What Ville spoke about.

The European Parliament stands firm. Since 2014, after the illegal annexation of Crimea, the European Parliament has frozen any contact with Russian state actors. And that is the correct thing to do. Russia has violated international law within Europe, within our neighbourhood, and they are threatening also EU Member States by different hybrid attacks. We cannot tolerate that happening and there is no point negotiating or discussing with a partner that uses every move from our side to move to their direction, to enforce their propaganda, to work more against us. So the only thing where we need Putin to talk is to give up his war on Ukraine. And it's the Ukrainians that need to do the talking.

Madam President, Putin and Russia use every inch of conciliation from the international community as a weapon to claim legitimacy for their lies and brutal violations of international law. This cannot be tolerated. There cannot be any normalisation or even talking with Russia, as long as they are not ready to take responsibility for their war crimes and stop their brutal war on Ukraine. We cannot be naive in Europe or we are played as fools. Being weak is fuel for Putin's war. Sports or cultural events are for Russia one key tool for achieving international legitimacy and spreading propaganda. It is not about innocent individuals participating. It is about state-sponsored participation under the Russian flag and corruption promoting the power of Putin's regime. Every Russian athlete in Russia is forced to support the regime – many willingly and many financed by the state and spreading its lies. Putin has a long history of playing with false propaganda, and we cannot allow it to have any room. We must stand strong in support of Ukraine, and the pressure must be where it should be – on stopping Putin's brutal war.

Mr President, President Trump is jeopardising much with his illegal war on Iran. Russia is gaining billions of euro every week with the freeze of American oil sanctions, while Ukraine is missing out on weapons support that is being used in the Gulf. Now, we are also facing a huge risk of a global recession due to the fossil energy price hike with the closure of the Strait of Hormuz. First of all, we all need to remember that first we need to convince the Americans to de-escalate and normalise the trade supply in the Gulf. Secondly, we in Europe must reinforce the green energy transition. Wind and solar cannot be stopped at the Strait of Hormuz. Electrification, grid investments, energy efficiency and energy savings must be encouraged. Member States that are furthest in the transition feel the least of this shock. Thirdly, we also must be prepared, in a continued price hike, to tax windfall profits. That income can then be used to support citizens and businesses that are most vulnerable. But we cannot meddle with the market mechanism by supporting fossil fuels, because that would only prolong the dependency. Energy independence is the way out of the crisis.

Mr President, the Arctic is heating up not only because of climate change but also because of geopolitics. That is also why cooperation between the European Union and Canada matters more than ever. We have a lot of values that bind ourselves together. We also have a possibility to forge an alliance where we can solve environmental, geopolitical and economic challenges together to create the North as a region of peace and environmental protection and also, when it comes to the Arctic, respect for indigenous peoples' rights. Our partnership should pave the way also for decarbonisation, climate action and also creating a fair and transparent international rules-based order. On these issues, we need also honesty. It is important that we update also our trade agreements. So I think it is important that we also reflect on our developed standards, on climate ambition and democratic standards when it comes to trade agreements, but also that we forge these agreements. Security and defence cooperation, additionally, is very important with Canada. I think this outcome is a good outcome, and I thank the rapporteur and the shadows for the good cooperation.

Mr President, Commissioner, Europe's energy debate has recently focused much on industry and infrastructure. These things matter, but the energy transition will ultimately succeed or fail with our citizens. So that is why the Citizens' Energy Package is an important shift, which we Greens have expected and which we also applaud. If we want public support for the transition, people must not only pay the costs, they must also receive the benefits. Today, millions of Europeans still struggle with energy bills and yet households producing their own solar energy can save up to EUR 260 to EUR 550 per year. And participation in energy communities can increase these savings to almost EUR 1 000 a year. Our energy policy is not only climate policy; it is also affordability policy, it is inclusiveness and it is also resilience. Distributed energy is very smart in these geopolitical times. So now we must make sure that we can deliver this package really to help Europeans in the energy transition and also to lower the costs.

Madam President, for four years now, Russia's full-scale war has continued. Over the years, something has changed – not only in Ukraine, but also here in Europe. When the war started, we pledged our support for as long as it takes. It has truly taken long. What was once shocking has become too much like a routine. Atrocious Russian missile strikes against civilians are no longer headline news. Russia is trying to freeze Ukrainians in their homes by striking energy facilities, and Russian war crimes pile after each other. Putin's war does not become less brutal just because some grow tired of hearing about it. It does not become less brutal just because some appeasers here are ready to abandon Ukraine. Appeasing Putin does not give peace; it leads to more atrocities. This winter has been Ukraine's hardest. The question now is not only what is happening in Ukraine, it's also what is happening to us, because integrity demands resilience. In Finland, today marks the day when my own country has been independent for a longer time than it was under the yoke of the Russian Empire before that. We understand what Ukraine is going through. The whole of Europe must understand it. We must stand united in support of Ukraine. Ukraine must prevail!

Mr President, the vast majority of this Parliament has been very impressive in its support for this trilogue outcome. And I think we have a clear vision. We want to go towards European energy independence, which is good for our competitiveness, good for our economy, good for our geopolitical security and good for climate. And I would like to address a few concerns raised by some, which I think are futile. It is not patriotic to rely on Russian fossil fuel imports, and it is not cheap to rely on Russian fossil fuel imports. If we look at what Russia has done in the last 25 years, when Putin has been in power, there has been continuous manipulation of prices in the European markets. It is divide and rule. And we see what happened in the autumn of 2021. We were not prepared in that, and in many Member States, the consequences felt after the gas prices went up was due to being too dependent on Russian fossil fuels. But in 2021, in autumn, Russian Gazprom actually they had been allowed to own a lot of these storages in Europe, like in Germany. They emptied those storages and prices went up already half a year before the war, the full-scale onslaught on Ukraine. So we knew that Putin is actually planning something huge, and he manipulated us in order to make Europe weak, that we would not support Ukraine. But on this, Putin was wrong. He couldn't manipulate us. We were in support of Ukraine, and we realised that we can never again allow them to have that power over us. Secondly, the prices of energy and electricity in Europe are lowest where there's the highest share of clean energy, renewable energy and domestic energy sources. Look at the Nordic energy market. I would very much like the German far right to also learn about how market economics works. Being reliant on single imports from an unreliable source that manipulates the prices is not good for the economy. Now we are exiting that dependence and we have to create energy independence, where we are also producing the vast majority of the energy production chain ourselves, bringing added value to our economy, and it is good for our competitiveness. So that is the future of Europe. It is free. It is free of Russian extortion and it is good for European citizens.

Madam President, for Russia, the export of fossil fuels has never been about trade. It has been about manipulation, extortion and control. Today, we are discussing a historic achievement and outcome in the trilogues. The EU is taking giant steps towards a new era free of Russian gas and oil. Never again dependency on Russia for fossil fuels. And Russia can never again use fossil fuel exports as a weapon against Europe. The path to this day has been has been long and it has been difficult, but we have to remember it's a historic outcome that we are here. The EU has never banned trade in such commodities with any country before, so this is of course beyond what is happening currently in Ukraine. We are helping Ukraine in the sense that we are stopping funding the Russian war machine, but we are also looking beyond that – we are making sure that Russia cannot use the export of fossil fuels to Europe to divide us. It has also been about control and trying to make Europe weaker – trying to divide and rule us. Therefore, it is important that we take a broader step with this trilogue outcome towards energy independence. I think it is important that Parliament's position on this file is very well reflected in the outcome. Parliament wanted not just an export ban or import ban on Russian fossil gas to be put in place, but we are also getting a statement from the Commission that they will propose a similar ban on Russian oil imports. Beyond that, Member States need to make a diversification plan, which needs to be in line with our energy commitments and targets as well. This means that we should look also beyond gas. We have to import LNG from other countries in the short term, and we have partners that we can do that with, but we should not bind ourselves to long-term LNG imports from any country. We should find ourselves long-term independence in energy by investing heavily in renewable energy, energy efficiency and other clean sources. This is the big chance for Europe here: we can look strategically beyond dependency on any external country, and we can look at building European competitiveness, address climate change and improve our security at the same time. I think it is important that the Commission continues with this spirit in mind when they go into the implementation of this plan. A few more words on the actual concrete outcome of the trilogues. I have to say, I think the outcome is something that Parliament has been pushing for for a number of years. Since the start of the Russian full-scale aggression and war in Ukraine in spring 2022, the European Parliament has been pushing for such a ban. Now we have achieved it very clearly and also with a faster timeline than the Commission's original proposal. So even the long-term contracts for LNG gas will be banned by the end of 2026 and there is a ban for pipeline gas by 30 September 2027. Also, Parliament achieved a very strong maximum penalty to be enforced by Member States against operators for infringement of the regulation. I think this is vital because this regulation is actually stronger than the sanctions regime, which means that there is no circumvention and no efforts by Russian actors that can circumvent the regulation and bring income from Russia through third countries. It is vital that this is implemented well. Furthermore, I think one of the reasons why this achievement is so strong is that this is a timely moment to make this change. We need this change happening now when there is a political frame from the Member States and from Parliament to achieve this. I do not think we would be here today without the broad agreement between the different parties and the shadow rapporteurs in both the INTA committee and the ITRE committee in the negotiations. This is an achievement by a vast majority of Parliament. I congratulate you all for that.

Madam President, in the current geopolitical climate, it is obvious that we have to strengthen our relationship with the UK. It is a relationship that must be built on trust. We have much in common and we should build on that. Our partnership with the UK only works if every word of the Withdrawal Agreement, the TCA and the Windsor Framework is fully and faithfully implemented, especially to protect the Good Friday Agreement and citizens' rights. It is important to work on playing on a level playing field, not a race to the bottom. The TCA is built on strong level-playing-field rules, whether on climate, environment, workers' rights, State aid and tax transparency. Any new UK trade deals or regulatory divergence must not undercut those standards or leak pressure into the single market. At the same time, there are areas where we can increase cooperation and the Parliament is pushing for that. More linkages between our ETS and CBAM with the UK, our cooperation in the energy market, and a common SPS are possibilities where we can work together. Workers and young people must be at the centre. Cooperation must be used to make sure that fair conditions for cross-border workers are being enshrined and we are building on youth mobility. Finally, it is also important that security and defence cooperation is the area where we can actually build a new strategic structural cooperation and that opportunity must be used for the future of Europe and for the future of democracy.

Mr President, Ukraine needs Europe now more than ever. We must deliver. Last week, one thing became obviously clear: a US Government that is not ready to protect democratic values within its own country cannot be trusted to protect these values abroad. It is a task we must bear in Europe. Ukraine needs a Europe that is united in its support, and Russian authoritarian imperialism and its war policy cannot be allowed to succeed. A capitulation or a forced peace on their terms would only increase the risk to democracy and the risk of future wars in Europe – not just for Ukraine, but for all of us. Europe must increase its military and diplomatic support to Ukraine. The decision on the EUR 140 billion reparations loan to Ukraine, with the backing of Russia's frozen assets, must be made in the coming weeks. Permanently banning also the imports of Russian gas and other fossil fuels must be finalised in the trilogues for the REPowerEU proposal next week. Sanctions must also be strengthened. Russia and its economy is reeling, so we must continue to push for support for Ukraine in order to achieve a just and lasting peace. That means justice also for the kidnapped children, it means sovereignty for Ukraine, it means respect for international law, and it means also that you must pay for war crimes that you have done. Never reward aggression. We can still achieve this peace, but only if we in Europe are all united in support of Ukraine.

Mr President, the Arctic is one of the most naturally sensitive areas of our magnificent planet. It is also the engine room of our climate system – and now it is in danger. The Arctic is warming up to three times faster than our climate in general. Glaciers melt, species flee north until their suitable habitat disappears, the Arctic Ocean acidifies and ecosystems become impoverished. Changes in the Arctic affect our entire climate and species spectrum, increasing the likelihood of bouncing points, disrupting polar vortex and ocean currents, and melting permafrost. At the same time, however, the Arctic region is attracting increasing geopolitical attention from major powers. The aim is to extract minerals and fossil fuels and manage the opening sea routes with power-policy motives. It tells a lot about humanity if, in the midst of an environmental crisis, only new fossil resources are competed for. At the same time, the voice of the indigenous peoples of the region threatens to drown in the midst of this neo-colonialism. The European Union must therefore be the voice of reason, civilisation, security and sustainable development in the midst of this irresponsibility. The Arctic, its inhabitants and its nature must be nurtured.

Madam President, China's export restrictions on critical raw materials and cleantech inputs are part of a broader pattern of state-driven market distortion and strategic dependency creation. We also need to address China's state-subsidised overcapacity in green technologies and steel production, which creates unfair competition for European industry. So the EU must respond through a very diverse policy, principled de-risking focused on recycling, substitution, eco design, circular economy and reducing reliance on Chinese chokepoints such as magnets, semiconductors, batteries and cleantech supply chains. We also need to strengthen the EU's green industrial capacity with a sustainable and rules-based framework. We are not just talking about tariffs, but also promoting competition by investing in green steel and increasing green mandates in public investment to increase the demand for green and recycled steel. We also need to strengthen the EU's economic security and establish a robust outbound investment screening mechanism. It is clear that European industry can win if we do it properly, but we also have to make sure that we are investing in the future, not just protectionism.

Mr President, for Russia and for Putin, export of fossil fuels has never been about trade. For Russia, it is about power, control, extortion and coercion. In short, about geopolitics. We are now finally ready in Europe to forever untie ourselves from this dependency. That is why this legislation to ban Russian gas imports and also the Parliament's inclusion to ban also oil imports is historic. In 2024, we were still importing fossil fuels from Russia to the value of EUR 22 billion – income that Russia uses to feed its war economy and its atrocious war on Ukraine. This is unacceptable. We must use sanctions to stop Russia's war, but we also must go beyond sanctions. The European Parliament has adopted a position that not only bans forever Russian gas and oil imports, but it also does it with strict timetables, strict enforcement and closing of all loopholes and without exemptions, targeting also the shadow fleet and other efforts of circumvention by Russia. This is timely and this is super important. At the same time, we need to build the future as we quit the past. We need to build a sustainable European energy system based on renewables, energy efficiency, electrification and other clean European solutions. This is also about competitiveness, it is about climate action and it is about protecting democracy against the fossil dictators. We need to convince the Council in the trilogues to have the same ambition to quit Russian fossil fuels once and for all.

Madam President, Russia's war didn't just attack Ukraine, it attacked the future of European democracy and the rules‑based international order. Russia has committed atrocious war crimes one after another – stealing children, using all kinds of violence against Ukrainian civilians, including systematic torture, rape and bombing of civilian targets. Justice demands that the aggressor pays for its crimes. The European Commission's reparations loan up to EUR 140 billion, backed by the Russian frozen assets in Europe, is a concrete change Ukraine needs now. We must ensure legal clarity but not hide truth and justice behind excuses. The reparation loan is a down payment of reparations that Russia must pay based on an international tribunal. The frozen assets themselves are still waiting there for that process; the ownership of the money has not changed. Now let us deliver for Ukraine: step up defence support, accelerate reconstruction and hold Russia accountable, and ensure Europe's values and security. Stand firm.

Mr President, Russia's accelerated hybrid operations are a sign of change. Russia is increasingly desperate. It is increasingly desperate to dismantle us and our ability to act for our values. Our retaliation must be determined. While we combat drone operations and airspace violations in an orderly manner, we must ensure that they do not distract us from what Russia is really afraid of. The frozen Russian assets must be mobilised as a war reparations loan for Ukraine. The shadow fleet must be stopped by requiring adequate insurance for each vessel in the Danish straits. Our support for Ukraine must be increased, both in the economy and in the supply of weapons. Russia's fossil energy imports must be stopped once and for all. This represents a loss of more than EUR 20 billion per year for Russia. At the same time, sanctions against Russia in the world must be tightened through extensive cooperation. The Russian threat will therefore be tackled with decisive action, and what is essential is that the initiative is kept at our disposal.

Madam President, let's not sugar-coat it. China isn't just restricting exports. It is testing Europe's weakness. Seven rare earth elements and one loud message: 'we control your clean tech'. This is not about trade. This is geopolitical blackmail with magnets. The EU imports 98 % of its rare-earth magnets from China. That's not a supply chain; that's a stranglehold. We cannot walk into the EU–China Summit begging for exemptions. That's not strength; that's surrender. We cannot be quiet about China's support to the Russian economy, and we cannot be quiet about the deterioration of human rights in China. Therefore, our response to blackmail must be bold: resilience, secularity, autonomy. We need to stop chasing virgin materials and start valuing what we already have. Recycle more, waste less, design better. Permanent magnets must be built to last and to be reused. Let's stop being naive. China has done this before, weaponising rare earths in 2010. Now they're doing it again. So that means that we in Europe must de-risk seriously. Secure strategic stocks and force risk assessments. Plan like it's already a crisis because it already is. We have the tools and we have the laws. Now we need the political courage. When we source materials from the Global South, we must build on true partnerships. No extraction without consent. No transition built on exploitation. Let's not trade our climate future for cheap magnets. Let's build a circular, just and sovereign Europe.

Mr President, today we welcome a step forward for Justice Beyond Borders. The UK's accession to the Hague Convention is not just good news, it's a win for legal certainty for businesses, families and individuals on both sides of the Channel. But let's be clear: this debate is not about the UK today. It is about us, about our role as Parliament in shaping how the EU builds binding legal ties with the rest of the world. We believe in the rule of law. We believe that judgments recognised across borders must be rooted in fairness, due process and human rights. And we also believe that the European Parliament must have a say when those decisions impact millions of Europeans. The Commission should take the legal role of the co-legislators properly into account in this ratification process. That's why we are here today, to make sure our democratic role isn't sidelined, to ensure that Parliament's voice is heard, respected and empowered. Let's build bridges, yes, but let's build them strong, transparent and with full democratic oversight, because Europe works best when it works together.

Mr President, all people are born free and equal in dignity and rights. The UN Declaration of Human Rights guarantees the same rights to children in Gaza, Tel Aviv and Brussels. This is not the reality in Gaza today: starving children, family members killed, forced displacement of the population into concentration camp-like conditions and homes and hospitals bombed to the ground. More than 50,000 children have been killed or wounded as a result of the Israeli invasion and occupation. As long as this genocide and ethnic cleansing of citizens takes place before our eyes, we have a duty to intervene. The double standards and silence of European leaders in the face of this genocide are intolerable. If we don't, we are complicit. Humanitarian aid must reach Gaza fully and through established international actors. Arms trade with Israel must be stopped, the EU must impose significant sanctions on Israel and genocide-promoting decision-makers, and the EU-Israel Association Agreement must be chilled. The children of Gaza have a right to live.

Mr President, looking at the NATO summit from Finland that has over 1300 km of border with Russia, it is a no brainer to support the 3.5 % target on actual core military spending. NATO stands at a turning point and we Greens support credible deterrence, but it must be strategic and accountable. And the EU has a vital role in this. The EU can make sure that the added spending is mainly focussed on joint capabilities that EU‑NATO countries have the capability also to act alone without the support of the US. This is necessary to negate the threat of Russia. The EU can also make sure that much more is spent on European defence industry and on joint procurement. We need to mainly support Ukraine and stockpile our own reserves, and that means priority orders and not to give grants to an already lucrative industry in sales to dubious third countries, and not to spend at the cost of spending cuts on the welfare of our citizens. We need to base the spending on defence, on our European values. For those are the values that we want to protect.

Madam President, an essential part of Russian warfare in Ukraine is war of terror against civilians. Use of rape, torture, detentions illegally and illegal deportations of children are a big part of Russian warfare. This is systematic. Russian propaganda tries to dehumanise Ukrainians. They try to strip their nationhood and they try to strip their identity. This is part of Putin's imperialism that must be held accountable. Total civilian casualties since February 2022 stand at 13 134 deaths and nearly 32 000 injured, as per the UN. Over 19 500 children have been deported and 16 000 Ukrainian civilians remain illegally detained by Russia, subject to torture and mock trials. We must demand immediate, unconditional release of all civilians and POWs, including the children. We must demand full humanitarian access to Red Cross, we must increase sanctions, and we must hold Putin accountable also to the war crimes in the special tribunal, in the Council of Europe and in the ICC.

Dear Mr/Ms President, Commissioner, Putin's power rests on fossil energy exports and revenues. Gas and oil are greasing the wheels of Russia's military economy, and it is intolerable that in recent years, even after Russia's invasion, Europe has continued to finance Russia's military economy by purchasing fossil energy from Russia. Thank you the Commission that now, at last, there will be clarity that legislative means will ensure that we give up Russian fossil energy imports altogether. I am also grateful that the import of uranium has also been taken into account here in the case of nuclear fuel. It is very important to recognise that all the energy of the 21st century has been a geopolitical tool for Russia to blackmail, exploit and trick its partner countries into committing to it so that Russia's military policy has gained more and more ground. With this decision and these proposals, the Commission, the EU and Parliament will ensure that we no longer give Putin this power. It is also a step forward for Ukraine to defend its country and for Europe to make the transition to sustainable energy solutions. We fully support the Commission here.

Madam President, China's crackdown on religious minorities is intensifying. Under Xi Jinping, Tibetan Buddhists and Uyghurs face forced assimilation, surveillance and brutal repression. This is state–sponsored cultural erasure. Religious freedom in China is among the worst globally, and Tibet is, in this sense, under siege. Children are forced into boarding schools to erase their identity. Religious leaders are imprisoned and some, like Humkar Dorje Rinpoche, die in custody under murky circumstances. This isn't just a domestic issue – it's an EU concern. China's human rights abuses have strained EU‑China relations, and the EU must act. We must suspend extradition treaties with the PRC to protect exiles and dissidents from persecution. We also must have sanctions – effective sanctions – against those officials and entities that are responsible for Tibet's repression. And we must demand an independent international inquiry on the circumstances of Humkar Dorje Rinpoche. We cannot forget Tibet, and we must make sure that human rights are at the core of our relationship towards China.

Mr President, a country where people are well educated, where nature is taken care of and where people also have choices in life, where people see hope, where they are equal and where no one is discriminated against. Such a country is a country that we also want to defend, if necessary armedly. That is, the preparedness strategy is about seeing the importance of a well-being society and equality and inclusion for our societies to be resilient. This is exactly what Russian dictator Vladimir Putin is attacking. He sees democracy as a threat because we have a voice. That is why I would like to thank the Commission, in the preparation of the preparedness strategy, for having a comprehensive approach here, just like the Niinistö report on which it is based. But we still have those voices, like NATO Secretary-General Mark Rutte and many on the political right, who see that we now need to invest in defence and at the same time cut social security or pensions. We must clearly say no to this. The welfare state and equal opportunities to train and succeed in working life also create the foundation on which people have media literacy and faith in the future. And then our society will also be resilient and ready for various crises. Therefore, readiness is about equality of people.

Mr President, Russia's invasion of Ukraine was a gross violation of international law. In addition, Russia is violating the Budapest Treaty, in which it commits itself, in exchange for Ukraine's abandonment of nuclear weapons, to safeguarding its independence and freedom. Russia repeatedly violates international law by committing war crimes against civilians. The European Union, and also the Council of Europe, have recorded the repeated war crimes committed by Russia, and it is obvious that, also on the basis of UN decisions and legislation, Russia has an obligation to make good this damage. Now we are in a situation where we need to assess how to stop the chain of illegalities. We have an ethical and moral obligation now to confiscate Russian assets that are frozen so that we can prevent further illegal activities in Ukraine. We can later submit this decision to the consideration of a special international court, which will assess the scale of Russia's war crimes. But it is obvious that the scale of the crimes and the liability of Russia exceeds the sum of up to EUR 210 billion held by Europe, the assets of the Central Bank of Russia. So these must now be confiscated and ensure that Ukraine can defend justice.

Mr President, coming from a country that shares 1 300 kilometres of border with Russia and a country that has had over 50 wars or border skirmishes with Russia in its history, I must say to you that we must show respect to Ukraine that is protecting democracy today, every day, with their lives. This is not a theoretical discussion about where Europe shall head. This is a very serious discussion about how we can protect the international rules-based order, the national sovereignty of countries, and the right of countries to determine their own fate. Russia and Putin do not believe in that. They want their empire, they want their sphere of influence, and they are building a war economy that is threatening Europe, but also countries outside of the EU. By this paper – and I urge you, Commissioner, to be very strong and ambitious – we show that Europe is united, that we can invest in defence, we can create military capabilities where Europe is united and can also act alone without the support of the United States. And that is something that negates the threat of Russia and protects democracy and peace in Europe – that is what we must achieve.