Speeches

Yes, I think that we have to change our rules, especially on veto rights, at least in some decisions, like for example, sanctions or other issues. But now I think that we have to start negotiations with Ukraine as well as Moldova as soon as possible. Ukraine is ready to start negotiations, to open negotiation chapters now.

Mr President, I'll start with a Ursula von der Leyen quote: 'EU enlargement is an investment in our collective security'. I completely agree. A bit late, but very true words. One of the reasons why Putin started this war is the grey areas of insecurity in Europe. If we had had such an understanding and decisions, at least immediately after the annexation of Crimea, there is a high probability that Ukraine would not be attacked today. Not too late. We have that chance. It is necessary to seek consensus in our societies that enlargement is as important for the future of the EU as defence. In essence, enlargement is an integral part of our defence union. The unification of the European continent on the basis of democracies is in our own interests. Either a larger, secure, strong EU or Russia and China closer to our borders. Such an understanding requires leaders in each Member State. That's why I end my speech with a James Freeman Clark quote: 'A politician thinks of the next election, a statesman of the next generation'. At least, let's think about both, about the elections and about the next generations.

Mr President, dear colleagues, journalist Mzia Amaglobeli has become a symbol of all Georgians imprisoned by the Bidzina Ivanishvili regime. A week ago, representatives of brave Georgians, who have been fighting for a European Georgia for over 200 days, attended the DROI Subcommittee hearings in the European Parliament. But yesterday, the Russian oligarch Ivanishvili's regime launched a full-scale legal assault against them. The situation is getting worse every day. My speech this time will not be about the regime of the Kremlin's friends in Tbilisi. We have said everything about this in the resolutions adopted so far. We need to talk about us, the EU. I do not understand the silence from the European Council, the Member States and the High Representative office. Mzia and her friends deserve respect and help. Serious sanctions against the regime are needed. Everyone who gets their hands dirty is afraid of them. We need to put pressure on the regime in every way and not ask them to return to the EU path anymore. They will not return, because this regime is the Kremlin's dream. They lied to their people about their aspirations to the EU, they lied to us in the European Parliament and EU. Only new fair elections can help Georgians get their country back. EU political will is needed. There is almost no independent media left in Georgia, only Sputnik-type propaganda TV channels. By the way, I do not understand why they, who spread poison about the EU, are still active here, in the European Parliament. Let's act. The people of Georgia cannot be left alone.

Madam President, I appeal to the leaders of the Member States. We cannot make any more mistakes and let dictators think that we are weak, that democracies are unable to defend themselves. We could have been on safer ground if we had mobilised all possible military assistance to Ukraine when their brave soldiers pushed the Russians out of Kharkiv and Kherson two years ago. But then there were frightened voices of the threats of world war three. And here we are, approaching it, because those who had to act were scared. Responsibility for the security of the continent is passing into the hands of the Europeans as never before. However, I completely disagree with the approach to Ukraine's membership in NATO. This country is already sacrificing more for NATO, for us, than many NATO members themselves. Ukraine is already acting as a de facto NATO member. Ukraine is the cornerstone of European security. We are making an existential historical mistake again by allowing Russia to use a veto on NATO decisions. Let's stop spreading the Kremlin's narratives – NATO expanded because us, nations and people wanted and still want it. NATO, like the EU, is expanding for stable peace, not for war.

Mr President, dear colleagues, German Nazism was defeated 80 years ago, but imperial communism, left undefeated, has evolved into Russian fascism. Let's not repeat the mistakes of history. Russian fascism will not stop after gaining Ukrainian territories, just as Hitler did not stop after annexing Czechoslovakia. On the contrary, achieving just and sustainable peace is impossible without the defeat of Russian fascism. Ukraine is an integral part of the EU's defence. The EU's contribution for helping Ukraine is significant, but still not enough. I call on Member States to use the SAFE instrument with EUR 150 billion loans to support Ukraine's defence. Ukrainians are able to produce defence equipment much cheaper and faster, so let's purchase this equipment directly from Ukraine to double the value of our investment and boost support for Ukraine's defence. We will win.

Mr President, when entering the Lithuanian city where I grew up, two towers still stand, built by the Soviets. Their purpose was clear: to block the signals of Radio Free Europe, Voice of America and Vatican Radio, silencing the voices of freedom. I even remember the hour when my grandma would try to catch free speech through the crackling. Personally, I am grateful to the United States for supporting free speech. Because of that, I stand before you today as a citizen of a free country. I can only imagine the joy communists would have felt if Radio Free Europe had been shut down by Washington. Now it is happening before our eyes. All autocrats are happy. The space of democracy, especially on the European continent, is our security interest. Therefore, the EU, together with its partners, must have a plan on how to preserve the spread of free speech.

Madam President, dear colleagues, populists are manipulating peace and saying that the EU should not take on defence issues. On the contrary, precisely to bring lasting peace to the European continent, we need a strong European defence while maintaining the transatlantic bond. The democratic world is much stronger than Putin's Russia. We could have already won if the aid to Ukraine had been sufficient when the Ukrainians pushed the Russians out of Kherson and Kharkiv, but then there was a fear of Putin's blackmail and fear to defeat Putin. Now, Trump has fragmented the power of democracies, and we have a much more complicated situation. What do we need? First, common threat perception in Member States. Second, solidarity and trust – first of all, the ability to implement ReArm EU in solidarity and help Ukraine with this instrument. Third, geopolitical thinking. Despite being from the Baltics, I would like to particularly emphasise the importance of the Black Sea region for European security. Fourth, the ability to include non-EU countries in the defence format: Great Britain, Norway, Canada, Türkiye. Putin helped the EU understand the importance of security. Maybe Trump will help the EU regain self-confidence to create a strong European defence for peace.

Madam President, dear colleagues, if we want to avoid even greater war in Europe, we must be prepared for war with Russia in the shortest possible time. War with today's Russia, whose ideology – Russkiy Mir – means destroying or enslaving everything that is not Russian. A challenge for Europe in the short term is on Ukraine's battlefield. The future of Europe will be decided there. Member States should commit at least 0.25 % of their GDP to military aid to Ukraine. Ukraine's defence industries should be integrated with the European one. In the longer term, to ensure that most EU policies align with defence and security needs. Defence is the priority of priorities. We need to increase our defence spending to at least 3 % of GDP in 2026 as a start. The EU was not created as a defence union. Europe flourished on US security guarantees. Everything has changed. We will have to fill the huge security capabilities gap and diversify our security policy to build our own capabilities while trying to maintain and strengthen the transatlantic bond. Tomorrow we will vote for a resolution on the white paper on defence. But this is just the very beginning of a difficult but very necessary journey – an existential journey.

Mr President, exactly 35 years ago, in the first freely elected parliament after the occupation, I voted in favour of Lithuania's independence, and today this debate is for me a continuation of the same path together with Europe. My message is that Europe will be strong if we help Ukraine win. And we can, we just have to believe that we can. ReArm Europe must be implemented in solidarity between the members of the European Union and with Ukraine, which is already a member of the EU de factoBecause it protects us with its blood. The fate of Europe is being decided on the Ukrainian front. Someone has calculated that until now, for every citizen of the European Union, European military support to Ukraine has cost no more than two cups of coffee. Member States can certainly give more to Ukraine. Let's agree on a minimum of 0.25% of GDP from each country. Let's have an ambition: Ukraine is a member of the European Union until 2030. Let us reiterate the lessons of history and accept the challenges. Keep calm, carry on – Winston Churchill.

Mr President, this debate on Ukraine is fundamentally about us, about Europe and its future. Our future has two opposing scenarios: one in the event of a Ukrainian victory, the other, very dark, if we fail to help Ukraine to win. In Davos, President Zelenskyy said, 'Let's not forget, there is no ocean separating European countries from Russia. And European leaders should remember this.' He called on Europe to get serious about its security. That's why we need a clear plan for Ukraine's victory now. We need to act fast. I stress, a victory plan! It's not just about weapons. That's the most important thing today. But there is more. It's also about enlargement. About energy policy. About technology. About industry. About everything that will make Europe a global player. It's impossible without Ukraine. There will be no long‑lasting peace in Europe without a Ukrainian victory. There will be no strong and competitive Europe without a free Ukraine and a defeated imperialistic colonial Russia. Slava Ukraini!

Mr President, dear colleagues, the brave Georgians have been protesting against their stolen European future for more than 50 days, despite the brutality and violence of the Georgian Dream authorities. By the way, people in the streets call them the 'Kremlin Dream' or 'Russian Dream' party. As Georgians fight for their European path, it is our duty to be clear in our support. First, the only true and legitimate representative of the Georgian people and only recognised office‑holder is the President, Salome Zourabichvili. Second, Georgian Dream and the self-declared one‑party parliament is not a legitimate authority. I urge the EU leaders, Member States and other international organisations to abstain from all actions that would legitimise the self-appointed Georgian Dream authority. The violence against the people, the political opposition and the civil society continues to intensify. One of the opposition leaders, Giorgi Gakharia, has been brutally beaten, and independent journalists have been attacked, including Mzia Amaglobeli, who has been imprisoned for two months. Europe must respond to this by imposing personal sanctions on those responsible, particularly Bidzina Ivanishvili. The only way out of this crisis is new, independent, fair elections without any delay.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the Belarusian nation has deep European roots. Russia enslaved this nation back in the Tsarist era, when it annexed most of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. We Poles, Lithuanians and Belarusians commemorate the heroes of the uprisings against Tsarist Russia together. They are the pride of our common history. Let's make no mistake: Belarus is not Russia. The Kremlin would very much like the Belarusian nation to disappear completely so that Belarus would not remain on the map of Europe. Belarus, ruled by the dictator Lukashenka today is the result of the colonial, imperial policy of Russia. Our interest is a democratic Belarus. Therefore, we must support by all means the tireless struggle of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya and her supporters for the European future of their state.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the Russian shadow fleet, which is helping the Kremlin to make money to continue killing Ukrainians, is part of a major war between Russia and its supporters against democracy. What action must the European Union take to fight the Russian shadow fleet, Parliament said in a comprehensive resolution last November. Now we see that these ships are also used as a tool for sabotage. I would like to congratulate Finland for setting an example of how to act. It is good that NATO has also responded, because yes, it is a threat to our security. Russia's war against the countries of the European Union is so far such that NATO's Article 5 is not exceeded. The aim is to cause harm, chaos and anxiety in societies, to subjugate them to the will of the Kremlin during elections, etc. That is why we need to act now, today. We have to find the tools for that. Especially since we really have them.

Dear Mr Bystron, I know that you visited Lithuania 20-22 November or something like that, and then disappeared for one week to Belarus. Could you tell us what kind of instructions did you get from there to speak here about Russia, like Govorit Moskva?

Madam President, thank you very much, Madam Vice‑President, for being with us on this very important debate. I would like to thank my colleagues in the informal Remembrance Group for their support in getting this debate with resolution in January on the agenda. I was born in a Lithuania occupied by the Soviet Union. It was a period of brutal lies, when the freedom fighters were called bandits, and families exiled to Siberia were called profiteers and prostitutes. When we regained our independence, we hoped for the end of the empire of lies. Yet, unfortunately, the Molotov‑Ribbentrop Pact was the biggest European disaster of the last century. Unfortunately, it is being revived in the aggressive policies of the current Kremlin and also because Communist crimes were not addressed. We must ensure that Russia's war crimes in Ukraine are judged by a special tribunal. This would also serve as a condemnation of the crimes committed by the Communists. Today's Russia uses history as a tool not only against Ukraine, but also against us, against the whole democratic world. Putin wants to bring back the division of spheres of influence, regardless of the will of the nations. We must stand against any attempts to create exclusive zones of interest that undermine the sovereignty and borders of independent countries. Such actions go against international law. Every nation has the right to choose its own security arrangements, including defence partnerships and to take steps to protect its people's wellbeing. Let us be clear: no reason – political, economic or military – can justify acts of aggression. As we prepare for the resolution to be adopted in January, we must highlight these principles loud and clear.

Mr President, Sakartvelo's President Salome Zurabishvili, the leader of European Georgia, is now on her way to Strasbourg to address us at the heart of the EU democracy. 'Is there any hope?' is the most frequent question about Georgia for me in Lithuania. Yes, there is. When I was in Tbilisi last week, I saw hopeful people with European Union flags. They are raising those flags not just in the capital, but all over the country, in small villages, including 500 detained, hundreds beaten, tortured, including journalists. But more and more people are coming to the demonstrations. Georgia is becoming a textbook case of how Russian influence can transform a democratic system into an authoritarian regime without firing a shot. But Georgia is an EU candidate. The EU institutions cannot therefore be left behind. The position of my group, the EPP, is clear: the parliamentary elections were stolen. We see no other way to help Georgia than new elections. Salome Zurabishvili is the only president legitimately elected by the people until the new elections are held. We call on Member States to implement sanctions on individuals responsible for rigged elections and violence against peaceful protesters. We urge Heads of States and ministers of Member States not to wait to go to Tbilisi on a European Georgia mission, our Commission included. I urge the EU to take the lead and not let Putin and his proxies win the battle against freedom and democracy on the European continent. It is the same battle for real peace and freedom that the Ukrainians are fighting for.

Dear colleagues, this man has just been stripped of his immunity for his troubles in Lithuania. That's what he said when he was in the most pro-Russian group in the European Parliament. I am ashamed of the fact that Lithuania is in such a group. But now about this question. The best way to stop Putin's hybrid war, not only in the Baltic region, to protect critical infrastructure is to help Ukraine win the war. And we're doing it. Too little, but we're doing it. Putin believes that democracies in principle cannot defend themselves, so he has crossed as many red lines as he is allowed. Putin lost influence in the Baltic Sea after Sweden became NATO and is trying to take revenge. However, this cannot be allowed. We have to prove that democracies are able to defend themselves. We have every opportunity to protect ourselves and make the Baltic Sea the safest region in Europe. This requires the will and the decisions that are presented in Sauli Niinistö's report. Congratulations to the new Commission. I voted with the greatest pride and I look forward to major decisions in the area of our security.

Mr President, dear colleagues, corrupt oligarchic forces, with the help of the Kremlin, are trying to take power almost everywhere in post-Soviet space. This had happened some years ago in Ukraine, Moldova and many other places. Georgia is not an exception. Here in the EU, we must be clear: the elections in Georgia were not democratic, we cannot recognise them. Georgian Dream has not won. We need to call for an independent international investigation. Georgia's EU candidate status has already been frozen – it will remain so. We will need to reassess if Georgia remains eligible for the visa-free status. We can no longer justify EU bilateral assistance to Georgian state institutions. I say all of this with sadness. The Georgian people deserve better. They support a pro-European path, and we in the EU support them. From now on, the EU must speak very clearly to both Georgian society and the Georgian Dream that stole the elections from them. EU membership is not compatible with an oligarchic system. To be even more clear: EU membership is only possible after the de-Bidzinisation of the country.

Dear President! Ladies and gentlemen, there are two competing values in international law - and both are very important - the individual rights of migrants and the security and territorial integrity of the state. The second is not sufficiently enshrined in our law. Border security is an essential prerequisite for national security. We must fundamentally change our policy for protecting our external borders. Without the protection of external borders, including physical borders, there will be no effective Schengen. The policy of the left on illegal migration has led to extreme radicals in this hall. Illegal instrumentalised migration is becoming a weapon of dictators against democracies. We have to stop it!

Mr President, first of all, many thanks to the colleagues from other groups with whom we agreed a strong resolution on Georgia this morning. The European Parliament sends a very clear message to Bidzina Ivanishvili and his collaborators from the Georgian Dream: membership in the EU is incompatible with their politics. You cannot be pro-European and pro-Kremlin at the same time. You cannot support the European way of life and glorify Stalin at the same time. The European Parliament will be closely monitoring the upcoming elections. We once again reiterate that the conduct of the elections should fully adhere to international standards. If the Georgian Dream continues following Lukashenka's path, the EU will be forced to react and reassess Georgia's fulfilment, including visa‑liberalisation benchmarks. We also call for the immediate and unconditional release of former President Mikheil Saakashvili. The Georgian Government must be held fully accountable for any harm caused to Saakashvili's life and health. Now, the decision on the future of Georgia is in the hands of the Georgian people. Dear Georgians, nobody can be more responsible for Georgia's future than you yourselves can. We hope that the Georgian people will find their way back to the democratic European family.

Mr President, colleagues, the upcoming election in Moldova is like the final battle for Putin. The Kremlin is openly paying voters in Moldova, trying to block the country from its future success. The biggest nightmare for Putin's Russia is the European future of neighbouring countries. He fears that if Ukraine becomes successful and if Moldova and Georgia follow the European way of life, Russians will begin to ask themselves, 'Why are we living in a country of hatred and hopelessness?' As a Lithuanian, I want to send a message to the people of Moldova. The EU gives many opportunities for a better life for everyone. Before Lithuania's membership in the EU, we had almost the same GDP as your country does today: around 36 % of the EU average. Today, our GDP is at 90 % of the EU level. Our country has caught up with long-time EU Member States like Spain or Portugal. Dear Moldovans, do not be afraid to embrace the EU with your hearts and minds. It is our shared path as part of the same family, our European family. Leave the Russkiy Mir behind. We stand together with you.

Madam President, dear colleagues, 85 years ago, the Ribbentrop‑Molotov pact was signed and Nazi Germany and the Communist USSR agreed to divide Europe. They both started the bloodiest World War Two. Unfortunately, this is not yet history: Russia's war of aggression today is a direct continuation of the war 85 years ago. Germany has passed the test of history; the crimes of the Nazis have been condemned and evaluated, and that is why today we have a project of peace – the European Union. However, the crimes of Communism have not received international condemnation, and so we see a resurrection of totalitarianism: Putinism, which is like two in one – Hitler and Stalin. Russia uses historical disinformation as a weapon against Ukraine and us, against Europe. Let us not be fooled: this war is not just a conflict in the margins of eastern Europe; it is an existential war for Europe that must end with the full defeat of Putinism, just as it ended for Nazism nearly 80 years ago. This would not only protect Europe, but also bring a possibility of change to Russia. I am grateful to all who understand this, and especially to Ukraine, which has stood up to defend all of Europe. Don't forget: our history is our future.

Mr President, dear colleagues, a few more general remarks. Why did Iran dare to attack Israel directly for the first time in history? I see two reasons: the first is deteriorating situation in Ukraine on the Eastern front and Russia’s factor, the second is the lack of political will and leadership on the Western front, Washington, DC, including. In the eyes of the terrorist alliance of dictators, the US looks weakened. That is the reason why they raise their heads and attack. This is why recent decisions in the US Congress are of existential significance. The democratic world is entering a period of political vacuum because of presidential elections in the US, European Parliament elections here in Europe. The political vacuum is a test for democracy in general and a temptation for terrorist states. However, it is not those who win this year’s elections who will be mentioned in the history books, but those who fail to defeat the terrorist Russia, Iran, North Korea and others, even though they had every chance. I still believe that we, the European Union, together with our allies, we can – that our leaders can go down in history as the ones who managed to overcome bloody regimes.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Putin is an illegitimate president. I call on the leaders of the democratic world not to call Putin president, because he is certainly not one now. First of all, because this electoral operation took place in the occupied territories of Ukraine. There have been no democratic elections in Russia for a long time. It was a psychological KGB-type operation against its own citizens first of all. At the same time, Ukrainians continue to die on the front lines. Their cities are being destroyed every day. On the eve of this special operation, which Putin calls elections, Aleksei Navalny died in a Gulag-like prison in the Arctic. A man whom Putin feared and therefore tortured. Putin is afraid of real elections because he is afraid of his people. That is why Putin is the biggest Russophobe. Putin is creating a 21st-century totalitarianism in Russia based on hatred, aggression and violence. But this colonial imperial regime will collapse sooner or later. I once again call on you to stop being afraid of Putin. Let him be afraid of us. We need a strategy and a coalition for victory in Ukraine. But we also need a bold coalition to defeat Putin and his regime; the kind of coalition that was built to defeat Hitler.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear brave Ukrainian girl, Valeriia, to date, around 20 000 Ukrainian children have been stolen from their homeland and deported to Russia, with only 400 having been returned. Since 2014, estimates suggest the number of these forcibly displaced children could be as high as 700 000. Many of these children are orphans or kids without parental care. Deportation – a war crime under the Rome Statute and the Fourth Geneva Convention – is being used as a weapon against the most vulnerable. The goal of this merciless policy is as clear as it is cruel: to erase the Ukrainian identity of these children and ‘Russify’ them. I grew up in Soviet-occupied Lithuania, so I know what ‘Russification’ and ‘Sovietisation’ means. The names of children are changed; their birth certificates are altered. They are bombarded with Russian propaganda and forced to attend Russian military processions. Their forcible deportation is not merely a violation of international law; it is a calculated act of cultural and national genocide, aiming to extinguish the very essence of Ukraine’s future. We call on the EU to condemn these actions and to recognise them as part of a genocidal policy against the Ukrainian people. We also urge the EU to establish a dedicated team and provide sustainable, well-funded support to assist Ukraine in identifying, returning and rehabilitating these children, and to continue supporting organisations like Golosy Ditey, which are crucial in these efforts.