Speeches

Mr President, Russia's invasion of Ukraine was a gross violation of international law. In addition, Russia is violating the Budapest Treaty, in which it commits itself, in exchange for Ukraine's abandonment of nuclear weapons, to safeguarding its independence and freedom. Russia repeatedly violates international law by committing war crimes against civilians. The European Union, and also the Council of Europe, have recorded the repeated war crimes committed by Russia, and it is obvious that, also on the basis of UN decisions and legislation, Russia has an obligation to make good this damage. Now we are in a situation where we need to assess how to stop the chain of illegalities. We have an ethical and moral obligation now to confiscate Russian assets that are frozen so that we can prevent further illegal activities in Ukraine. We can later submit this decision to the consideration of a special international court, which will assess the scale of Russia's war crimes. But it is obvious that the scale of the crimes and the liability of Russia exceeds the sum of up to EUR 210 billion held by Europe, the assets of the Central Bank of Russia. So these must now be confiscated and ensure that Ukraine can defend justice.

Mr President, coming from a country that shares 1 300 kilometres of border with Russia and a country that has had over 50 wars or border skirmishes with Russia in its history, I must say to you that we must show respect to Ukraine that is protecting democracy today, every day, with their lives. This is not a theoretical discussion about where Europe shall head. This is a very serious discussion about how we can protect the international rules-based order, the national sovereignty of countries, and the right of countries to determine their own fate. Russia and Putin do not believe in that. They want their empire, they want their sphere of influence, and they are building a war economy that is threatening Europe, but also countries outside of the EU. By this paper – and I urge you, Commissioner, to be very strong and ambitious – we show that Europe is united, that we can invest in defence, we can create military capabilities where Europe is united and can also act alone without the support of the United States. And that is something that negates the threat of Russia and protects democracy and peace in Europe – that is what we must achieve.

Mr President, where does industrial competitiveness come from? It comes from productivity. And where does productivity come from? Well, it comes from increasing the added value of our production chains and from technological leaderships. I think it is important that the Commission stops this kind of paradoxical view that at the same time the Commission says that the 90 % climate target is important, we are decarbonising our economy, we are going forward in combining the green and competitive angles of our future. They need to be seen together, but there is still also this other underlying discussion whether we actually should have less focus on greening our economies. We should really be clear that that means that we have less competitive future. Investing in green technologies, in lead markets, in R&I is what Europe needs to do more. When we do more investments in renewable and energy efficiency, we get industrial production that's more competitive in the global market that has an increasing demand. So we have to make sure that we support the taxonomy, for example, to get more investment into Europe and not create confusion by the omnibus discussion.

Mr President, it is absolutely ridiculous to claim that cable breakages in the Baltic Sea are damage. Suddenly, several tankers in the Baltic Sea would have started to drag their anchors tens of kilometres on the seabed without sabotage, and at the same time revolve around well-known cable routes - well, certainly not. Russia's shadow fleet must be stopped because of the major environmental and safety risks posed by ships in poor condition. The EU Commission and Member States must ensure that all vessels belonging to the shadow fleet are sanctioned. At the same time, with the help of our partners, as we make the impact global, stopping the shadow fleet will, if successful, deprive Russia of billions of euros in export revenues and intensify energy sanctions and Russia's isolation. In addition, there is a need to ensure systematic monitoring of the insurance of all suspicious vessels in each Member State in the Baltic Sea. At the same time, all the ways in which the Law of the Sea intervenes in the Baltic Sea without proper insurance papers or if the vessel is under sanctions must be ensured. In my view, the Law of the Sea also allows interference in the Danish straits if there is reason to suspect a serious risk to the environment and safety, and such a risk is indeed posed by the shadow fleet. We need to take the initiative into our own hands and not just react to Russian sabotage.

Mr President, the latest case is just one in a series of disruptions to critical links in the Baltic Sea for the EU. Last time this happened with the Balticconnector gas pipeline and the data cable connected to it, the main suspect was a Chinese vessel. And so it is this time as well. We suspect it's damage caused by a Chinese ship. We know that Russia is engaged in hybrid warfare and that Russia is trying to cause various evils to the ability of the Member States of the European Union to act in this situation. But the fact that Chinese vessels are suspected in this situation makes this particularly detrimental to the future of Europe, for we must also recognise that the strategic link between China and Russia is one that Europe cannot allow to continue as it is. So it is absolutely essential now, on behalf of the Commission and on behalf of the leadership of the Member States, to make close contact with the Chinese government and show that their merchant fleet cannot be involved in such activities and must be fully involved in the investigation so that the allegations can be properly investigated. This cannot continue.

Mr President, the oil spills in the Baltic Sea and the money for Putin's fund of war. No, thank you! The Russian shadow fleet is transporting sanctioned Russian oil to the market at the expense of all of us. Many of these ships are old, unfit and underinsured. Their ownership is unclear and ships are registered under the flag of third countries to hide where the oil comes from and who really gets the revenue from the trades. In the worst case, we will still have an oil disaster in the Baltic Sea, and then we cannot just spread our hands that nobody could do anything. We can do something, and the Russian war economy will only be exhausted by effective sanctions, and we have a number of ways to stop the shadow fleet. Requiring comprehensive liability insurance for all ships operating in the EU EEZ would be the most efficient way to do this, with strict audits and controls in EU ports. We must also insist on the implementation of the vessels and sanctions under the flags of convenience. Panama, for example, has already agreed to close its own national register of sanctioned ships. The more we add these ships to the sanctions list, the more we get them out of the world's waters, too, from exporting Russian oil and threatening the environment. Commission, take action now!

Mr President, democracy and a free society are dying in the darkness. Strong, independent media and freedom of expression are at the heart of democracy and ensure that our values are defended now and in the future. Journalists must be able to do their work safely. It is the basis for the communication of an open and free society, and that is what Putin is deeply afraid of. Russia's attacks on journalists and media freedom, both in Russia and in connection with the war in Ukraine, are unacceptable. Russia's Federal Security Service (FSB) has filed charges against international journalists for illegal immigration. Journalists, including Deutsche Welle and CNN, have crossed the Russian border with Ukraine in Sudzha, in the Kursk region of Western Russia, reporting on the war. If found guilty, journalists can face up to five years in prison. It is clear that the purpose of the charges is to complicate and censor the work of international journalists reporting on the war, and this is contrary to international law. But Russia's action against the media is not limited to this. The obvious purpose of Russia's actions is to prevent transparent reporting of war and war crimes committed by Russia. Many journalists, especially Ukrainians, have been imprisoned or even killed in Russian captivity and torture, such as Viktoriya Roshchyna, who died last month and bravely exposed the facts of suffering under Russian occupation in eastern Ukraine. We in Europe must be uncompromising on the side of free media. We must ensure that free media uphold democracy and hope for a better future, both in Ukraine and in Europe at large.

Mr President, Commissioner, I would also like to thank the Commissioner for committed work for a green energy transition in the last five years. But we are still in a position where a lot more needs to be done. And if we look at energy, it has always been a tool of geopolitics. Putin's war of aggression to Ukraine puts the EU in a serious spot. We have managed to cut our dependency on Putin's fossil fuels. Sanctions on Russian energy commodities have been vocally called for, and the time to act for remaining loopholes is now. Many Member States are still importing quite a lot of Russian gas. And this is something that is not acceptable. Importing Russian gas equals to funding Putin's war. And we must stop that. At the same time, the energy sector is the key for reaching our climate targets and keeping the energy system resilient and sustainable. Devastating floods and other extreme weather phenomena show that there is no time to lose for climate action. Overall, the report notes that, to stay on track with the EU 2030 reduction target and climate neutrality target by 2050, the EU needs to pick up the pace of change and increase the focus on areas where the required emission reductions are still significant, like buildings and transport, and to reverse the declining trend of the LULUCF net sink. In land use, the climate and biodiversity calls must align and this applies to energy policy as well. Scaling up renewables is obviously something that has taken big steps forward, but progress on the renewables target is still modest. Too many Member States are lagging behind the EU level binding target of 42.5 %, let alone the aspirational target of 45 %. To this extent, the report supports our continued call from the Greens for stronger Commission enforcement within the Energy Union governance and market action to boost renewables. And when it comes to prices, I would like to say look at the European electricity market. The prices are lowest in the countries like the Nordics, with those most renewables in the system, most functioning electricity market and less dependency on gas and fossil fuels. So if you are worried about the prices, invest in renewables, invest in your grids and support the green transition.

Mr President, the fact that we, as the European Union, now decide to withdraw from the Energy Charter Treaty shows how far we have come in terms of climate action. This deal has been the only thing that fossil companies have had left as they desperately tried to slow down Europe's transition towards carbon-neutral and clean energy. In recent years, we have mobilised hundreds of billions, if not thousands of billions, of investments in clean energy and the clean green transition. It can be said that, according to the International Energy Agency, Europe's green transition has created 30% of Europe's growth in recent years, while globally green growth accounts for 10% of economic growth. So this is where we have progressed and the fact that we are now withdrawing from this Charter for the Protection of Fossils is an important step in continuing our work to make Europe and the European Union the first to get rid of fossil energy completely, and it is also a signal that we are stepping up investment in clean solutions.

Mr President, I am worried about the European governments’ capabilities to do the necessary future investments that Europe needs to also increase its competitiveness and productivity in the coming years. If you look at what the Chinese and the Americans are doing, they are spending a lot on decarbonisation and the green goals. More specifically, I would like to raise a question on spending on research and innovation. We will not have an increase of productivity in Europe and leadership in industries if we do not increase our research and innovation spending. On average, we are about 2.2% of GDP currently in Europe, and South Korea is spending 5% on research and innovation. So this has to be focused also in the European Semester, that European governments increase their spending on R&I and we increase the average in European level in the short term, already 3% of the GDP. This has to be the focus of the European Semester, also to increase productivity, but then also be a world leader on decarbonisation. We cannot do it by spending half the amount that the South Koreans are spending, and a lot less than the Chinese and the Americans are spending on a GDP comparison: we have to do better.

Madam President, I do appreciate the way our Prime Minister spoke about European defence and the need to support Ukraine. On that, we Finns are united. Europe needs to lift itself in order to stop Putin’s war policy and his policy of aggression. However, our Prime Minister is a man of softly spoken words. He says, for example, that he wants to build on the Nordic labour model in Finland, when his actions are actually dismantling it. He says that he wants to keep the Finnish carbon neutrality target, when they do no action to achieve it, neither when it comes to forest sinks or reducing emissions or promoting CCS that he says that they would like to promote. They just don’t do it. At the same time, he gave an interview to Politico last week about the far right Finns Party in your government, and you said that you have ‘moderated’ them by giving them ministerial posts. They are not far right anymore, you said. Well my question is, what party actually has changed in this government when Finland is facing unprecedented, historical strikes larger than in decades, with your labour cuts and your cuts on welfare, where a middle-income earner who becomes unemployed, a women with two children, can lose over EUR 500 a month? Which party has changed? Have you moderated the far right, or have you yourself moved further to the right to legitimise anti-egalitarian, anti-climate policies that are dismantling the Nordic labour model? That is the question that you have to answer.

Madam President, coming from the EU country that has the longest border with Russia, namely Finland, I cannot emphasise too much the need for us to move from words to operational strength in security and defence in Europe. It is important that we realise that we have to urgently put the focus on conventional weapons for Ukraine and our own defence readiness in making European cooperation the rule for armed forces and defence industries. The most urgent task is to realise that Russia is in war economy. Russia’s war policies will not stop if we do not support Ukraine enough to force them to do that. Russia has increased, by the accounts of the Bank of Finland , by 35 % the production of war-related industries from the pre-war period in 2002. That means that they will continue as long as they can. So it’s not enough for us to support Ukraine as long as they need. We need to support them as much and as fast as they need, and that means strengthening European defence and security cooperation and putting the focus on quality and operational strength.

Mr President, it’s imperative that we get the 2040 emission reduction target right from the start. That is both for the reality of the climate crisis to address that, but also for the efficient decarbonisation of the European economy. We must learn this from the 2020-2030 discussions. The communication feels, from that viewpoint, that of missed opportunities. The Commission has started with the 90 % target. That was the minimum of the scientific panel. But from there it looks like you have looked too much at short-term fixes instead of maximising action that is really the industrial revolution and the strategic autonomy our economy needs. There is no deadline for fossil fuels. There is no goal of 100 % renewables by 2040. And you’ve made room for nuclear, not at the cost of fossil fuels, but at the cost of renewables. There is too much reliance on CCS, instead of looking at industrial investments that can be long-term solutions that bring also jobs to Europe. On agriculture and forestry, it’s also an economic possibility to invest in carbon farming and not just being quiet about those possibilities. So, I think we can do more and the Commission can do more. This is only a starting point for that.

Madam President, geothermal energy holds considerable untapped potential within the EU. Given its weather-independent, continuous, reliable and renewable nature, it can play a significant role in the decarbonisation of the energy sector, particularly in heating and cooling applications, and also including linking it with district heating, but also in strengthening the EU’s energy autonomy and encouraging the development of local energy communities. This is one of the energy sources where local people can also play a big role in creating energy independence for Europe. However, limitations such as restricted access to data, regulatory, technical and financial barriers are currently hindering its full utilisation. The lack of harmonised and complete data, sufficient geothermal resource mapping, dedicated rules for geothermal projects – also combined with the shortage of skilled labour – have highlighted the need for political action. Nevertheless, it is also imperative to remember that any development in this domain should adhere to the highest environmental standards, take into account legitimate public concerns, and carefully consider the specific geological conditions of each Member State. But it is also a question of good planning beforehand. Future legislation in this area will play a key role in stimulating the development of the sector and unlocking its potential. The new report, voted tomorrow in Parliament, aims to find solutions to these challenges and asks the Commission to put forward a legislative proposal that can tap the untapped potential of geothermal energy. I thank very much all the colleagues that have worked on this report and urge the Commission to continue work on the basis of it.

Mr President, solutions to the green transition and Europe's self-sufficiency must be found elsewhere than at the bottom of the sea. According to a study commissioned by WWF, a combination of circular economy, new technologies and recycling could reduce mineral demand by 58% between 2022 and 2050. Here is the solution we need. A sustainable solution is not to dig up ever more virgin natural resources and cause ever greater harm to nature and ecosystems. In particular, the adverse effects on nature and the climate associated with deep-sea mining are difficult to predict and impossible to manage. Scientists warn that mining can have devastating impacts on marine ecosystems and that the impacts on carbon sinks cannot be predicted. Accidents are almost unavoidable. In a situation where science is not even aware of all possible risks, it would be irresponsible to authorise such activities, and therefore the European Parliament must continue to insist on a moratorium on deep-sea excavations and also show Norway that this is the right direction for a sustainable relationship with nature.

Mr President, every second we debate in this Chamber in Russia, the wheels of the military economy spin. The Bank of Finland has calculated that Russia has increased the production of industries related to the war economy by 35 per cent since the pre-war period in Ukraine. In Russia, production is only increasing. At the same time, weapons are coming from North Korea and Iran. And what are we doing here? We promise that we will support Ukraine for as long as it needs, but at the same time we will not support it as much and as quickly as it needs. And this is the key question. We must ensure that Ukraine is able to defend its own national sovereignty, because Putin will not stop. He's waiting for us to get tired. He's waiting for the U.S. election. He expects democracies to be weak. We must show Putin that we will not give up. We will not give up always defending international law, democracy and Ukraine's independence, so that Ukraine can have the peace it deserves, which it wants. And that is the goal that the European Union must support with every action.

Mr President, if you expected the climate conference in Dubai to resolve the climate crisis, you were deeply disappointed. If you were expecting even small bright spots in the fact that we are able to take adequate climate action, you can see them too. The bright spot, of course, is that the meeting, dominated and even hosted by fossil lobbyists, provided for the first time a record of humanity moving away from fossil fuels. If you look at the resolution, there are strong targets for what should be done, and the disease picture of the state of the climate crisis is real. They want to listen to science. But what's missing is commitment to action. No real new commitments came from Dubai, and the European Union has an important role to play here. We need to make sure that the record of ‘separation from fossils’ materialises. We have to prove it ourselves. We must ensure that the tripling of renewable energy is achieved and that energy efficiency is doubled. By setting an example, we can engage others and also change the market, making it clear to everyone that fossils are no longer invested and are being driven down all over the world.

Of course, as a former Minister for the Environment, I know that we must balance so that we can also open new mines in Finland and Sweden. But it must be done in cooperation with the toughest environmental requirements and we cannot override environmental protection issues or the rights of the Sami people. It is much better now to ensure that we invest in resource reuse and better circulation of raw materials instead of creating even more environmental problems in our nature. I know how much the mines have also created these problems even before the legislation, so now it would be even worse.

Mr President, with this bill, the European Union is opening a fast lane for mining projects. By defining the status of a strategic project for a mining project, the Commission can in practice steer a Member State in the direction of dismantling environmental and nature conservation objectives and areas. This is the wrong direction. We cannot in any way pursue a green transition at the expense of nature and environmental objectives in a situation where, according to the National Panel on Nature, 70 per cent of the original nature has already been destroyed in a country such as Finland. This is a kind of neo-colonialism in the air, if the Germans and the French tell the Finns and the Swedes that your nature can be destroyed in the name of mines, because we need raw materials. A particularly sensitive issue is the rights of the indigenous Sámi people. That is why the Finnish Greens are critical of the proposal in this form, even though Parliament has improved it, and we will vote against it. (The speaker agreed to answer the blue card question).

Mr President, Commissioner, thank you to the Commission for this annual overview. I think this report highlights very well how we have tackled the worst of the energy crisis and managed to cut off a large share of imports from Russia and fossil fuels. But even if we acknowledge that, it is very clear that we need to do even more in the near future. Some Member States have replaced their dependency on Russian fossil fuels with other fossil fuels, and we need to look at long-term solutions in order to achieve our goals in renewable energy by 2030. If we are looking at the increase to 42.5% of the EU energy mix by 2030, that will require a much faster growth that in the coming years than we’ve had in the past. Even more so for the aspirational, more ambitious target of 45%. So, my question is, what does the Commission do to make sure that all the Member States are on board in this, and also including energy efficiency, which is key to reducing dependency on fossil fuels and gas, especially in heating and cooling. In heating and cooling and transport the progress has been more modest, so it is important that all sectors are included, not just the electricity sector, which is doing strongly. We expect more from the Commission also in reducing fossil fuel subsidies and making sure all sectors are included.

Mr President, fur farming is deeply unethical. All animals must be guaranteed species-specific behaviour, and breeding for killing in a small cage for fur causes them constant suffering, disease and behavioural disorders. The European Citizens’ Initiative ‘Fur Free Europe’ calls for a ban on fur farming across the EU and its message is clear. Fur farming must be banned as ethically and ecologically unsustainable. The responsibility now lies with our decision-makers. Turkistarhaus is a declining sector across Europe. Several Member States have already imposed national bans, and now it is time for the EU as a whole to follow suit. The profitability of the sector has been weak, and many farms are financially cramped. The epidemics have also highlighted the economic difficulties of the sector and its unethical nature. In addition, demand is mainly limited to Russia and China. It is important that fur farming is abandoned and, at the same time, that entrepreneurs and workers are trained and supported in the transition to new professions. The legislative reforms promised by the Commission to improve animal welfare are still waiting. Citizens' initiatives promoting animal rights have been hugely popular. The Commission now has an excellent opportunity to show that it cares about animal rights in Europe. So take the initiative forward.

Madam President, the European green bond standard regulation aspires to set the gold standard for European green bonds and aligning them rigorously with the taxonomy technical screening criteria and subjecting them to external review. On behalf of the ENVI opinion rapporteur, Bas Eickhout, I was asked to deliver a few comments on the outcome. The outcome introduces a voluntary standard, permitting other bonds to bear the green label without true compliance. This is still a problem. We need transparency and comparability. We advocated for stringent regulations encompassing the entire green bond market, not just the European green bond label. Parliament advocated in its position for binding transparency requirements for the rest of the bonds that are labelled as green. We need to further continue work on this to avoid greenwashing and to allow investors to compare green bonds. Regrettably, the Council’s position took a different turn, allowing flexibility pockets of up to 15% and opposing comprehensive regulation. Despite this, progress was made, and increased transparency for gas and nuclear activities is included. Progress should be seen in the light of the entirety of the outcome and further progress is needed in the future.

Mr President, Commissioner, I have to say I am surprised by the tone of this discussion. This is the spring when finally the nations of the world agreed on a global High Seas Treaty to protect our oceans and ocean wildlife. These have been exploited and we have risks of overfishing, risks of climate crisis, especially in the sensitive Arctic Ocean here near Europe. And this discussion is not talking about the real issue: how to make sure the way we use oceans and marine ecosystems is sustainable because there is no fishing if we continue overfishing. This should be the tone of the debate. I have to thank the Commission for being active in finally addressing these issues. The UN biodiversity summit last year approved a historic deal, taking much-needed steps to protect nature and to stop the loss of biodiversity by 2030. The High Seas Treaty is an important element of that and I am happy that the EU has pledged, also for the Global Oceans Programme, financial resources to support this work and to make sure that we stop practices that are unsustainable and create protection of wildlife and marine ecosystems that is much needed in Europe and elsewhere.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, with the Fit for 55 package, energy and climate files are mainly agreed. We are now moving very fast into a renewables-based energy system, and renewables are the main tool to achieve the climate ambition. Currently, energy use accounts for 75% of our greenhouse gas emissions and for these emissions to be reduced in a cost efficient way, we also need different flexibility tools, such as demand-side response, supply-side flexibility, interconnections and obviously, as a key component, storage. Therefore, the communication is very important in this regard. We will need more storage to have a cost-efficient, climate-smart and integrated energy system that helps Europe to move into a sustainable energy system. I am happy to see that many elements from our own initiative report, led by Renew’s Claudia Gamon, that the Parliament voted on in July 2020, are included in the communication, namely the need for different types of storage with different time frames. One evolving example is the storage within district heating, which makes it possible also for district heating to be a part of an integrated, effective flexibility mechanism; the important role of individuals and collectives, including also the role of electric vehicles as potential decentralised storage assets, so we have more and more prosumers also within the context of storage; the requirement to consider storage when planning new grid infrastructures as new infrastructure might not be needed or to a different extent when adequate storage is available. In general, the Greens support the Commission’s recommendation on energy storage. However, the main points of this text must be anchored in the market design legislation and they should not only be non-binding recommendations. In the Renewable Energy Directive, the permitting aspects related to storage assets were accelerated, so developing storage can be a lot faster than we have foreseen in so far. The Parliament wanted an obligation for Member States to set up demand-side response and storage targets. However, during the trilogue phase, the main argument to not include these targets was that the RED was not the right place to do this, while the market design reform would be. Therefore, now we urge to introduce binding targets to allow for a cost-efficient transition into the electricity market design negotiations. In the same vein, an obligation to consider the potential of storage and demand response in any capacity generation mechanism is key for cost-efficiency and climate-smart solutions. To conclude, I hope to see many of the elements of the communication introduced into actual legislation.

Mr President, thank you for the debate and the positive, constructive spirit. I obviously also want to answer to the question stated by one MEP about is this enough. Obviously, we all know when it comes to climate ambition and keeping the global warming to 1.5 degrees, or even close to that, we as Europe also need to do more. So when it comes to the land—use sector, my view is that this is the starting point. We are now starting for the first time to have a proper increase of carbon—sink policy, and this is the basis where we will build on post 2030 to continue increasing our carbon sinks. When it comes to Member States’ contributions, there were some who were saying that some Member States need to do more, some less, and this is unfair. Well, everybody needs to contribute more in comparison to the inventory years. I think it is important also for the Commission and as a parliament to send a signal that those countries to actually start to think about land use in a different way. How can we increase sustainability in a way that is good for economics as well, that creates jobs, that will be more productive for agriculture, for forestry, and takes more into consideration to biodiversity as well? They will also be better off in the future. So if they postpone having a proper carbon—sink policy, my view is that some Member States still don’t have one. They just report what has happened. The Commission needs to intervene. You have the tools in this regulation to intervene and help Member States to realise that tapping into regenerative farming and forestry is a possibility for the Member States, for the economics, but also a necessity for the climate. Finally, also the compromise includes the review for the Commission to go through in late 2024 what to do beyond this. There is very clear language also that all land—use sectors need to contribute. So we need to also see how agriculture will be better climate wise, how we can support carbon farming and also public policies, not just private companies’ contributions. When it comes to forestry, we need to look at better management methods, cascading principal, higher added value for products, so getting more economic wellbeing out of less amount of resources. So the harvesting amounts we do have today are a problem, and we need to also solve that, not just going for the bulk industry when it comes to forestry, but have more higher end products with lesser impact for negative impact for climate and biodiversity. That is to say, for the economics of this sector as well, as well as all the other sectors – they are not going to succeed, but are trying to hang on to bad practices.