I would therefore like to thank all the shadow rapporteurs for their excellent work and cooperation in such a constructive way and, of course, I call on all the political groups to support the report. Together we can ensure that the European Union is better prepared, more united and more resilient to future crises.

Mr President, first of all I would like to congratulate President Ursula von der Leyen on the support of her European political family in renewing her position. He certainly hasn't had an easy legislature. We started with a global pandemic and ended up facing a war on Europe's doorstep. Along the way, the Union has had to take the reins of an economic recovery and in terms of legislation we have experienced a hyperactive mandate, perhaps in excess. And I think the balance is not negative. But, although our replies to the President, who is not here today, has just left, do not seem important, I ask you not to lose sight of the most important thing: defending our values and the rule of law, which are the moral and political scaffolding of who we are. In this there can be no concessions, there can be no double standards, even in electoral time. And you all know what and who I mean. What is happening in Spain is extremely serious. That is why, Madam President, do not look the other way and do not drag your feet. There are millions of Spaniards trusting the European Union. Take action.

Mr President, Commissioner McGuinness, ladies and gentlemen, the GI system is a successful model for the European Union. They are key for our producers and our exports because they confer an added value, a seal of quality to our products. The text we are debating is positive for a number of reasons. In that regard, I congratulate rapporteur De Castro on his excellent work. It increases the powers of GI producers, improves protection for the European Union, and internationally, and streamlines the registration system by eliminating bureaucracy. In addition, the European Union Intellectual Property Office will establish a domain name alert system and play a crucial role in the fight against counterfeiting of geographical indications. However, I miss some proposals that came out of the JURI Committee. Since 2019, when the EUIPO and DG AGRI signed the protocol agreement, the EUIPO has participated in the pre-examination and registration of indications in an effective and efficient manner. Still, I think the text we voted on is a big step forward, but I also hope that in the next revision of the Regulation the Commission will again be able to transfer competences to the EUIPO.

Mr President, Commissioner Breton, dear colleagues, today indeed we address a pivotal issue for the future of the European essential patents, which highlights the ever-relevant concept of European strategic autonomy. We need indeed to update our tools and systems to both safeguard and empower the European innovators. However, there is a palpable concern that this report, despite its noble aims, falls short on addressing many of our existing problems. This regulation has cruised through the Parliament surprisingly fast, overlooking certain key aspects that we want to amend. On one front, we have tried to raise awareness on the geopolitical risk. Promoting the entrance of third countries into the core of the patent systems will affect our innovation. Also, I believe that we should not overload our European Agencies with new tasks without giving them the resources and knowledge needed. It just doesn’t make sense and could actually kill the overall purpose of the file. Adding up bureaucratic layers will not help our companies. Ultimately, our stance is just as cautious as the approach observed among numerous Member States within the Council, as several Member States have raised more than 200 questions casting doubts on this regulation. Let us then transform these uncertainties into proven, effective solutions.

Mr President, Mr Vice-President Schinas, it is very sad that today we have to be here, once again, talking about the interference of foreign autocracies in the European Parliament. After the shame caused by Qatargate, we now accumulate the journalistic and judicial investigations that point to members of this House for conspiring with the Kremlin. Vladimir Putin is not only a threat to the European Union, with bombs at the gates of our borders, but he wants to blow up our democracy from within. It happened with the BrexitIt happened during the coup of separatism in Catalonia and is happening here now, in the house of European democracy. Same objectives, in some cases, same protagonists. And today, although I am not in this debate by chance, I say this to Mr Puigdemont: Everything will be known. And collaborating with the Russian regime from his seat is not going to be free. And is that the gravity of this issue forces us to reach the end, fall whoever falls. Sadly, some are more in a hurry to amnesty these crimes in exchange for votes than to investigate them. That is why I say to the European Socialists, make no mistake, that some Members of your group were involved in Qatargate may be a coincidence, but that your entire group votes against condemning Russiagate with names and surnames would be a shame. Open your eyes. Do not be pressured by your Spanish colleagues, because this is not a national issue, it is a European issue. Or to see if in the next term the partners that no one can trust will be you.