Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, the latest facts in Lithuania and Poland once again prove that we are being attacked with various instruments to cause chaos, fear, and scare us away from supporting Ukraine. Just as migrants were used in the past, cigarette smugglers are now being deployed for the same purpose. We know how border security operates in Belarus: not even a mouse crosses the 5 km border zone without the knowledge and approval of its border guards. It is obvious that Putin’s proxy, Lukashenka, controls and directs these attacks. This activity is dangerous. It threatens Vilnius Airport, forces flights to stop, creates financial losses, disrupts passengers and endangers human lives. Today, meteorological balloons are used to transport cigarettes; tomorrow, they could carry explosives. This must be stopped. Sanctions remain the only language the Belarusian regime understands, and they are urgently needed. EU measures must include sanctions on Belarusian aviation, limits on fertiliser exports, and a ban on providing legal, audit and other professional services to Belarusian companies. Belarus is escalating tensions to draw Lithuania into political negotiations. It is resorting to blackmail, seizing trucks belonging to Lithuanian companies and refusing to release them. This is a cynical tactic: to initiate hostile actions so the victim is pressured to negotiate. We must act. We must respond now.

Mr President, colleagues, what happened last week is Putin's rescue plan. Russia is a monster on clay feet, like the collapsed USSR. And Putin desperately needs Washington's hand. Ukraine needs peace more than anything else. Russia wants to continue its aggressive policy. The only way to just and long-lasting peace is to help Ukraine to win and not be afraid to punish the aggressor. There will be no good, long-lasting deal with Putin – just as there was no good deal with Hitler. What is our role, the EU's? It is essential! Today we need a European plan not only for Ukraine's European future, but also for Russia. We need a plan not for Putin's rescue – which some in Washington are doing – but a plan for Russia to become a normal state. You say it's unrealistic. Let Putin lose in Ukraine; then we'll see. The most important strategic provision of the European plan is that Ukraine will become a member of the EU as soon as possible. We must already integrate Ukraine into all EU defence projects being developed. Today, Ukraine is no less important for our own security than the United States has been for us until now. We are on the right track, but the fruits of the strategic defence decisions we make now will come later. And the most dangerous period is now. There is a long and difficult road ahead. Let's not be afraid to speak openly to our people. We have no other choice. We have to take great responsibility for Europe's security.

Mr President, colleagues, we are at war. Kremlin hybrid warfare strategist, Kosatchev, openly says that their target is our societies. They want to change the thinking of the people. Lies are the main weapon and tool of the Kremlin. Unfortunately, Russian lies are constantly going out from the European Parliament platform through the Kremlin proxies. And they do this paid for by EU money, receiving salaries and even money to spread the Kremlin's narratives through social networks. What they are spreading here about Russia's war against Ukraine is not freedom of speech. This is the spread of a totalitarian ideology called Russkiy Mir. This is the same as if they were spreading Hitler's Nazi or Stalin's ideology. And finally, my request to socialists: your colleagues, Lithuanian Social Democrats, have formed a coalition with an openly anti-Semitic, far-right party of friends of the Kremlin. It, like Orbán, has started attacking the national broadcaster, intimidating its journalists. You must react and stop it, because this is where the protection of democracy begins – it must begin from ourselves. We have to fight and stop their lies, like Moldova did.

Mr President, this war is not only about Ukraine, but also about us. It is an existential war for all of Europe. Russkiy Mir – Russian World – ideology is a form of fascism, the same evil this continent has seen before. Wars are won first in people's minds, and we must win this war. We must stop trembling at every word coming from Washington, DC. One day Americans will realise that Putin is simply mocking their president. Europe is on the right path, but we need speed. Putin fears that his friend Orbán will lose, so he has turned to meet Trump in Budapest. This is an attempt to kill several birds with one stone: to humiliate Ukraine, to help Orbán and to further undermine EU unity. We must not give in. We must defend a free Europe.

Madam President, Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya won the elections even though they were stolen from the Belarusian people through brutal force. Five years have passed, but no one in Belarus suddenly started loving the dictator Lukashenka. The Belarusian opposition, together with the elected President, stands as an example for other nations fighting against the same Kremlin tyranny and its proxies. They are not only working tirelessly to raise awareness of their nation's suffering; they are also clearly shaping an alternative vision – a European, democratic Belarus. Ukrainians, Moldovans, Georgians and Belarusians are all fighting for the same cause. They stand against Putin's aggressive Russian world – Russkiy Mir – ideology, which seeks to dominate a large part of Europe. Let's not grow tired of supporting Belarusian democratic forces. They are fighting for a safer, freer Europe. The more democracy there is to our east, the stronger and safer we all will be. Zhyve Belarus!

Madam President, dear colleagues, for the first time ever, I have decided to speak in a debate about Serbia – and not because my country, Lithuania, has long been Serbia's rival in basketball. I wanted to speak today to offer a message of encouragement. Serbia's choices matter – not only for its people, but for all of Europe. I fully support the students who are protesting and fighting for a democratic Serbia. Only a genuine and stable democracy built on openness can heal the pain and scars left by history. The completion of democratic Europe is not just a political goal; it's our shared existential mission. Democracies in Europe are the only way to lasting peace in our continent. I truly hope that the Serbian nation will find its future on the European path.

Madam President, my main message today is simple: let's take this step decisively. It is a crucial decision. The European Parliament's position has been clear since April 2022, when we first called for Russia to pay for the destruction it inflicted, including through the confiscation of Russian frozen assets, in full accordance with international law. Putin's Russia, which continues to harm Ukraine, must not get its money back until it has fully compensated for the damage it caused. I want to congratulate the European Commission and Council on finding a sound legal solution. We must stand in solidarity with Belgium and other Member States, and share the responsibility for this decision together. We are on the right path. Let's stand firm. Let's fight evil together.

Madam President, colleagues, the time of 'we are deeply concerned' is over. Russia tested NATO. Will NATO dare to respond adequately? It depends on the attitude of the United States. I only know one thing – let's stop waiting for a miracle. The only way is ourselves – Europe. It is absolutely clear what we must do. Firstly, Russia must be contained and defeated. Secondly, more help for Ukraine now. Thirdly, strengthen the eastern border, including the drone border now. What do we need to do here in the European Parliament? We need a shield from the Kremlin proxies, from Putin's friends inside who are poisoning people's minds with lies. When Putin stands in Lviv it will be too late. Wars are won first in the minds. We are already at war – let's fight.

Mr President, dear Moldovan brothers and sisters, we once suffered together under the Soviet Empire – losing lives, freedom and prosperity, and enduring forced Russification. Today, the absolute majority of Lithuanians are happy to live as a free European state. My country is the best example of what EU membership can give a nation. The upcoming elections in Moldova are existential. The Kremlin wants to drag you back with lies, saying Europe will ban your religion, force you to change your gender, make you participate in gay Pride parades or involve you in war. None of this is true! The Kremlin proxies will offer you money for your vote. They will scare you and lie to you. But I assure you: the EU strongly supports your membership. However, the choice is yours. I trust you will choose freedom, truth and your European future. Good luck, dear friends.

Madam President, dear colleagues, let's be clear: Ukraine and its European future are as important to European security today as the United States was to Europe in the decades after World War II. All normal people want peace. However, peace at the expense of Ukraine and on Russia's terms could be the beginning of a major catastrophe for all of Europe. Europe needs a strategy for Ukraine if Trump's bid to end the war fails. We need a European plan to lead the fight for Ukraine's and our future. Its core is to help contain Russia and integrate Ukraine into a pan-European defence alliance. What must we do today? Provide significantly greater financial support for Ukraine's defence. This is money for our own defence as well.

Madam President, dear colleagues: in agreement with the S&D, ECR, Renew and Greens groups, I would like to move an oral amendment to EPP amendment 9 on paragraph 4, changing the last sentence of the paragraph to read as follows: 'Calls, in the light of the blatant breach of the principles under Article 2, for the application of Article 422 of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement related to non-fulfilment of obligations.'

Madam President, dear colleagues, I am glad that, apart from a few MEPs who are always pro-Russian, all the other groups who have spoken today are on the side of a European Georgia. Thank you for that. Madam Commissioner, I know that you are also with the people of Georgia. I very much hope that the European Council will soon adopt the necessary position and that the Member States will take action, first of all, on sanctions against the regime. I appeal to the Danish Presidency to take the initiative to bring countries together – at least the willing countries – to put pressure on the regime for new, free and fair elections. This is the only way to help Georgia. Thank you very much, and I hope that tomorrow we will adopt this report with an overwhelming majority.

Madam President, dear colleagues, it is a very sad, but probably fitting coincidence that we are discussing the situation in Georgia on the same evening as the debate on Belarus. Who would have thought that Georgia – once the flag bearer of democracy, not only in the region, but among all Eastern Partnership countries – would turn into a Lukashenka-style autocracy? That today we would be speaking not only about Belarusians in Lukashenka's prisons, but also Georgians in Bidzina Ivanishvili’s prisons? I would like to thank all the pro-European political groups in the European Parliament and their appointed shadow rapporteurs for the excellent cooperation. The attacks by representatives of the Ivanishvili regime against Members of the European Parliament – even EU ambassadors – have only strengthened our common position. We understand that these statements do not reflect the views of the Georgian people. We see their struggle and we recognise their clear desire to continue on the path towards EU membership. As the situation has worsened since the AFET vote, new amendments by pro-European parties have been prepared, which I recommend we support. The main proposed changes include: updating the text to reflect the most serious recent developments, specifically the detention and politically motivated sentencing of almost all main opposition leaders and the legal persecution of prominent civil society organisations; and updating our position on the upcoming municipal elections, as due to the imprisonment of the key opposition leaders, these elections cannot be considered free and fair. There will also be two oral amendments. I propose we support both. One relates to the worsening health of Mzia Amaglobeli, an imprisoned journalist whose condition is rapidly deteriorating. She is losing her eyesight, has been denied proper medical care and remains behind bars for political reasons. Another amendment strengthens the language around the review of the EU-Georgia Association Agreement. It calls for immediate action as Georgia has clearly breached core democratic principles. I want to emphasise: the full responsibility for the possible suspension of Georgia's visa-free regime lies with Ivanishvili and his party. Visa-free travel is granted to democratic countries, not to regimes that imprison citizens for political reasons. Georgia matters to all Europe. The regime falsely claims that no one cares about the Georgian people. That is why their friends in the Kremlin and the far right, like ESN, have proposed amendments opposing Georgia's accession to the EU. No, we will not vote for that. The Georgian people, who have been fighting for a European Georgia for over 200 days, are true European heroes. They deserve our full respect and unwavering support.

Madam President, colleagues, I have decided to address you using the words of the Belarusians who continue to fight. The essence of this debate is captured in two quotes from Siarhei Tsikhanouski, who was just released from Lukashenka's prison. First, about Putin, I quote: 'Because of Putin, this illegal government is still in Belarus.' Second, about the situation of political prisoners, I quote: 'There were skin diseases and everyone had kidney problems from the cold – and no one really understood what was happening. Blood came out of my mouth, from my nose. Sometimes I had convulsions, but it was all because of the cold, that terrible cold when you sit in those punishment cells.' So what should we, the EU, do? Not to be afraid to defeat Putin and his puppet Lukashenka. Slava Ukraini! Zhyve Belarus!

Madam President, dear colleagues, my first message: engagement policies and economic dependence on autocratic regimes are dangerous. This is exactly what happened to us with Putin's Russia. Let's not make the same mistakes. Secondly, the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment cannot be ratified until China stops its economic coercion against EU Member States. China's economic coercive actions against Lithuania and the EU back in 2021 grossly violated the legal norms of the World Trade Organisation. These discriminatory trade restrictions, directed at an EU Member State, challenged the unity of the entire bloc. Failing to take appropriate action against China's economic coercion will cause long-term damage to the reputation of the European Union as a reliable geopolitical actor.

Yes, I think that we have to change our rules, especially on veto rights, at least in some decisions, like for example, sanctions or other issues. But now I think that we have to start negotiations with Ukraine as well as Moldova as soon as possible. Ukraine is ready to start negotiations, to open negotiation chapters now.

Mr President, I'll start with a Ursula von der Leyen quote: 'EU enlargement is an investment in our collective security'. I completely agree. A bit late, but very true words. One of the reasons why Putin started this war is the grey areas of insecurity in Europe. If we had had such an understanding and decisions, at least immediately after the annexation of Crimea, there is a high probability that Ukraine would not be attacked today. Not too late. We have that chance. It is necessary to seek consensus in our societies that enlargement is as important for the future of the EU as defence. In essence, enlargement is an integral part of our defence union. The unification of the European continent on the basis of democracies is in our own interests. Either a larger, secure, strong EU or Russia and China closer to our borders. Such an understanding requires leaders in each Member State. That's why I end my speech with a James Freeman Clark quote: 'A politician thinks of the next election, a statesman of the next generation'. At least, let's think about both, about the elections and about the next generations.

Mr President, dear colleagues, journalist Mzia Amaglobeli has become a symbol of all Georgians imprisoned by the Bidzina Ivanishvili regime. A week ago, representatives of brave Georgians, who have been fighting for a European Georgia for over 200 days, attended the DROI Subcommittee hearings in the European Parliament. But yesterday, the Russian oligarch Ivanishvili's regime launched a full-scale legal assault against them. The situation is getting worse every day. My speech this time will not be about the regime of the Kremlin's friends in Tbilisi. We have said everything about this in the resolutions adopted so far. We need to talk about us, the EU. I do not understand the silence from the European Council, the Member States and the High Representative office. Mzia and her friends deserve respect and help. Serious sanctions against the regime are needed. Everyone who gets their hands dirty is afraid of them. We need to put pressure on the regime in every way and not ask them to return to the EU path anymore. They will not return, because this regime is the Kremlin's dream. They lied to their people about their aspirations to the EU, they lied to us in the European Parliament and EU. Only new fair elections can help Georgians get their country back. EU political will is needed. There is almost no independent media left in Georgia, only Sputnik-type propaganda TV channels. By the way, I do not understand why they, who spread poison about the EU, are still active here, in the European Parliament. Let's act. The people of Georgia cannot be left alone.

Madam President, I appeal to the leaders of the Member States. We cannot make any more mistakes and let dictators think that we are weak, that democracies are unable to defend themselves. We could have been on safer ground if we had mobilised all possible military assistance to Ukraine when their brave soldiers pushed the Russians out of Kharkiv and Kherson two years ago. But then there were frightened voices of the threats of world war three. And here we are, approaching it, because those who had to act were scared. Responsibility for the security of the continent is passing into the hands of the Europeans as never before. However, I completely disagree with the approach to Ukraine's membership in NATO. This country is already sacrificing more for NATO, for us, than many NATO members themselves. Ukraine is already acting as a de facto NATO member. Ukraine is the cornerstone of European security. We are making an existential historical mistake again by allowing Russia to use a veto on NATO decisions. Let's stop spreading the Kremlin's narratives – NATO expanded because us, nations and people wanted and still want it. NATO, like the EU, is expanding for stable peace, not for war.

Mr President, dear colleagues, German Nazism was defeated 80 years ago, but imperial communism, left undefeated, has evolved into Russian fascism. Let's not repeat the mistakes of history. Russian fascism will not stop after gaining Ukrainian territories, just as Hitler did not stop after annexing Czechoslovakia. On the contrary, achieving just and sustainable peace is impossible without the defeat of Russian fascism. Ukraine is an integral part of the EU's defence. The EU's contribution for helping Ukraine is significant, but still not enough. I call on Member States to use the SAFE instrument with EUR 150 billion loans to support Ukraine's defence. Ukrainians are able to produce defence equipment much cheaper and faster, so let's purchase this equipment directly from Ukraine to double the value of our investment and boost support for Ukraine's defence. We will win.

Mr President, when entering the Lithuanian city where I grew up, two towers still stand, built by the Soviets. Their purpose was clear: to block the signals of Radio Free Europe, Voice of America and Vatican Radio, silencing the voices of freedom. I even remember the hour when my grandma would try to catch free speech through the crackling. Personally, I am grateful to the United States for supporting free speech. Because of that, I stand before you today as a citizen of a free country. I can only imagine the joy communists would have felt if Radio Free Europe had been shut down by Washington. Now it is happening before our eyes. All autocrats are happy. The space of democracy, especially on the European continent, is our security interest. Therefore, the EU, together with its partners, must have a plan on how to preserve the spread of free speech.

Madam President, dear colleagues, populists are manipulating peace and saying that the EU should not take on defence issues. On the contrary, precisely to bring lasting peace to the European continent, we need a strong European defence while maintaining the transatlantic bond. The democratic world is much stronger than Putin's Russia. We could have already won if the aid to Ukraine had been sufficient when the Ukrainians pushed the Russians out of Kherson and Kharkiv, but then there was a fear of Putin's blackmail and fear to defeat Putin. Now, Trump has fragmented the power of democracies, and we have a much more complicated situation. What do we need? First, common threat perception in Member States. Second, solidarity and trust – first of all, the ability to implement ReArm EU in solidarity and help Ukraine with this instrument. Third, geopolitical thinking. Despite being from the Baltics, I would like to particularly emphasise the importance of the Black Sea region for European security. Fourth, the ability to include non-EU countries in the defence format: Great Britain, Norway, Canada, Türkiye. Putin helped the EU understand the importance of security. Maybe Trump will help the EU regain self-confidence to create a strong European defence for peace.

Madam President, dear colleagues, if we want to avoid even greater war in Europe, we must be prepared for war with Russia in the shortest possible time. War with today's Russia, whose ideology – Russkiy Mir – means destroying or enslaving everything that is not Russian. A challenge for Europe in the short term is on Ukraine's battlefield. The future of Europe will be decided there. Member States should commit at least 0.25 % of their GDP to military aid to Ukraine. Ukraine's defence industries should be integrated with the European one. In the longer term, to ensure that most EU policies align with defence and security needs. Defence is the priority of priorities. We need to increase our defence spending to at least 3 % of GDP in 2026 as a start. The EU was not created as a defence union. Europe flourished on US security guarantees. Everything has changed. We will have to fill the huge security capabilities gap and diversify our security policy to build our own capabilities while trying to maintain and strengthen the transatlantic bond. Tomorrow we will vote for a resolution on the white paper on defence. But this is just the very beginning of a difficult but very necessary journey – an existential journey.

Mr President, exactly 35 years ago, in the first freely elected parliament after the occupation, I voted in favour of Lithuania's independence, and today this debate is for me a continuation of the same path together with Europe. My message is that Europe will be strong if we help Ukraine win. And we can, we just have to believe that we can. ReArm Europe must be implemented in solidarity between the members of the European Union and with Ukraine, which is already a member of the EU de factoBecause it protects us with its blood. The fate of Europe is being decided on the Ukrainian front. Someone has calculated that until now, for every citizen of the European Union, European military support to Ukraine has cost no more than two cups of coffee. Member States can certainly give more to Ukraine. Let's agree on a minimum of 0.25% of GDP from each country. Let's have an ambition: Ukraine is a member of the European Union until 2030. Let us reiterate the lessons of history and accept the challenges. Keep calm, carry on – Winston Churchill.