Speeches

Madam President, dear colleagues, 85 years ago, the Ribbentrop‑Molotov pact was signed and Nazi Germany and the Communist USSR agreed to divide Europe. They both started the bloodiest World War Two. Unfortunately, this is not yet history: Russia's war of aggression today is a direct continuation of the war 85 years ago. Germany has passed the test of history; the crimes of the Nazis have been condemned and evaluated, and that is why today we have a project of peace – the European Union. However, the crimes of Communism have not received international condemnation, and so we see a resurrection of totalitarianism: Putinism, which is like two in one – Hitler and Stalin. Russia uses historical disinformation as a weapon against Ukraine and us, against Europe. Let us not be fooled: this war is not just a conflict in the margins of eastern Europe; it is an existential war for Europe that must end with the full defeat of Putinism, just as it ended for Nazism nearly 80 years ago. This would not only protect Europe, but also bring a possibility of change to Russia. I am grateful to all who understand this, and especially to Ukraine, which has stood up to defend all of Europe. Don't forget: our history is our future.

Mr President, dear colleagues, a few more general remarks. Why did Iran dare to attack Israel directly for the first time in history? I see two reasons: the first is deteriorating situation in Ukraine on the Eastern front and Russia’s factor, the second is the lack of political will and leadership on the Western front, Washington, DC, including. In the eyes of the terrorist alliance of dictators, the US looks weakened. That is the reason why they raise their heads and attack. This is why recent decisions in the US Congress are of existential significance. The democratic world is entering a period of political vacuum because of presidential elections in the US, European Parliament elections here in Europe. The political vacuum is a test for democracy in general and a temptation for terrorist states. However, it is not those who win this year’s elections who will be mentioned in the history books, but those who fail to defeat the terrorist Russia, Iran, North Korea and others, even though they had every chance. I still believe that we, the European Union, together with our allies, we can – that our leaders can go down in history as the ones who managed to overcome bloody regimes.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Putin is an illegitimate president. I call on the leaders of the democratic world not to call Putin president, because he is certainly not one now. First of all, because this electoral operation took place in the occupied territories of Ukraine. There have been no democratic elections in Russia for a long time. It was a psychological KGB-type operation against its own citizens first of all. At the same time, Ukrainians continue to die on the front lines. Their cities are being destroyed every day. On the eve of this special operation, which Putin calls elections, Aleksei Navalny died in a Gulag-like prison in the Arctic. A man whom Putin feared and therefore tortured. Putin is afraid of real elections because he is afraid of his people. That is why Putin is the biggest Russophobe. Putin is creating a 21st-century totalitarianism in Russia based on hatred, aggression and violence. But this colonial imperial regime will collapse sooner or later. I once again call on you to stop being afraid of Putin. Let him be afraid of us. We need a strategy and a coalition for victory in Ukraine. But we also need a bold coalition to defeat Putin and his regime; the kind of coalition that was built to defeat Hitler.

Madam President, dear colleagues, dear brave Ukrainian girl, Valeriia, to date, around 20 000 Ukrainian children have been stolen from their homeland and deported to Russia, with only 400 having been returned. Since 2014, estimates suggest the number of these forcibly displaced children could be as high as 700 000. Many of these children are orphans or kids without parental care. Deportation – a war crime under the Rome Statute and the Fourth Geneva Convention – is being used as a weapon against the most vulnerable. The goal of this merciless policy is as clear as it is cruel: to erase the Ukrainian identity of these children and ‘Russify’ them. I grew up in Soviet-occupied Lithuania, so I know what ‘Russification’ and ‘Sovietisation’ means. The names of children are changed; their birth certificates are altered. They are bombarded with Russian propaganda and forced to attend Russian military processions. Their forcible deportation is not merely a violation of international law; it is a calculated act of cultural and national genocide, aiming to extinguish the very essence of Ukraine’s future. We call on the EU to condemn these actions and to recognise them as part of a genocidal policy against the Ukrainian people. We also urge the EU to establish a dedicated team and provide sustainable, well-funded support to assist Ukraine in identifying, returning and rehabilitating these children, and to continue supporting organisations like Golosy Ditey, which are crucial in these efforts.

Mr President, dear colleagues, freedom comes at a high price. These are the words of Boris Nemtsov, murdered nine years ago. They were echoed by Alexei Navalny. Today, freedom is costing the most for the Ukrainian people. Putin is trying to kill hope that Russia can be different in every way he can. Putin has used Alexei’s body to mock and bully. He mocked his extremely strong mother, Lyudmila Navalnaya. This reminds us of our history of bloody Soviet occupation, the communist Russia, when the bodies of Lithuanian freedom fighters were desecrated, when mothers could not pick them up, lying in open air in front of churches. Putin is trying to show that we are helpless. There are around 700 political prisoners in Russia, including Vladimir Kara-Murza and Ilya Yashin. Their lives are all in danger. Over 1 400 are in Lukashenka’s prisons. Their lives are also in danger. The murder of Navalny should not frighten us, but mobilise us in a common struggle for freedom. Our freedom is also threatened. The most important thing today is not to be afraid. Just as the Ukrainians are not afraid. Just as Navalny was not afraid. Not to be afraid of fully defeating Putin and helping Ukraine to win.

Mr President, first, my congratulations to Sweden. Now, we will be much stronger together, but we must realise that the war started by Russia is not a short-term crisis. Putin started this war thinking that democracies in general would not be able to withstand it. But we must be able to withstand. We need a clear plan to help Ukraine to win. We need a consensus that each State allocates at least 0.25% of GDP to the victory of Ukraine. This should be the foundation of a real EU Defence Union. On army, for me, an example of someone who is serious in the European Union about security is the army of Finland. Many EU countries have gotten used to comfort and prosperity and we have unprepared societies. We must consider returning to conscription and training of young people. Don’t give up, Europe!

Mr President, Armenia, one of the first countries in Europe to officially recognise Christianity, is turning back to its roots. A nation that has suffered genocide and lost many of its territories and people. Now wants a peaceful life and says Europe is their home. Today I heard the Kremlin’s disinformation channels aggressively attacking Prime Minister Pashinyan and referring to Armenian territory as Russia’s, I quote, ‘podbrjušʹe’ – its ‘underbelly’. They’re words that only a colonial empire could think to use. That is why the Armenians want to become closer to a European Union family, where nations are respected as equals. We, the EU, must accept Armenia’s outstretched hand and build strong bridges for cooperation. This is not only a chance for Armenia, it is also an opportunity for us, the EU. I congratulate the French leadership. I hope that support for Armenia’s EU path will be lasting. I call on the leaders of Azerbaijan to assume their share of responsibility for the security of the region. Azerbaijan has a chance to go down in history as having managed to establish peace, not wars, in the region. Do not miss it.

Dear colleagues, never call Tatyana Ždanoka a Latvian MEP. She is the Kremlin's representative here. Sadly. The Latvians, my sisters and brothers, are an honourable people of Europe, and Ždanoka is a creation of the Soviet Russification and KGB regime. Unfortunately, the European Parliament and the Greens have paid millions of euros since 2004 for the Kremlin's representative to act as an agent of influence. However, we must see this case as a systematic, long-standing expression of the Kremlin's policy. Not only this, but also other agents of influence constantly speak from this rostrum. They visited the territories occupied by Russia and did not receive condemnation. Not only political platforms, but also business, culture, media and even the church are used to strengthen the Kremlin's influence. The Kremlin’s main export is corruption. The Kremlin is taking part in our elections and referendums, as shown by Spanish investigations. Putin's dirty soft power worked unhindered in Europe until the twenty-second year. Publicity is a key weapon. Thank you to The Insider's brave journalists. But we need to take more serious action. We must clear Europe of the Kremlin's bloody money and influence. Here, political groups are primarily responsible for the activities of their members. We must learn to protect democracy.

Mr President, first of all, thank you for your strong leadership. Ukraine has shown a miracle. Let’s remember the first weeks. How many here believed that Ukraine would stop the Russians at Kyiv? Two years of this war have also shown a miracle of European unity. We know what we have already done by standing together. Today, we have to talk and agree on what is needed to win this war. First of all, the front needs even more support now, today, this particular minute. Second, we must believe that we can win this war. We, the democratic world, are many times stronger than Russia. The economic power is incomparable. However, the EU-wide support to Ukraine is only 0.075% of GDP per year. Is it really an indicator that shows our understanding of Europe’s existential war? Third, we must not be afraid of Russia, just as the Ukrainians are not afraid. We must not be afraid of Putin’s blackmail and the defeat of his regime. Putin must lose. Fourth, we need a comprehensive plan for the victory of Ukraine. This requires a vast development of the EU defence industry. Now is the time for the European Union to get its act together on security. A defence union is needed as never before. But I see such a union only together with Ukraine, with Ukraine, in the EU and in NATO, with its army, which is clearly the strongest army in Europe today. The victory of Ukraine will be the victory of the whole Europe. Only victory can solve the historic eastern dilemma in Europe. Slava Ukraini! Long live Europe!

Mr President, wow. How active Putin’s proxies have become here! Something new. While it is clear that the EU has already supported Ukraine beyond anyone’s expectations, today, every day of our delay costs Ukrainian blood. A Ukrainian defeat would cost infinitely more than the money needed for a Ukrainian victory. Orbán is blocking EUR 50 billion for Ukraine. The EU as a whole has spent for Ukraine only 0.075% of GDP per year so far. This war is about whether democracies are even capable of taking the necessary decisions and defending themselves. The fate of future generations is at stake. We are much stronger than the morally rotten Putin regime. To win the long lasting, sustainable peace, we need political will and military support for Ukraine. Otherwise, all forthcoming elections and the fights between us will remain the most shameful page in European history. A fatal mistake, just as it was in 1938.

Madam President, everyone says that this week is about Ukraine. Yes, but it is actually even more about us – the European Union. At every single meeting, my Lithuanian constituents ask me the same question: What happened to the Hungarians? Who is Orban working for? Putin? And why is the EU doing nothing to stop him? Can you not see how the EU is being destroyed from within? ‘We do see”, I say. Unfortunately, the instruments to stop him are too weak. This answer is disappointing because the people want an effective EU. It cannot go on like this. If we continue to allow Putin to destroy not only Ukraine but also the EU, we will face existential tests. I still hope that this week will not be even more disappointing. I do not believe that the Hungarian nation, which has been a model for everyone since 1956, wants Russia to win. I appeal to the Commission, to the leaders of the Council. Let’s start the procedure to suspsend the voting rights of Hungary. Our lawyers must find legal ways how to stop the destruction from both - outside and inside. Rule of law must protect the EU as a structure. Long live Europe!

Mr President, dear colleagues, I have the feeling that we see the world too simplistically when we divide ourselves into either pro-Israel or pro-Palestinian, and when many are repeating ‘two-state solution’. But this mantra will not work unless there is a fundamental agreement among Israel’s neighbours that Hamas must not happen again, that the Jewish state has the right to exist. I was shocked when, after the bloody attack by Hamas, we saw the celebration in Gaza – and not only Gaza squares. As long as Hamas exists, it is difficult for me to believe in the success of the two-state solution. Hamas must be destroyed. That must be the task of the entire democratic community. Hamas, ISIS, al-Qaeda are the same. The same cancer. They will be reborn again and again until the cause of the cancer is isolated, including terrorist states such as Iran or Russia. We have two wars of a similar nature in both neighbourhoods of European Union. Both are aimed at destroying democratic states: Israel and Ukraine. So many people are suffering. Europe’s future security and long-lasting peace depend on our response. The challenge is clear: democracies must win.

Mr President, dear colleagues, today, more than ever, Europe and the United States share a common mission. Together, we need to overcome the axis of evil that has already caused two wars in our neighbourhood. This axis of evil, with terrorists Russia and Iran at its core, seeks to destroy democracies and take away people’s freedoms. The EU and the US are capable of acting together strategically. We need to be united not only in a military NATO alliance; we also need a kind of economic NATO, by reviving the idea of TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership). We must not only agree on the response to Russia and Iran; we both face the same complex challenge of China. There is no alternative to a strategic partnership between the US and the EU. I fully agree with Ursula von der Leyen as she said in her speech in the Hudson Institute last month – I quote: ‘What Europe and the United States are fighting for together is about freedom and democracy.’

Madam President, dear colleagues, yes, it is a historic day, even if this decision comes late. The stagnation of both EU and NATO enlargements has left many countries in a grey zone, tempting authoritarians. But we can determine the future with our decisions today. The EU is finally returning to geopolitical leadership. My special congratulations go to Ukraine, Moldova and Bosnia and Herzegovina. But don’t forget, this decision comes through the blood of the Ukrainian people. Enlargement is first and foremost in our interest. Enlargement is our only option to avoid future disasters. Either there will be more of the European Union on the European continent, or there will be more Russia or China next to us. Enlargement is our responsibility to future generations. It is the only way to achieve sustainable and lasting peace on the European continent. I would like to mention Georgia. The European path of this country was saved by the Georgian people. It is a message to Russia as well: you will lose. Today’s recommendation is a credit, not to the Georgian Government or Georgian dream, because it is true that Georgia is not on the same step as Ukraine and Moldova. And this is the biggest wrongdoing of the Georgian Government against the Georgian people. Dear colleagues, I would like to thank the Commission and especially Ursula von der Leyen for her leadership and deep understanding of the existential momentum in this history of Europe. Let us do this job together.

Mr President, let me start by paying respect to brave leaders. Two presidents: Roberta Metsola and Ursula von der Leyen. I am proud. Many in this chamber agree that we must be united and agree that we have to destroy Hamas as al-Qaeda or ISIS, and we must be united in helping Israel to do it. The destruction of Hamas would free Israel and Palestinians from suffering. We hear slogans ‘Free Palestine’. I totally agree, we must free Palestine from Hamas. Justifying the crimes of Hamas is the same as justifying the Holocaust. Hamas is a tool of both Iran and Russia. These two regimes are the source of terrorism. If we do not help Ukraine win the war as soon as possible, more fires will be set burning. And last but not least, in these terrible wars, we must all remain human.

Mr President, we cannot ignore the new form of hybrid warfare, instrumentalised migration, where dictators use migration as a weapon. We must make this clear in the documents of the European Union. States bordering unpredictable regimes such as Belarus and Russia must have the means to respond effectively to the instrumentalisation of migrants. On the same occasion, I would like to thank the Commission and you, Commissioner, for your help when Lukashenko attacked my country. Why do dictators organize hybrid attacks against European Union countries? Because they know all the holes in our legal system, in our external borders. They are able to cause chaos. They use deceived people as a weapon against us because we fail to protect our borders, contribute to the business of transporters, and help dictators initiate attacks. It is therefore very strange to me that the Socialists and the other Left in the LIBE Committee have deleted the Commission's proposal on instructive migration from the Schengen Borders Act. This must be brought back. It is not the position of the European Parliament to submit this act to the trilogue without important provisions to protect the external borders against intentional attacks against us. We must close the holes in the EU's legal system as soon as possible, but the urgency of starting a dialogue on the Schengen Borders Act must not come at the expense of the quality of the document. I call on my colleagues to return to the Schengen Borders Act as soon as possible the definition of instrumentalisation of migration proposed by the Commission.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Moldova always was Europe and Moldova belongs in Europe. I trust that the Commission will propose to start accession negotiations. Thanks to the leadership of President Maia Sandu and the current Government, Moldova has proved that it is a resilient democracy. Despite Russian interference and attempts at destabilisation, Moldova is making significant progress on the European path. This country is most exposed to Russia’s war in Ukraine, but it nevertheless was very brave to show true solidarity with Ukraine. Moldova is making difficult choices to free itself from Russian dependence, including in the energy sector. The EU must stand by Moldova and continue assisting its energy independence, modernisation and integration into EU. And, most important, with Moldova in the EU, Europe – all of us – will be stronger and more secure.

Madam President, dear colleagues, Armenians are facing a humanitarian crisis. The EU must help Armenia to take care of its people. The EU must also be prepared to impose sanctions on Azerbaijan if its military moves into Armenia’s territory. The EU can help set up the Nakhchivan transit scheme, building on the good practice of the Kaliningrad transit. But Armenians also must learn to live in a new reality. Many in Armenia already realise that relying on imperial Russia was a strategic and painful mistake. I therefore call on all responsible political forces in Armenia to find the strength and instead of fighting among themselves to start a debate on the future of Armenia. I would very much like to hear Prime Minister Pashinyan speaking from this podium. The EU must be ready to support a European future for Armenia if Armenians wish for it.

Madam President, thank you President for your strong leadership. I have a very realistic dream. We must achieve the EU enlargement no later than 2030. For this, it is necessary to invite Ukraine and Moldova for negotiations already this year. There has never been in history such a case: a nation fighting horrific military war carries out reforms and strengthens democracy all at the same time. The Ukrainians are doing it with a strong determination. Does the EU have the same? We also need to prepare to reform without delay. But some EU countries are dragging their feet. Some forget solidarity slogans and complain, even over grain. Some are afraid of Ukraine’s crushing military victory over Russia. ‘What will happen to Russia?’ they ask. I can answer with certainty: Ukraine’s victory will open the way for democratic change in Russia and in Belarus. It will free all Russia’s neighbours from the Kremlin’s blackmail and threats. Ukraine’s victory will bring lasting peace in Europe. Therefore, I say not ‘as long as it takes’, but ‘until Ukraine’s victory, until our victory’.

Madam President, Lithuania has the longest border with Belarus and we constantly live under Putin’s puppet Lukashenka’s provocations. But we strongly believe in Belarus’s European and democratic future. We have experienced Lukashenka’s weaponised migration attacks, the hijacking of an aircraft, the deployment of nuclear weapons, the arrival of the terrorist Wagner group, constant threats and blackmail. But we are not afraid: not afraid to name Lukashenko and Putin as war criminals; not afraid to admit that Ukraine’s crushing victory will bring changes in Russia, Belarus and the region. We have sheltered an unprecedented number of Belarusians. We host the only university in exile and the office of Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya. I urge to take regular contact with the representatives of democratic Belarus. Let’s not forget the political prisoners. Let’s prepare for democratic Belarus and help it come through.

Mr President, dear colleagues, Vice-President Valdis Dombrovskis, thank you for your personal involvement in saving Ukraine. Let me continue from where you left off. After Nova Kakhovka, it should be obvious to all that we must stop the terrorist Putin regime. And we must take bold steps that are needed to ensure sustainable peace in Europe for generations to come. This requires even more courage than we have shown so far. Putin likes it when the world fears him. I am not sure that we have learnt all of our lessons. Fear led some NATO countries in Bucharest not to grant MAP to Ukraine. Now we have a chance to correct our mistakes. The EPP Group recently adopted a position on Ukraine’s membership of NATO. The EPP expects that the upcoming Vilnius and Washington summits pave the way to extend an invitation to Ukraine to join NATO, and that the accession process will start after the war is over and be finalised as soon as possible. Why is this particularly important? First, a grey security zone of the size of Ukraine between Russia and the West would pose a permanent temptation. Second, Ukrainian battle-tested and Western-equipped armed forces would provide significant military added value in Europe. Third, it will unite us to guarantee sustainable peace on the European continent. And fourth, it will prevent any future possible aggressive revenge and stop Russian neo-imperial expansionism. ‘Do not be afraid’, said Pope Paul II back in the Soviet times. And Ukrainians are not afraid. Let us not be afraid to take bold steps today. Putin’s dictatorship is not power. Freedom is power.

Mr President, dear colleagues, the horrifying crimes the Russian regime is committing in Ukraine are not new. This is history repeating itself once again. My mother was nine years old when Stalin’s communists deported her and her family to Siberia, just because her parents were teachers. Only half the family returned. She could not have imagined that the deportations would return to the European continent in her eyes again. Deportations returned because the crimes of the USSR were not condemned, the perpetrators never convicted internationally; they lied to the world until the fall of the USSR that they were deporting prostitutes and criminals and this was somehow justified. The same lies accompany the war against Ukraine now. We have been repeating for a long time, ‘never again’. That is why the ICC arrest warrant for Putin is also a hope that this time the crimes will be evaluated so that the ‘never again’ will not remain just words. However, this warrant is only the beginning. Those who behead prisoners will also be sentenced, and there must be a special tribunal for the crime of aggression against Ukraine for Putin and his regime. By the way, I invite everyone to save the date: 14 June here in Strasbourg on the Louise Weiss Agora, the Parliament will commemorate forced Soviet deportations by reading the names of those deported. We will also pay respect to victims of deportations from Ukraine of today.

Mr President, dear colleagues, although we are late, we are finally getting to the point. The pandemic has woken Europe up and the Russian war has opened our eyes. We need for a strategy towards China. The right strategy requires the right assessment of the situation, and we got it from both key speakers today. Thank you. Russia and China have the same goal: to destroy the development of the democratic world, because democracy is a threat to both regimes. China’s aims are even greater: to take over as much of the world as possible. Hence, the key principle of our strategy is the unity of democracies. We cannot repeat the same mistakes. I hope that we have learned the lessons from the dependence on Russia. Today, when we speak about security, we need to talk not about autonomy from the US, but about the common strategy for democracies and how to overcome autocracies and dictatorships. Mr Weber is right. Taiwan is not just a US interest, President Macron, this part of the Chinese people – like Hong Kong as well – has proved that democracy is not a foreign idea to the Chinese. China seeks to divide us. The most striking example is the former 17+1 China—CEE cooperation format. The first step of the common strategy would be abandoning this format. I call for a long—term strategy towards Russia and China that is not aimed at momentary benefits but focuses on sustainable peace and security on the European continent.

Madam President. Thank you, Ukraine. Thank you for defending peace. What would Europe be like if Putin had taken over Ukraine in three days, as he planned? Yes, it was a horrible year. However, it would be much worse if the infection of Putinisation took over a large part of the European continent. Today, Ukraine is winning this war. But it depends on us, how fast the decisive Ukrainian victory will be achieved. A year ago, Ukrainians got not scared fending off terrorist Russia. We are safe behind Ukraine’s shoulders. And we also should not be scared. We must provide Ukraine with everything they need: air defence systems, fighter jets, tanks, long-range missiles. We must deliver on opening EU membership negotiations as soon as possible this year. We must not repeat the Bucharest NATO summit mistake: we must invite Ukraine to join NATO at the Vilnius NATO summit this year. Our bravery will bring the victory faster and save many Ukrainian lives. This can also bring change in Russia itself. But we must not be afraid of the fall of Putin’s regime. I didn’t want to say this – what I will say now today – but I have to. Yes, Berlusconi is horrible, but he is not alone. Socialist Schröder, Socialist Presidents of Croatia, Bulgaria, Socialist leader in Slovakia – let’s condemn all of them. Let’s fight all proxies of Putin on our own courtyards. Slava Ukraini!

Madam President, dear colleagues, Russia must be defeated and expelled from Ukrainian soil – not some day, but this year. This requires hundreds of tanks, fighter jets and long—range missiles, now. Ukraine must be invited to EU membership negotiations – not some day, but this year. Our goal is to grant EU membership to Ukraine before the end of this decade. Bold and swift EU decisions on Ukraine’s future in EU will help the country to ultimately defeat Putin. NATO must welcome Ukraine through its open doors, not at some point in the future, but as soon as war hostilities on its territory end. That means this year. We have to be ready for that. The EU must act as a geopolitical leader because this is a historic chance for us all. We need Ukraine.