Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, first of all, thanks a lot for this very important debate. Second, let us not forget that if you want peace, prepare for war. I think that everybody here wants peace. And second, we should remember why unity in defence is so important. The United States defence industry would not be stronger if they replaced their federal defence industry with 50 defence markets and industries on the level of each state. In Europe, fragmentation into 27 different markets and 27 different industries also does not bring strength to us – it only weakens us. We must be ambitious for our defence – on defragmentation, on scale, on speed. But if we want speed from the industry side, we cannot allow ourselves to discuss and negotiate the Defence Simplification Omnibus for almost a year or water it down. If we are serious, we need to show an example of ambitious political speed and the scale of our decisions. The Ukrainians are showing us an example of industrial speed and scale, and of the speed of political decisions, because they are at war and they are defending us. We are not at peace either, but by continuing traditional, slow peacetime decision‑making, it looks like we are dreaming that peace in Europe is eternal. Such an attitude needs to be radically changed. I know Europe can count on Europe. And let us remember what Mario Draghi wrote two years ago – the defence industry lacks scale, and he wonders what will happen without scale. I quote, 'if EU Member States were to ramp up defence spending significantly,' – what we are doing now – 'a supply crisis could occur with Member States competing between each other'. There is a real danger this will happen. If our industries will not scale up, we will not achieve defence readiness. Instead, we will waste both time and money with punishing prices, puny production and plodding procurement. Scaling up comes only with defragmentation, with consolidation, with a more efficient European market in defence, essential for both competitiveness and defence readiness. I invite you all to support these two reports tomorrow, and again, I would like to thank those who prepared this report.

Madam President, dear colleagues, thank you very much for this really very great debate. It is clear from our discussion that we agree. We must very rapidly take responsibility for our defence or for the future of peace on the European continent. We will be able to take this responsibility if we are able to make important decisions and agreements. I urge Parliament to speed up with our trilogues, because Putin will not wait until the last trilogue to test us. European independence does not mean going solo. It means beefing up our strength within NATO so we can not only defend ourselves, but also better support our allies. We need to answer very simple questions: if our transatlantic partners are asking us to take responsibility on our shoulders for conventional European defence, do we agree with that request? If we agree, let's be very practical in our discussions. And let's answer the questions: how shall we replace the resources on the European continent, starting from strategic enablers, then 100 000 rapid-reaction troops, which they are keeping on the European continent? What we what will be our defence plans according to NATO doctrines? The European Parliament is the best place to have those very serious and very important discussions. The Member States are responsible for defence, so we ask them to lead and take charge of European defence. But we need to move forward in the same direction, not 27 different ones. Our biggest weakness is fragmentation and division. Our greatest strength is unity. The common market is our strength in the global economy. Common defence will be our strength in a world of power.

Madam President, Honourable Members, firstly I would like to thank this House for its unwavering support for stronger European defence. The opinion polls clearly show that, in these dangerous times, our people expect Europe to be strong in the world and strong in defence. So I thank you for listening to the voice of the people and for leading the people. After nearly four years, Russia shows no sign of ending its brutal war, and our American allies' strategic priorities are now in the Indo-Pacific and the Western Hemisphere. They said that very clearly in the National Defence Strategy published two weeks ago, and also that they expect us to take responsibility for our conventional defence. European responsibility does not mean without NATO. NATO is the foundation of our collective defence in Europe and is essential for our transatlantic ties and our voice in the world. The European responsibility means making NATO stronger by strengthening our European posture inside NATO. It means taking care of our own defence needs, led by the Member States and supported by the European Union. For example, we now depend on America for strategic enablers like space intelligence data or air-to-air refuelling. We need to be ready to replace our American strategic enablers with our own European ones. This should be our strategic priority, and we need to be ready to replace other conventional defence resources placed by our transatlantic partners on the European continent. This is a first step towards our independence. The European responsibility for defence also demands an institutional framework for our cooperation and the European Defence Union. You ask 'how do we build a strong European defence in this current international environment?' My answer is very simple: ramp up defence production. Ramp it up with greater urgency and ramp it up with greater energy than ever before. Our defence industry must now rise to this historic challenge and scale up their production lines and produce, produce, produce. But it sometimes seems as if our industry is not yet ready to face a coming demand shock. So I strongly support the call by President Macron to industry: please deliver. Please ramp up your production potential and capacity, because that is a goal of our defence readiness. More production power, more innovation, stronger deterrence, and the biggest dividend is peace. I call on all defence ministers to inform us if they experience delays in delivery. We need to understand what causes delays and how to tackle them. So industry can count on our full support, and we support industry very concretely. Last week, I held the first meeting of the Security of Supply Board, which will monitor supply chains so industry can deliver at scale and speed. And soon I will go on a missile tour to engage with Member states and industry on how best to accelerate missile delivery to Ukraine and to our own stockpiles. This is European Union added value in practice. Last year we prepared the ground for the defence ramp-up with new defence policies, and it was a massive defence financial big bang. EUR 150 billion in Security Action for Europe (SAFE) loans. We have now endorsed 16 out of 19 national investment plans and sent them to the Council for approval. Member States will spend EUR 6.8 trillion on defence by 2035, if they fulfil their NATO pledges. And now on the table, a EUR 60 billion loan for Ukraine's defence. The Commission is in full preparation mode. So we call on you to give your green light for the Ukraine loan so we can start implementation. The loan is built on a cascading principle to buy first from Ukraine, the European Union and our EEA and EFTA partners, and only after that from abroad. So if industry cannot deliver, Ukraine can go to world markets. Ukraine needs these weapons now. The defence ramp-up will not only benefit our defence, but also our competitiveness. I know you have a big debate on competitiveness tomorrow. Mario Draghi said marginal reforms will not restore competitiveness, only massive coordinated investment supported by EU instruments. Up to EUR 800 billion in additional investment per year is needed. That is exactly where we can bring strategic added value for our competitiveness with our defence spending, which during the next ten years can, on average, reach almost EUR 700 billion annually – a massive boost for our competitiveness, but only if it is spent properly. Mario Draghi also makes it clear that spending in a fragmented way, spending outside Europe, would undermine our competitiveness and also harm our defence. Europe faces a decisive choice in defence – act divided and damaged our competitiveness, or act united and make defence spending the engine of our economy. So we are saying to Member States: coordinate, set priorities – not only national but also European – that are fully in line with NATO, use new possibilities in the European Defence Industrial Programme (EDIP) to create European defence projects for common interests, our defence flagship projects that no Member State can build alone, but that protect the entire Union. For example, the Eastern Flank Watch, flagship projects on drones, air defence, missiles and space. Honourable Members, as Jean Monnet predicted, the European Community will be born out of crisis. The current security crisis is also making us stronger. The European Union is historically an economic giant. When it comes to defence, the European Union is also a giant, but a sleeping giant. In this world of giants, we too must be giants, true to our values and strong. Dear friends, let us together wake up the sleeping giant of Europe.

Mr President, dear colleagues, first of all, I would like to thank you for a very good and very important discussion, and of course, thanks again to the rapporteurs. I will repeat several obvious truths. First of all, we shall be powerful geopolitically if we are strong in our defence. And we shall be strong in defence if we are strong with our defence industry. And we shall be strong in our defence industry if we are industrially independent, autonomous, and much less fragmented; and if we shall understand that unity brings added value and a very practical one – for example, in building a European air defence shield, which can be done only if we all do that together – and if we integrate our defence industry with the innovative defence and battle-tested industry of Ukraine. Those are obvious truths on which EDIP is based and which EDIP is about. What we are doing today is absolutely clear. They are just the first steps forward, but big steps forward. On the financial side, EUR 1.5 billion is definitely not very impressive. But let's look a little bit into the longer-term perspective of how we shall finance our defence. If Member States implement their pledges which they gave to the NATO summit – that they will spend up to 3.5 % for real defence till 2035 – it means that the European Union Member States will invest EUR 6.8 trillion into defence during the next ten years. In the next MFF around EUR 60 billion will be given to defence. So we need to understand that in Europe defence is financed by national Member States. National Member States will spend 100 times more than we shall have in the next MFF. So what's our task? Maybe to convince Member States also to spend a little bit more for such European policies as EDIP, and that would be really beneficial to all of us. Now, just a few words to some colleagues from different, extreme flanks – for me it's quite strange that they are so united in their attitude towards European defence. First of all, when somebody says that investment in defence is totally opposite to what our workers need to have, I would like to ask you very sincerely: do you want to be occupied without resistance? Do you want that our workers would face such a future? Is that the peace which you are proposing to all Europeans? Second, to those who do not want to support Ukraine – which really means who want to betray Ukraine: are you for a Europe where the big should have the right to occupy the smaller? I am against such a Europe, because my country, Lithuania, was a victim of such previous policies prevailing in the European continent. So that is why I am for a strong Europe and a strong European defence industry.

Madam President, honourable Members, we are coming close to the first anniversary of the mandate of this Commission and to the first anniversary of my mandate as the first-ever European Union Commissioner for Defence and Space. When I look back on this first year, I call it the year when we created opportunities for defence readiness. Now the period of creating opportunities is over. Now is the time for delivery of defence readiness. The provisional agreement we are discussing today on EDIP – the European Defence Industry Programme – is really essential for defence readiness. EDIP is a pioneering programme, so I would like to thank my predecessor, Commissioner Breton, and my Commission colleagues for their strategic judgement in designing EDIP, which was started back in 2024. The negotiations and preparation for negotiations in the European Parliament and Council were not always easy. It took one and a half years to come to an agreement. Of course, that's too long from the point of view of defence readiness, but finally we delivered it. So I thank the rapporteurs and the shadow rapporteurs, and I thank the Polish and Danish Council Presidencies for reaching this compromise so important for the future of European defence. EDIP is a continuation of our previous success stories, our previous defence industrial policy achievements. First, there was ASAP, the success of the industrial programme to ramp up ammunition production. In 2022, we were able to produce only 300 000 shells. Now we are ramping up to 2 million shells annually. And then EDIRPA, the joint procurement success for air and missile defence, and modern armed vehicles. Now there is the next step up in EDIP, with the continuation and expansion of those successful instruments, and with totally new possibilities for the ramp-up of our defence industry. It also brings EUR 1.2 billion in grants for the European defence industry and EUR 300 million for the integration of Ukraine's defence industry. Let me remind you of what EDIP is about. First of all, EDIP puts a premium on joint procurement. The more Member States buy together, strengthen supply chains together, build defence projects together, the more they can count on EU funds. We fund cooperation, not fragmentation. Second, EDIP strengthens Europe's defence readiness by investing in our industry, our supply chains and our jobs, and strict ceilings: 65 % of component costs must be European. Third, with EDIP we move from improvisation to organisation, in joint development, production and procurement. We offer a toolbox to Member States to facilitate and strengthen their cooperation, with a legal structure that will accelerate the launch of cooperation, called SEAP – the Structure for European Armament Programme. The SEAP legal entity can have benefits like easier procurement rules, VAT exemption, borrowing in the financial markets, EU financial support – and Ukraine can take part in these entities, and also with the creation of so-called European defence projects of common interest. Those will be collaborative industrial projects developed by several Member States with a special status in order to support industrial projects no Member State can ever build alone, but that will protect the whole of Europe. Here too Ukraine can take part – for example, the projects for defence flagships mentioned in our roadmap for defence readiness, like the Eastern Flank Watch, like the Drone Defence Initiative, the Air Missile Defence, or Space Shield. Fourth, through EDIP, the EU will set up the first-ever mechanism to ensure the security of supply of defence products throughout the European Union, designed to ensure timely and reliable access to defence products and components during crises, enhancing security of supply to address bottlenecks in critical supply chains, offering a toolbox of crisis-response measures adapted to the nature of the crisis. EDIP is also introducing some new and interesting defence industrial tools, like FAST – the fund to accelerate supply chains transformation – for SMEs and small mid-caps, the European military sales mechanism or defence industrial readiness pools. Finally, EDIP supports Ukraine's defence industry, and not only with 300 million euros. EDIP makes it possible to procure defence equipment in, with, and for Ukraine. EDIP allows us to invest into Ukrainian industry and to support the integration of Ukrainian industry into the European defence technological industrial base. EDIP allows us to inject Ukrainian military innovation into the European defence industry. EDIP ties Ukraine structurally to our European defence industry, and that's good: the Ukrainian defence industry needs us, but we need Ukraine's defence innovations even more. Madam President, honourable Members, EDIP brings a defence industrial policy revolution and lays the foundations for a less fragmented, more innovative and a true European defence industry. That will make us stronger, more competitive and will bring jobs – a lot of new jobs. We need EDIP to put in place the plans and proposals which we made this year, like SAFE loans and the defence readiness roadmap. EDIP is at the heart of all these proposals. As I said, now is the time for delivery, and without EDIP there will be no successful delivery of our defence readiness. So I count on you to approve the provisional agreement and to have it formally adopted before the end of the year. The success of EDIP should inspire us to seek the same success with the defence simplification omnibus, and with the new regulation on defence readiness, which is still in the Parliament and in the Council.

Madam President, Minister, dear colleagues, it was really a great debate, a great, important debate, because the issues that we are discussing are really very crucial. Many of the speakers were repeating very well-known truths – we are not at war, but not at peace either. What we need to recognise is that perhaps it will continue for years to come with provocations, disruptions and sabotage acts. So we are really under attack and we need to be ready for that. To defend and to deter in a united response, as in the name of this discussion. What we need to do is clear; let us remember an ancient Roman saying – if you want peace, prepare for war, otherwise prepare for surrender if you want to have Putin-style peace. I would like to remind ourselves that it is Russia that waged a war against Ukraine, not Ukraine that attacked Russia. It is Russia that started provocations against Poland, the Baltic states, Copenhagen and other countries in Europe, not the EU that provoked Russia. In order to protect peace we need to ramp up our material defence readiness, first of all, which we are doing, but also our institutional defence readiness and our political defence readiness. Either we are politically and practically preparing to deter Putin or we are fighting each other. It is a choice for each of us. Russia's provocations are reckless, irresponsible and dangerous, a threat to the people and peace of Europe. They must serve as a wake up call – we need to act very practically and effectively. Drones are the future of war and the future of provocations. It is a pity that there was a need for the recent provocations to wake us up, and it appears that we are badly prepared for this future. At the moment, our defences are really not ready to detect drones and to see and to track them when they are crossing our borders. In addition, shooting down a EUR 10 000 drone with a EUR 1 million missile is really not sustainable. What we need to understand is that all of Europe is under threat – and I mean all of Europe. A Russian Geran-2 drone has a 2 500 km range, and from Kaliningrad or Belarus it can hit targets in Denmark, Sweden, Belgium, Netherlands, Germany, northern France and Hungary, and it can even reach Brussels and Strasbourg. From container ships, drones can destroy targets all along the coast of Europe. The question is: what needs to be done? There are a lot of things which we are doing and a lot of things which we need to do even more, but let me concentrate this time on drones and anti-drone capabilities. There is quite a broad agreement on what we need to do. In the short run, we need to develop capabilities to better detect, track and identify drones with acoustic sensors, radars, satellites. In the long run, capabilities to disarm or destroy drones, with drone interceptors, electronic warfare and mobile units. For the eastern flank countries there is also a need for capabilities to use the drones to hit the targets on the ground if an enemy tries to invade the country. A tailored approach, but that is what is needed. Frontline states have different needs compared to other countries, including countries in the Mediterranean, but all need capabilities to detect and to destroy drones. Above all, what we need is cooperation, of course, to exchange data to track incursions across national borders. We have interoperable situational awareness to jointly identify targets and carry out operations. We will work hand in hand with NATO. We cannot do this without Ukraine; Ukraine's air defences take down 70–80 % of targets, Ukrainian drones chased the Russian fleet out of the Black Sea, brought the Russian advance to a standstill and devastated the Russian strategic bomber fleet and oil refineries. In the development of the drone wall special attention should be paid to Ukrainian experience – this experience shows that the key to an effective drone wall is not just technology as such, but the developed skills of integrated command and the creation of a comprehensive new warfare ecosystem. We must move quickly from ideas to actions. It is possible during the next year to build essential capabilities of the drone wall and by 2030 we shall have the possibility to spend EUR 2.5 trillion for different needs for our defence. I hope that frozen assets will be used to strengthen Ukrainian defence very soon; so there are financial means. I count on the support of this House with the ideas and to projects which we need to develop and are ready to work very intensively with the Parliament in order to rapidly develop needed capabilities. Thanks a lot.

Madam President, colleagues, again, thanks a lot for this debate, and thank you very much for your determination, and unity in that determination, to defend our security. Today's debate and your contributions are an encouragement to take forward our EU response to the problems and challenges and threats of jamming and spoofing. Our exchange of views calls for implementing operational and contingency measures in the short term and developing a strong and ambitious space programme to enhance the resilience of our space systems, the protection of transport services in the Member States, and help to face interference to our space systems, also at the International Civil Aviation Organization. We really have solid EU space systems. The Commission will continue to deploy and operate them, for the benefit of all Member States and our economic operators. We shall adapt them to new threats and risks affecting the EU economy and the security and safety of our citizens. I count on your continued support.

Madam President, honourable Members, I start my statement on behalf of the Commission by saying very simple words: thank you. Thank you to the pilots of the aircraft that landed us safely when we, together with President von der Leyen, were travelling to Bulgaria during a very successful tour of seven frontline Member States, and when our satellite navigation on board was jammed. These pilots are not the only ones who deal with this kind of threat. As President von der Leyen said today: 'Europe is in a fight. A fight for a continent that is whole and at peace.' We are being tested, we are being challenged and we are under attack. The military build-up on our borders is constantly being supplemented by hybrid threats and it has become a new normal. But we will never accept this as normal. So, honourable Members, I thank you for the opportunity to discuss this important topic today. Our space-based services, including satellite navigation, are world class: Galileo, Copernicus and, soon, IRIS². Positioning, navigation and timing (PNT) services have long been an engine for economic growth and are now routinely integrated into modern infrastructure. They support a wide array of sectors including aviation, maritime, land-based applications and critical infrastructure. Global satellite navigation systems (GNSS), such as the European Union's Galileo and EGNOS, or the American GPS, are the backbone of existing PNT services. They provide highly accurate, reliable, worldwide and free PNT services unmatched today by any other technology. But they're not immune to radio frequency interference. Neither the European Galileo nor the United States GPS are immune. Deliberate international interference into navigation systems most commonly occurs as jamming, which aims to blind satellite navigation signal receivers and prevent them from receiving navigation signals, thus preventing determination of position or timing and rendering the service unavailable. More concerning is spoofing, which aims to deceive navigation signal receivers with counterfeit satellite signals. They appear as a normal service to most GNSS signal receivers. Spoofing is extremely dangerous, especially in safety applications such as aircraft navigation. Jamming and spoofing attacks on our satellite navigation systems severely affect transport by air, sea and by road. They also impact farming and other sectors. Today, 40 % of European air traffic operates in regions strongly affected by radio frequency interference. 40 % – four, zero. Since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, interference has worsened, a shift not only in quantity but also in quality, with sophistication of jamming and spoofing attacks increasing, posing big risks both in the air and at sea. The situation is especially grim on the EU's eastern flank. Just over the past year in the Baltic, there has been a five-fold increase in flights affected by radio frequency interference. Just in August this year, the authorities of the country which I know the best (Lithuania) registered 1 000 jamming disruptions of navigation signals for aircrafts. But this daily interference goes well beyond the Baltic – it affects all Member States in the east, especially areas close to the Ukrainian border and the Black Sea and our neighbours close to the war: the eastern Mediterranean, Black Sea, Middle East and Arctic. Against this growing danger, the European Commission has taken three main lines of action. Firstly, at the international political level, to address and condemn such acts, the Commission supports the Member States in key international fora: the International Maritime Organisation, the International Telecommunications Union and the International Civil Aviation Organisation. Radio frequency interference of our space systems will be one of the most important topics later this month at the Assembly of the International Civil Aviation Organisation. But defending ourselves in international fora is not enough – we need a coordinated EU action plan to protect our interests. This was high on the agenda of the June Transport and Telecommunications Council and several Member States sent a letter to the Commission calling for common action against jamming and spoofing threats. That is why our second line of action is reinforcing the resilience and robustness of our EU space infrastructure. The first item which I want to stress is that since July this year, our Galileo satellite system protects millions of people who receive messages with a new and unique capability. Galileo Open Service Navigation Message Authentication is the first such service offered worldwide, which detects spoofing attacks and alerts users. It protects against spoofing attacks by certifying the authenticity of the Galileo signal. Second, from 2027, we shall offer even better protection against an even broader set of spoofing threats with the Galileo Signal Authentication Service. Third, now more than ever, providing an encrypted and secure positioning, navigation and timing service is critical for our governmental users and is a real game changer in modern warfare. That is why, by the end of this year, Galileo will feature a Public Regulated Service with encrypted navigation signals to protect the signals for governmental entities. It will be far more robust than the standard open satellite navigation signals. Fourth, in the short term, starting from 2026–2027, the European Commission is preparing a radio frequency interference monitoring service capable of detecting and localising GNSS interference that targets aircraft, ships and critical infrastructure. Future satellites will carry auxiliary payloads, allowing continuous monitoring and early detection of interference. At the same time, we are anticipating future threats. We aim to increase the availability, resilience and robustness of Galileo services. That is why in the mid-term, a set of complementary measures will be undertaken in close coordination with Member States, including a constellation of satellites in low Earth orbit (LEO PNT) which, together with the existing Galileo infrastructure, 27 satellites in medium Earth orbit, will create a multi-orbit constellation capable of offering increased resilience along with additional fallback capabilities for continuous time and position determination. Thirdly, we are addressing interference operationally. Our EU Aviation Safety Agency has published recommendations. If the situation deteriorates, the agency will take further actions to ensure safety. The EUROCONTROL network manager is defining the infrastructure needed for safety and service continuity – both civilian and military – and they organised a crisis exercise with national authorities to help prepare for the event of a wide-scale attack on the European Union. We are working also on alternative systems and on components like active antennas and receivers that increase aviation robustness and strengthen resilience to jamming. We also welcome further development of national terrestrial capabilities as backup in case services are disrupted. The Commission is preparing an action plan for aviation together with Member States, EUROCONTROL, the European Aviation Safety Agency and industry, and to address interference at sea the Commission has set up an expert group, together with Member States and the European Maritime Safety Agency, to work out reporting and sharing of incidents via EU-wide maritime surveillance systems. Our main goal at sea and in the air: to ensure safety and limit impact on travel and the economy. Honourable Members – we are engaged in a difficult struggle against a dangerous threat. To win the battle for resilience we need full interinstitutional cooperation, cooperation with the Member States and full support for the European Competitiveness Fund and the new space systems and services in the next Multiannual Financial Framework. We count on the European Parliament to support an ambitious agenda so that technical, operational and legislative tools, including ambitious funding, are fully in place as soon as possible to end this rising threat to our economy and way of life.

Mr President, dear colleagues, honourable Members, let me start by really thanking all of you for your thoughtful contributions during today's debate. I understand and share many of your concerns raised. Let me start from one general remark: as to EU relations with China, let me recall President von der Leyen's message from this morning's State of the Union address, which points to the significant challenges. She made clear that unless these challenges are adequately addressed by China, the European Union would not hesitate to use all instruments at its disposal to safeguard fair competition and defend its legitimate interests. The European Union's relationship with China is important, both trade and investment aspects. For the European Union, it will be crucial to rebalance this relationship around transparency, predictability and reciprocity. Also, I want to underline that the Commission will continue to do everything possible to defend EU farmers and exporters when confronted with such abusive use of trade defence instruments. We consider the three investigations launched by China as retaliatory and unjustified, and a clear violation of the international trade rules. I recall that China is a key market for EU pork exports. Together with the sector, the Commission will examine the facts underlying the imposition of the provisional duties and will carefully assess all the information available in order to decide next steps. The Commission will consider all options to protect EU industry and economic interests.

Mr President, dear colleagues, again, I would like to present the Commission position on this very important issue. It was supposed that the position would be presented by Commissioner Hansen or Commissioner Šefčovič, but they are at an important destination now going to develop other relations. So I will try to present in a very short way the Commission position on this topic. On 5 September, China's Ministry of Commerce, MOFCOM, announced the imposition of provisional duties on imports of pork and pork by-products originating in the European Union. These measures will apply as of today, 10 September. Announced provisional duties are in the range between 15.6 % and 32.7 % for the three sampled EU companies and their affiliates. For other cooperating companies, duties are set at 20 % and for all other companies at 62.4 %. The Commission takes note with great concern of MOFCOM's announcement, as according to our assessments, the investigation itself is based on highly questionable allegations and insufficient evidence. We are in close cooperation with the EU pork producers concerned. I recall that China is a key market for EU pork exports. It's a primary destination, accounting in 2024 for 1.1 million tonnes of EU pigmeat worth EUR 2.2 billion. Its importance is twofold. China imports meat, but its main importance lies in the country's import of offal that would otherwise not find a market that would offer the same high prices as China. It should be noted that EU exports to China have decreased by more than 50 % in 2024 compared to 2023, and we hold a continuously shrinking market share of less than 2 %. A drop in exports to China has disturbing effects not only for exporting Member States, but indeed for the whole Union, due to a potential significant oversupply of the EU domestic market, especially for offal and correlated economic losses in agriculture and related sectors. The Commission has engaged with MOFCOM in the course of the investigation, meeting all deadlines for submitting comments and pointing out the flaws of this investigation. Among other actions, on 3 September 2024, the Commission filed a submission highlighting the fatal shortcomings of the investigation and urging MOFCOM to terminate this unwarranted investigation. Together with the sector, the Commission will further examine the facts underlying the imposition of these provisional duties and will carefully assess all the information available against compliance with WTO rules. The Commission will also consider all options to protect EU industry and economic interests. To conclude, the European Union has been doing everything it takes to defend European Union farmers and exporters when confronted with the abusive use of trade defence instruments. The Commission had already taken action at the WTO against Chinese initiation of the earlier anti-subsidy investigation on dairy and China's and EU imposition of provisional measures on brandy, and will continue taking all the necessary steps to defend the rights of EU producers.

Mr President, dear colleagues, I would like to thank you very much for your contributions. The successful adoption of the pact shows that the EU is committed to solving the migration challenge. The pact and the newly proposed measures will re-establish credibility in a functioning system that balances responsibility and solidarity, whilst ensuring that those in need receive protection and that those that do not are effectively returned. Our focus now must be on making these legislative acts an operational reality. We count on your support to make sure that the pending proposals are adopted soon, and these policies get appropriate funding.

Madam President, Minister, dear colleagues, I would like to present the Commission position, which was supposed to be presented by Commissioner Brunner, but because of agenda issues, I will do that. Once the migration crisis of 2015 struck, more than 1 million people arrived in the EU seeking our protection. Our immigration and asylum systems were simply not designed to cope with such a large scale crisis. They were fragmented, not modern enough, and lacked a truly European response. We did not have the structures, the coordination or the solidarity mechanisms in place to cope. Today we are in a very different situation, not because migration pressure has disappeared, but mainly because we have fundamentally changed the way we respond. Thanks to the twin-track approach followed by the Commission combining operational action on the ground with legislative reform, we are seeing results. The numbers speak for themselves. From January to August this year, illegal border crossings decreased by 23 % compared to the same period last year. Applications for international protection also went down by 23 % in the first half of 2025. But of course, we cannot control every factor driving migration. But what we can control is our capacity to manage it. And today we are putting in place a stable, predictable and resilient migration management system, one that is able to deal with whatever challenges may come. Five years ago, the Commission proposed a comprehensive pact on migration and asylum and together with the Council and this Parliament worked to reach a historic agreement. With the pact, we are equipping our Union with a means to act, showing that migration can be properly managed. That we, and not the criminal smuggling networks, decide who enters the EU and on what grounds. Since its adoption last year, we have worked with the Member States for the pact to make a difference on the ground. Next month, we will launch the first annual migration management cycle. In parallel, with our proposals on safe countries of origin and the safe country concept, we are accelerating the implementation of some aspects of the pact. And to complete the puzzle, we have proposed a new return regulation for a more coherent and efficient return system that respects fundamental rights. While the pact brings our European House in order, it is equally important to do better in the external dimension. On 10 December, the Commission will host the second conference on the Global Alliance to Counter Migrant Smuggling. We need to enter into a new era of migration diplomacy where the EU combines visas and economic incentives, but also cooperation partnerships that create win-win situations, like our partnerships with Egypt, Mauritania and Tunisia, which have already impacted migration flows. The crisis of 2015/16 was a wake up call for Europe. It was the biggest demonstration of the need for a proper and common European migration management system. We have woken up putting in place pragmatic solutions that will make our systems more resilient, not just for today, but for the long run.

Madam President, honourable Members, I would like to thank you for this historic debate, as I said at the very beginning. It is very symbolic that we have this debate on this special day, for me, my Lithuanian colleagues here in Parliament and all the Lithuanian nation, on Lithuania's independence day. In 1990, we regained our independence after 50 years of occupation by the Soviet Empire. My message on this day is very clear: we, Lithuanians, don't want to go through the same in the 21st century – another occupation and another independence day. I don't want my sons and my grandkids to face it and I don't want your – in the left, in the centre and the right – kids and grandkids to face the fate of Ukrainian children. That is why I wish Lithuanians a Happy Independence Day from the 1990s. And to all my friends in Europe, I want to say: independence is easy to lose, but very hard to regain. We must now be ready to defend our European independence. I would like to remind you that Russia, this year, in so-called purchasing power parity terms, will spend for the war more than all of us in the European Union are going to spend. I would also like to remind you of the numbers which NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte is always repeating. Now, at this moment, Russia during three months produces more weapons than all NATO Member States, including the United States, Canada, Great Britain, Norway and us in the European Union are producing during one year. We must really understand what this means. That is why I want to thank all of you for all of your support during this discussion, for Ukraine and for the defence of Europe. Next week, we will present the white paper on the future of European defence, with a focus on investment capabilities and defence industry. We will continue our discussion and we will put words into action to deter aggression and prevent war.

Madam President, honourable Members, thank you, first of all, for putting this debate and the morning debate on the future of European defence on the agenda. In my view, those are the most important debates in the history of this House, because the days we are living through are days which will define the history of Europe and of the European Union. This is a once-in-a-generation moment: we face a clear and present danger seen by none of us in our lifetimes. More than ever, Europe must prepare for the worst to prevent the worst: the possibility of military aggression against us. Such preparation is the only way to deter the worst. Russia's war industry is operating at full blast. Russia could be ready for a confrontation with NATO in five years or less. American actions are a wake-up call: their policy shift and pivot towards Asia. Geopolitical reality is changing before our eyes. More than ever, we must stand on our two feet, take charge of our own defence and of deterrence. More than ever, we must support and defend Ukraine. Yes, there must be a peace, but a strong peace. Peace through real strength. A peace with Ukraine and Europe at the table. A just peace, not just a pause for Russia to lick its wounds and start a new, bigger war. A strong peace also means a strong Europe, able to deter aggression and prevent war. To do that, we must completely overhaul our defence industry, because the gaps are colossal between the defences we have and the defences we need to protect our people. Already now there is a lack of thousands of tanks, fighting vehicles, armoured vehicles, pieces of artillery, as we can guess from publications about NATO's capability targets – a shortfall of EUR 500 billion at least. Even more hundreds of billions are needed for real air defence, space defence, military mobility. Member States need to invest massively to fill these gaps and the EU will support Member States with European Union added value, European scale, European coordination, European money and European laws. This Commission put defence on the top of the European agenda since before our mandate even started. Defence was top priority in President von der Leyen's political guidelines, and she appointed me as the first-ever European Union Defence Commissioner. She charged me in my mission letter with High Representative Kaja Kallas to present a white paper on the future of European defence, and since the very first day of my mandate, we have been working non-stop in the college, with my services, in plenty of seminars, conferences and discussions, including in this House. I have met many ministers, Members of Parliament, CEOs of defence and space industry. We received many contributions and your very valuable resolution. This month of discussions helped prepare the ground, allowing us to present key proposals already last week with the historical decisions on ReArmEU, far ahead of the white paper's publication. Because if history is running, we cannot be walking. Last week, President von der Leyen presented the ReArmEU plan, unanimously approved two days later by a historic European Council, with key proposals to supercharge our defence spending up to EUR 800 billion, such as activating the national escape clause of the Stability and Growth Pact and the European Union instrument to support Member States with loans, redirecting existing European funding for defence like cohesion funds, encouraging investment by private banks and the European Investment Bank. We welcome the leaders' call to reconsider excluded activities to increase funding into defence, and we encourage Member States to continue support for Ukraine by buying arms in Ukraine, with Ukraine and for Ukraine, like Denmark and Czechia are already doing. All initiatives that ensure Ukraine can stay strong and defend itself need to be supported. We will present four legal proposals on ReArmEU before the next European Council. It is not enough to spend more: spending more in a fragmented market will only fragment it more. Spending more can also mean spending more outside the European Union. This will only increase our dependence. We need to spend better, spend together and spend European, as well as work together on research and development, build more bridges between civil and military research and innovation. Artificial intelligence and quantum technology will change the nature of war, so we must leverage deep tech to level up defence readiness. We must work on priority areas for action at EU level in the field of capabilities like air and missile defence, strategic enablers – including in relation to space – and military mobility. This is where European Union programmes for joint procurement and joint development programmes like EDIP are crucial. With these programmes, we can incentivise Member States to spend together, to overcome fragmentation, to spend smart and to spend the European. This is how we will build up our own European defence industry, because the defence industry is no ordinary industry, but a resource for our defence. We are encouraging joint procurement to give our European industry the big orders it needs, to simplify production, to reduce the price of armaments and reduce fragmentation. We will simplify our laws and rules to remove all obstacles that stand in the way of ramping up our defence industry. All that is what the white paper is about, and now we need to scale up and speed up. I know this House strongly supports European defence, as President Metsola made clear, as many of you made clear to me during last week when I spoke with the ITRE Committee. This is why I call on you urgently to agree the Parliament's negotiating position on EDIP, the European defence industry programme, which will allow us to be much more effective in bringing European Union added value to help Member States spend their national defence money in the most useful way. I welcome the Council's call to conclude negotiations as soon as possible. EDIP was proposed a year ago. History will not wait for us. Putin will not wait for us. Next week we will present the white paper to rethink European defence in this strategic moment. Let me close with some inspiration from history. I recently read the memoirs of Jean Monnet. Jean Monnet was a founding father of the European Union, our great project of peace. But did you know that Jean Monnet was also a father of victory in the Second World War? Jean Monnet helped Churchill and Roosevelt prepare the so-called 'victory programme' to ramp up military production in the United States to defeat the Nazis. He would have recognised many of our current challenges. Jean Monnet also said 'people only make great decisions when crisis is on their doorstep.' This is the greatest security crisis of our lifetimes, and we must now take the great decisions. All of Europe is a target of Russian aggression. We are all frontline Member States. The white paper is the basis for our industrial victory programme. Victory in defence of peace on the European continent. The white paper and ReArmEU are just the beginning of our road: the road to the victory of peace and democracy in Europe, and we shall prevail.

Mr President, honourable Members, thank you for sharing your insights during this very meaningful discussion. And thank you for advocating for those in some of our most vulnerable regions. The recent cyclones affecting Mayotte and Réunion remind us of the urgent need to reinforce disaster-resilience and climate-adaptation measures across the Union. The European Union's response to these events demonstrates our unwavering solidarity and commitment to supporting affected communities, not only in the immediate aftermath, but also in the long-term rebuilding process. Through disaster risk-management investments and strategic climate adaptation planning, we are working to reduce vulnerability and strengthen preparedness. The importance of early warning systems, nature-based solutions and targeted financial instruments cannot be overstated. They are essential components of a comprehensive approach to disaster resilience, ensuring that regions can withstand future challenges. The Commission remains a steadfast partner in these efforts. We will continue to mobilise resources, provide technical assistance and foster collaboration between Member States. Our goal is clear: to build a more resilient and better prepared Europe in the face of an increasingly unpredictable climate. As always, we count on the cooperation and support of the Parliament as we strive to achieve this goal. Let us work together to protect our people, our communities and our shared future.

Mr President, honourable Members, in recent weeks, many communities have faced hardship caused by the devastating effects of climate change. The recent cyclones – Garance in Réunion and Chido in Mayotte – serve as stark reminders of the vulnerability faced by our outermost regions. Let me express the European Commission's unwavering solidarity with our fellow Europeans in Réunion and Mayotte. These regions are on the frontline of climate change, facing extreme weather events and their devastating impacts. As a Union, we are committed to assisting in their recovery from the current disasters. At the same time, we stand ready to support them in building resilience, improving preparedness and adapting. In immediate terms, the European Union can offer support upon request from the French authorities. For example, the Copernicus Emergency Management Service has been instrumental in providing satellite-based damage assessments, ensuring a rapid and effective response. In addition, the European Union Civil Protection Mechanism enables swift coordination of aid, including the deployment of disaster response experts and critical equipment. We have already demonstrated the effectiveness of this mechanism in Mayotte. Five European Union Member States – Belgium, Germany, Italy, Luxembourg and Sweden – responded swiftly to Cyclone Chido, providing essential emergency supplies such as family tents and medical shelters. This is European solidarity in action. Concrete, practical support when it is needed most. However, beyond immediate assistance, our focus must also be on long-term resilience. First, we are mobilising financial resources to aid recovery efforts. The European Regional Development Fund and the European Social Fund Plus are key instruments for reconstruction. The RESTORE regulation – which Vice-President Fitto had the pleasure of discussing with many of you – is allowing major flexibilities for Mayotte. The European Union Solidarity Fund, established as a post-disaster relief instrument, stands ready to provide financial support. Last Friday, France submitted an application to the European Union Solidarity Fund regarding the damage caused by Cyclone Chido in December 2024. The Commission will now proceed with an assessment of the application. In the longer term, the Commission is currently working on the first European climate adaptation plan to enhance preparedness and protection for our communities. This is being developed alongside the preparedness Union strategy, which will enable a more proactive approach to crisis management across the European Union. Among the key risks identified are climate change, extreme weather events and environmental degradation, all of which demand our urgent attention. Second, disaster risk management is a key priority under cohesion policy, allowing Member States to allocate resources according to their specific risks. A total of 21 Member States, including France, have planned direct investments in disaster risk management, with a total of EUR 14.4 billion allocated between 2021 and 2027. These investments focus on prevention and preparedness, including nature-based solutions that not only reduce risks but also offer wide environmental and societal benefits. The mid-term review of cohesion policy will also provide Member States with an opportunity to allocate additional resources to meet emerging needs. For every euro invested in disaster prevention, the return in avoided recovery costs can range from 2 to 10 euros. These investments are already making a difference: by strengthening resilience, we are reducing the flood risk for over 40 million people and lowering wildfire vulnerability for over 130 million people. And third: beyond financial support, cohesion policy promotes climate adaptation through nature-based solutions and the development of resilient infrastructure. To ensure the effectiveness of investments, Member States intending to invest in risk management are required to submit risk management plans guiding their decisions. This is a precondition for receiving cohesion policy support. Additionally, under the current programming period, all EU-funded infrastructure projects must undergo a climate-proofing assessment. This ensures climate neutrality and resilience, aligning with the 'Do No Significant Harm' principle. To support these efforts technical assistance is available. Honourable Members, cohesion policy will continue to strengthen the resilience of our Member States and regions, reducing their vulnerability to climate change and future disasters. Let me assure you that the Commission remains fully committed to supporting disaster risk management efforts and enhancing the European Union's resilience to large-scale disasters. Together, through solidarity and strategic investment, we can build a safer and more resilient future for all.

Mr President, dear Members of Parliament, first of all let me assure that the EU will stand up for the restoration of democracy in Venezuela. I have taken good note of our exchange and will convey to High Representative Kallas the different positions expressed today. The debate today proves that we collectively remain committed to the democratic aspirations of the Venezuelan people. It is high time Venezuela built a future defined by peace and democracy without repression or fear. The EU will always stand by those defending human rights, democracy and the rule of law. The European Union demands that the voice of Venezuelans is listened to. Their democratic will must be respected.

Mr President, Minister. honourable Members of the European Parliament, the European Union firmly stands in solidarity with the people of Venezuela in their brave strive to restore democracy and reclaim their human rights. Last year, on 28 July, millions of Venezuelans peacefully used their votes to express their will for democratic change in their country. According to publicly‑available copies of the electoral records, Edmundo González Urrutia obtained a large majority of the votes. The authorities, however, have refused to publish disaggregated results as mandated by law or allow independent electoral audits. In choosing to disregard the will of the people, and instead reinforcing repression against the population, Nicolas Maduro confirmed that he has no legitimacy of a democratically‑elected president. Our position remains unchanged: the will of the people must be respected. The European commitment to democracy does not allow otherwise. As stated by the High Representative on behalf of the European Union on 10 January, we will continue to work with all Venezuelans to foster dialogue and a democratic way out of the crisis, led by Venezuelans. Venezuelans expect us to support their effort. We do so in constant dialogue with key regional and international partners, as well as at multilateral fora. The persecution of the democratic opposition, human rights defenders and members of civil society is worsening throughout Venezuela. The tactics of intimidation have now extended to their families. What is their crime? Defending their fundamental liberties and seeking a democratic future for their country? We condemn the arbitrary detention of at least 2 500 citizens, including several European Union citizens. All political prisoners must be unconditionally released. Mr González himself had to seek refuge in Spain, while Ms Machado remains in hiding within the country. I salute their courage. The determination to serve their fellow citizens makes them worthy of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought this Parliament awarded them last December. The European Union firmly stands by those defending human rights and democratic values in Venezuela. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights was recently allowed back into the country. This is a step in the right direction, but it must be allowed to perform its full mandate. The long crisis in Venezuela has taken a severe toll on the livelihoods of the population. Over 7 million people have fled the country since 2015, seeking better living conditions. To this day, access to basic goods, water and sanitation, electricity, healthcare and education is a daily challenge for millions of people in the country. Large swathes of the population live in poverty. The European Union remains committed to alleviating the suffering of the most vulnerable. Since 2016, the European Union has allocated EUR 461 million in emergency humanitarian aid for the Venezuela crisis. In coming years, we intend to maintain our support for the people of Venezuela. Honourable Members, let us support firmly a Venezuelan‑led dialogue towards a peaceful political transition. That is what millions of Venezuelans fighting for democracy expect from us. This is a proper way for Venezuela, so rich with natural resources, to bring back economic prosperity and social justice to all the people of Venezuela.

Mr President, dear colleagues, let me say a few words in conclusion. First of all, we need to remember that Belarus is in the geographical centre of Europe and in the close neighbourhood of several members of the European Union, including Lithuania, Poland and other countries. That is why we want Belarusian people to have the possibility to enjoy the same freedoms as we are enjoying now. And we would like to behave like previous generations of European politicians who wanted that we – Lithuanians, Poles, Romanians, Slovaks – also would have possibility to enjoy freedoms when we had no such a possibility. The Belarusian people are fighting a battle for freedom. They deserve our solidarity, not only in words but in actions. Their struggle is our struggle for human dignity, democracy and peace. Once again today, we call on the regime to stop the repression; to stop its complicity in Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine; to release all political prisoners; and to allow the Belarusian people to freely realise their right to democratically elect their leaders of their country and to make a democratic decision on the geopolitical direction of their country. The European Union will stand firm in all its commitments, and we will continue to support those who courageously fight for democracy and justice.

Mr President, dear colleagues, dear honourable Members of the European Parliament, for me, it's the first time to come back here to this position in a new capacity, so it's emotional, but of course, it's also very close to my heart to speak about the situation in Belarus. The ongoing repression, arbitrary detentions and widespread human rights violations, as well as restrictions on any genuine political participation and lack of credible opposition candidates, clearly do not provide the context for free and fair elections in Belarus. The so-called presidential elections on 26 January are not an exercise in democracy, but rather a facade orchestrated by the Lukashenka regime to cling to power. The regime decision not to timely invite the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights to observe the elections, in full contradiction with its international commitments, is yet another proof of the total absence of credibility of the electoral process in Belarus. Honourable Members, the situation in Belarus is alarming. More than 1 200 political prisoners still remain behind bars in appalling conditions, with many of them being denied any contact with the outside world. Many brave individuals who dared to dream of a free Belarus have been silenced, exiled or forced into hiding. Civil society organisations and independent media have all been dismantled. Since the fraudulent elections of August 2020, tens of thousands of Belarusians have faced brutal repression, arbitrary arrests, torture and even death. Belarusians have seen their dictator becoming the accomplice in a war that they do not support, gradually giving up the country's sovereignty, prosperity and identity under the pressure of Russia. In response, the European Union has taken decisive measures to isolate the regime and support Belarusian people. In December, we adopted the latest package of sanctions on Belarus, targeting those responsible for human rights violations against the Belarusian people. The EU has also continued to raise awareness on the situation of political prisoners and urge their immediate and unconditional release. We are standing together with the suffering heroes of the Belarusian fight for democracy, Siarhei Tsikhanouski, Maria Kalesnikava, Viktar Babaryka, Andrzej Poczobut and Ales Bialiatski, and hundreds of others. Last year, the European Union launched a dedicated dialogue with democratic forces and Belarusian civil society, led by Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. We have opened doors to Belarusians fleeing persecution. Over 400 000 now live in the European Union. We are supporting efforts to achieve justice, leading the work on resolutions at the Human Rights Council, and we are supporting the International Accountability Platform for Belarus. In December, we have reaffirmed our commitment with a new contribution of EUR 30 million for the people of Belarus. This brings our overall support to EUR 170 million since 2020, and when Belarus will embark on a democratic transition, the European Union stands ready to provide support to stabilise its economy and reform its institutions, through a comprehensive plan of economic support of up to EUR 3 billion. Through the Belarus Days organised in December, the European Union has sent a powerful message of support to the Belarusian people and their democratic aspirations. Honourable Members, we will continue to be united and determined in exercising pressure on the regime and demanding justice for the crimes committed. We will also continue our solidarity with Belarusian society, including by welcoming Belarusian citizens, especially youth and students, to the European Union. We will work together with the European Parliament and other public and non-governmental organisations to help the people of Belarus realise their rightful place as a free and democratic nation in a peaceful Europe.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has stressed not once that one of the most important priorities for new Commission will be defence and security of Europe, which is directly related to security of Ukraine. I quote Commission President: 'The best investment in European security is investing in the security of Ukraine.' The first question is: are we investing enough in Ukraine security? My answer is very simple: we are investing a lot, but not enough. Last year, all the Western military support to Ukraine reached only EUR 40 billion, when Russians spent for the war more than 120 billion. Even if we would be ready to spend not 40 billion, but 100 billion, we would have a problem to supply large amounts of weapons because capacities of our military industries are very low for the time being. Even if we are giving weapons to Ukraine, we are – at least some of our countries – introducing red lines of restrictions not to use them against targets in Russian territory. All those three reasons show very clearly we are not investing in the security of Ukraine and in our security enough. How to change the situation: we need immediately to find much larger financial resources for military assistance to Ukraine. And we can do it. We need to radically ramp up production of our military industry and to integrate Ukrainian military industry with European one. And we need to remove any red lines in defence of Ukraine security, which means in defence of our security.

Madam President, it is very important that we are starting this term with a very strong resolution on Ukraine declaring that our policies towards Ukraine will be continued. But continuation is not enough. We need to see that during those two years, our support to Ukraine was really enough for Ukraine to defend itself, but not enough for the victory. Let’s look into the numbers. Last year, the Russians spent for the war in Ukraine more than USD 120 billion. The Ukrainians managed to collect and to use for their defence only USD 80 billion, and out of those 80 billion only 40 billion were from the West. So really, we can look into the perspective of Ukrainian victory only if we shall increase quite largely by two or three times our support, military support, to Ukraine, and that is what we need to do. For those who are arguing that Ukraine should agree with the peace conditions of Putin, I would suggest to look into the possibility to offer to Putin territory of their own country. That would be very precisely what you should do. Peace can be achieved only if Ukraine is winning and its territorial sovereignty is defended, and that can be done only with our much longer support.

Madam President, today we have two major issues with enlargement: how to make the enlargement process a success and how to keep the European Union alive after enlargement. The first priority now is the question of how to bring the whole negotiations and enlargement process back on a ‘Central European track’ with negotiations for 3 or 4 years, and to move away from the experience of the Western Balkans negotiations trap. In order to move away from such a trap, first of all we need to understand that enlargement will be very important not only for Ukraine, Moldova and the Western Balkans, but also for the European Union itself. Enlargement to those countries will make the European Union stronger from an economic point of view, safer from a security point of view and more powerful geopolitically, since such an enlargement will allow the European Union to assist positive transformations in the broader region of Belarus and Russia. In order to achieve such a goal, first of all the countries of Central Europe celebrating the 20th anniversary of their own membership will need to avoid becoming real obstacles to the next wave of enlargement. They will need to overcome historical disagreements with their neighbours. They will need to be not afraid of economic competition and not afraid of transformation to real democracy in EU decision-making with QMV. In order to achieve such a strategic goal of enlargement during this decade, we will need to have a powerful commissioner for enlargement and specialised committee on enlargement in this House during the next mandate. We need to understand that the next wave of enlargement is the most important geopolitical project of the European Union for this decade.

Madam President, dear colleagues. First of all, it is absolutely clear that the government of Georgia introduced a Russian-style ‘Agents of Foreign Influence’ Act in order to deliberately derail Georgia from the path towards the European Union. Second, it is absolutely clear that such a step is done by the Georgian Government because they deliberately want to show the Kremlin that they are implementing the Kremlin’s hybrid agenda. Third, we need to say very clearly that as long as such legislation is part of the Georgian legal order, any decisions leading to recommending the launch of accession negotiations should be permanently suspended. Fourth, we need to help the Georgian people to defend themselves from Kremlin hybrid influences on Georgia through the introduction of an EU Public Instrument of Russian Hybrid Influence Index, which will catalogue politicians and political parties in the EU and EU candidate countries according to their connections to the Putin regime and their involvement in spreading Kremlin narratives. Fifth, we should call on the Council to supplement the Copenhagen criteria for EU accession with the conditionality of a candidate country’s ability to stand up against Russia’s hybrid influence. Sixth, we should be very clear: the major obstacle on the European path of Georgia towards the EU is not the Georgian people, but the Georgian Dream Government. The same was happening with Slovakia, in 1997, when because of the Vladimír Mečiar government’s behaviour, Slovakia was invited to start negotiations only when Slovakia voters voted down that government. (The speaker ended his intervention with a phrase in a non-EU language)

Madam President, dear colleagues, every day brings new damages to Ukraine, the amount of which goes far beyond the EUR 400 billion. Russia needs to pay fully for those damages. The victory of Ukraine demands a Western annual military support up to EUR 100 billion. According to Vice-President Borrell, the measures on Russian assets currently on the EU table allow to generate only around EUR 3 billion per year, while frozen Russian financial assets amount to nearly EUR 300 billion. That is why the EU should use the internationally recognised instruments of countermeasures, enabling Member States to seize all the frozen assets – not only the profits or revenues they generate – and use them to support Ukraine’s reconstruction and military needs. The fears that such confiscation is prohibited by the international principle of legal immunity applicable to state assets are totally wrong, since the recommendations of the international law and United Nations foresee that the states may use the countermeasures instrument in response to the internationally wrongful act of another state. That is exactly the case. The similar mechanism was used by the United States against Iranian state funds in 1981, as well as against Iraqi state funds in 1992, to compensate the damages inflicted on Kuwait. The same mechanism will be implemented by the US administration now, after the US Congress approved the confiscation of USD 20 billion of Russian frozen assets. It is time for the EU to make a bold decision on countermeasures and to confiscate all the EUR 300 billion of frozen Russian assets.