Speeches

Thank you for this question. I refer to the Temporary Protection Directive that these Ukrainian refugees can invoke, these rights that they have. I think to start with, there should be sufficient capacity in the Member States, and the rules should be very clearly disseminated so that people know that they have these rights. And I think it is up to the Member States, first and foremost, to make sure that they offer this support. But it is the Commission, as a guardian of the Treaty, that needs to monitor if these rules are complied with and otherwise intervene. Because until now, there is this solidarity platform, it is all behind the scenes that people discuss this – the Commission with the Member States. But this seems to be a quite persistent violation. And I think at that moment the Commission should start to act and enforce compliance.

Mr President, most refugees from Ukraine are women. Women to whom we promised immediate protection and access to rights and services in the EU. Yet, in Hungary, Poland, Romania and Slovakia, the barriers to sexual and reproductive health care and gender-based violence support services forced them to live either without this support or to return to a war zone in order to get the help that they need. And this is exactly the opposite of what temporary protection is meant to achieve. More generally, access to medical care, social welfare, housing, labour markets and education is impeded in these and other Member States. I urge the Commission to enforce the key rights of these refugees. Civil society and municipalities hosting Ukrainian refugees still struggle to access funding. The Commission must finally ensure proper EU funding to those actors that do the actual work on the ground. The swift activation of temporary protection to refugees from Ukraine was a true sign of solidarity. We must live up to this spirit and to the obligations that come with it, and start thinking of their future protection, as the refugees deserve a long-term perspective also beyond March 2025. If and hopefully not, but if they are still forcefully displaced. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

Mr President, from me, a very warm welcome to Mr Massoud and his delegation. Welcome in this heart of democracy, which I wish with all my heart for you and your people as well. The people in Afghanistan are suffering the devastating consequences of Taliban rule. Two years after the Western departure, women and girls have been fully erased from public life, subject to gender apartheid, and people are in dire need of aid. Winter is yet to come. Yet we leave the Afghans alone. Evacuations have stopped. Member States turn their back on former staff members that serve them loyally. Persecuted women are left stuck in the country and humanitarian organisations remain heavily underfunded. The interventions and exit by the West have increased the responsibility towards the Afghan people. We do not have the right to give up on them. We must step up humanitarian aid, visas, resettlement and provide active support to the opposition fighting for change. Let us deliver the support that they deserve.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, asylum seekers face an ever more lawless Europe, a Europe of pushbacks, inhuman reception conditions, unlawful detention becoming the new normal. But make no mistake, this is not due to a lack of EU legislation. It is a result of unequal responsibility sharing and total impunity for the Member States. So yes, we need a new pact, but one rooted in solidarity, one that harmonises standards of protection and is coupled with credible enforcement and the current pact positions offer a mixed bag. Mandatory relocation is promising, but border procedures and increased derogations will only undermine the harmonised protection that we mean to achieve. So I urge Council and Parliament to focus on actually strengthening the system through real solidarity and a truly common framework. And I urge the Commission to show us that our law making is not in vain and that any current and future laws are finally enforced.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, we were all shocked on 24 September when a heavily armed Serbian gang with seemingly strong links to the government invaded Kosovo and brutally killed a police officer – shocked but not surprised, because this is what the EU appeasement strategy leads to. For years we have silently allowed Vučić to undermine stability in the region, to remain supportive of the Kremlin and to demolish minority rights in his own country. Yet EPA funds flow in his direction and we treat him as a friend, incentivising him to go further. And this is what autocrats do when they face impunity. We should have learned our lesson with Putin. After the recent events it is high time that EU leaders wake up. The security situation in the Balkans is really under high threat. We need to act now to protect the citizens of the Western Balkans and to protect their prospect of becoming part of the EU.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, tomorrow, at this very spot, President Von der Leyen will claim in strong words that she fiercely defends democracy against autocracy. But at the same time, she proudly presents dirty deals with a ruthless dictator, Saied. The extreme obsession to stop migration to the EU leads to the appeasement of an autocrat who incites violence against black migrants. Migrants and refugees are hunted, brutalised and killed in Tunisia. And until today, the deal has only led to more repression, more deaths, and even more migration. Commissioner, are you ready to acknowledge that Saied’s racist policies are the reason for migrants and refugees to flee, not the economy? This deal will therefore never lead to less migration. But the consequence will be that our values become transactional. So if Von der Leyen is a true defender of democracy and European values, practice what you preach and cease this deal.

Mr President, how could we not talk about Afghanistan this week, two years after the Taliban takeover? While the situation worsens and the repression is growing, our attention deflects elsewhere. Women and girls are banned from education, banned from working for NGOs, banned from recreation, banned from life. The poverty and the food crisis have reached a new low. Still, humanitarian organisations have to beg for sufficient funding. And the EU hardly resettles any people. So Afghan people are caught in the trap of the Taliban. Especially for women and girls, this means that their rights, their lives, are put on hold, that they are isolated from the world. So we cannot leave the Afghans alone. We cannot forget about their fate. They deserve our support day by day until we have regained their freedoms. So we need a new effective EU strategy towards Afghanistan. So let us kick off this initiative for a new strategy with a fully-fledged debate in the next plenary.

Mr President, dear Commissioner, openness enables citizens to participate more closely in the decision—making process, and this makes authorities more legitimate and more accountable to the citizen in a democratic system. This reasoning of the Court dates back to 2011, when it ruled that the Council violates EU law by refusing access to Council documents. The Court has repeatedly held that the Council must proactively disclose its negotiation documents to enable citizens’ involvement and participation. But the Council continues to obstruct transparency, by requiring an application, by delaying the decision, excessively using rejection grounds, redacting texts and creating financial hurdles. A council, disregarding judgments from its own court has seriously affected its own credibility, and it can a Commission President causing a scandalous ‘text—gate’ as well. It is telling that both actors are not present at the moment, and then why we still wonder why citizens don’t seem interested or involved in EU policies? Citizens are key for public and democratic scrutiny. They must be able to form and share their opinion before legislation is adopted with us, with national parliaments, with their governments. So, Council, start complying with the law, and Commission and Parliament, fundamentally change your practices as well. Active citizens, NGOs, journalists: we need them desperately to bring the EU closer to its citizens, so don’t be scared of them, but embrace them. Get transparent.

Madam President, Council, Commissioner, the Pylos shipwreck proved again how little value the lives of migrants and refugees hold according to our Member States. Let’s admit that the approach on search and rescue, just like the funding of the criminal and smuggling Libyan Coast Guard, is about deterrence of arrivals and not about the actual saving of lives. Stopping impunity is the only way. So, Commission, join our call for an independent investigation, condemn Malta for letting people drown under their watch and Greece and Italy for obstructing and punishing the life—saving work of NGOs. Give your guidelines against the criminalisation of humanitarian aid true meaning. The Pact on Asylum and Migration does not cut this crisis. We need a pact on search and rescue, one that centres on solidarity among all Member States, on accountability, on a uniform application of maritime law and enhanced funding and support for saving lives at sea. It is the moral and legal duty of the EU to ensure a genuine coordinated response, now!

Madam President, Commissioner, today we commemorate the Srebrenica genocide 28 years ago, when the international community failed to protect the citizens despite the promise of safety. Never again. This is what we promised with the Dayton Agreement. But what do we see now? Stability and peace are again under pressure in Bosnia and the international community is asleep. Milorad Dodik takes a step towards the accession of the Republika Srpska from Bosnia and Herzegovina, rejecting the authority of the Constitutional Court. Many people fear the consequences. And this is why our report is clear: Dodik must be sanctioned. And the security must be guaranteed by reinforcing the EUFOR forces. Chair, we awarded the candidate status to Bosnia in December last year. Now, both sides must deliver on this commitment. So let’s support and push Bosnia to develop a true democracy and to comply with the case law of the European Court of Human Rights and its own Constitutional Court, including Republika Srpska, and block any effort undermining the prospect of EU membership. We cannot afford to disappoint Bosnian citizens again. They deserve a peaceful and inclusive country where their rights are respected, regardless of their background. Let them be able to count on the European values.

Well, the problem is that the National Judicial Council is still not independent. The government decides who are in this National Judiciary Council. And the point with the draft law on the Supreme Court means that disciplinary measures are going to be taken somewhere else, but still by judges who are not legitimately appointed. So as long as the Judiciary Council keeps on producing neo-judges, who are not legitimate, the Court becomes only more and more captured and this problem is still not resolved. So therefore, I urge the Commissioner to take steps because as long as the National Judiciary Council is not independent, we will not get away with the rule of law crisis in Poland.

Madam President, representatives of the Council – congratulations on your Presidency – and Commissioner, this report not only shows the track record of Member States on the rule of law, but also of the Commission’s ability to address rule—of—law risks. And so far, I must be honest, the Commission is failing. Institutions, civil society and journalists are under attack in a growing number of Member States and they feel unprotected. And in countries like Poland, the rule—of—law crisis is only further cemented. Citizens see their freedom and rights stripped away. And the Poland resolution we just adopted today urgently calls on the Commission to use all its tools to fight back against this. It has become a matter of survival for the Polish people. Mapping violations and expressing concerns will not cut the crisis. So I urge you, Commissioner, as the resolution of the Parliament also called upon, to launch an infringement procedure against the National Council for the Judiciary, to speed up the procedure of the investigative committee law, to respond to the electoral law changes and to expand the scope of the Article 7 procedure to address this all—out war against democracy, the rule of law and fundamental rights. The people in Poland are counting on you. (The speaker agreed to take a blue-card question)

Madam President, in July 1995 thousands of Bosniak people fled the persecution of the Serb army and thought that they were safe in Srebrenica, a UN—protected area. But the international community had offered false hope. It failed to prevent genocide. Over 8 000 Muslim men and boys were brutally killed and thousands of women and children deported, humiliated and raped. Some wounds never heal, but by commemorating we pay respect to the victims and their families and to Bosniak society. We give them a voice, a voice saying loud and clear that justice does not tolerate impunity, not for war crimes or genocide, not for denying or glorifying these atrocities. It hurts that this message is still badly needed, day by day. Some wounds never heal. But let us remember them and learn from them to decisively stand up against the first signs of division, discrimination or maltreatment and to prevent genocide from ever happening again.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, preventing new Morias and push backs and ensuring solidarity, that is how the Commission presented the pact proposals. But look now at the Council agreement. No shared responsibility, but the following message to the border countries: ‘Detain asylum seekers at your borders, after a poor procedure, send them to any country willing to take them for a nice amount of money. And you may call that country a safe third country’. This is why Italy said yes. And why von der Leyen promised EUR 1 billion to Tunisia, a country where people are fleeing violence and persecution? Selling responsibility is the new norm inside and outside the EU. And after the sale, why care for people’s right to protection, dignity and life? Because, hey, we sold that, didn’t we? I urge this House to remind the Council that human rights cannot be paid off. And to firmly reject this toxic deal and to finally take common responsibility.

Madam President, thank you. Of course, we agree that we should talk on the pact and the way forward, but we cannot miss out one essential element that is related to the pact. And we all witnessed yesterday how the announcement was being made by Ms von der Leyen of a migration deal between the EU and Tunisia, which is clearly linked to the Council agreement on the pact. And it means that the EU is outsourcing its responsibility to a regime that has cracked down on the rule of law, on human rights and on democracy. Migrants fleeing violence and persecution in Tunisia will be pulled back where their rights are violated, including the right of access to an asylum procedure. And as we have seen in the case of Libya, the deal will most probably also lead to a further loss of life. So this deal with Tunisia will affect our external policies and the EU asylum pact. Therefore, we would really like to urge you to include in the title the deal with Tunisia. So make it ‘preparation of the EU Council meeting, in particular in the light of the agreement on the Migration Pact and the EU migration deal with Tunisia.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, the Polish ruling party is on a warpath against democracy to win the elections at all costs. The Law on the Commission on Russian influence exploits the Russian aggression with the sole purpose to remove opposition candidates from the election list and to silence critical voices. A committee of politically—appointed members that would simultaneously investigate, prosecute, judge and sentence people for vaguely—defined crimes is violating virtually every fundamental legal principle under EU law. So make no mistake, this law is not anti—Russia. It is anti—democracy. So, Commissioner, it’s good that you are extremely concerned, but I urge you to immediately take action – we don’t have time to lose – and also take action against the other acts violating the rule of law. I would like to urge you also to consider expanding the scope of the Article 7 procedure. Towards the Council: Presidencies must be credible defenders of EU values, which should not be negotiable. So please prepare for 2025.

Madam President, Council, Commission, more than four years ago, most states worldwide committed to offer refugees sustainable protection and future and to guarantee equitable responsibility sharing because the largest hosting countries cannot be left alone. And look at us now. It has become common to call for fences, to push back refugees and deny their rights, and conclude shady deals with repressive regimes, leaving the protection for refugees to them. The EU slogan is: ‘Break the business model of smugglers.’ But what we do is feeding them by blocking all pathways to protection. And we even pay the Libyan coast guard, identified by the UN as smugglers and traffickers conducting crimes against humanity. The EU slogan is: ‘Avoid dangerous routes.’ But the Rwanda deal of Denmark says it all. Even people identified as refugees in those outsourced asylum procedures are still not welcome on the Danish soil. Colleagues, the world is too small to turn your backs on refugees, on common responsibilities. Don’t fool yourself, don’t fool your voters, and don’t betray our values.

Mr President, Commissioner, the detention of education activist Matiullah Wesa is yet another display of the crackdown on all freedoms in Afghanistan under the Taliban’s rule. Especially for women and girls, the country has turned into a real nightmare. Banned from education, banned from the labour market and erased from public life. While this should ring all our alarm bells, the EU’s support and commitment is still falling short. Afghan human rights defenders cannot leave the country because Member States refuse to issue visas. Asylum claims are rejected, leaving people in Europe in limbo while they can’t go back, of course. In this and so many other areas, we could and should do so much more. Last week, the UN Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan reminded us of the banner we have attached on our building, saying that the support of Ukrainians will take as long as needed – and rightfully so. But why not make the same commitment to Afghans? The Afghans need our concrete support. Let us not forget them.

Mr President, Council, Commissioner, the UN recently concluded that the Libyan coast guard, which is heavily funded by the EU, is deeply involved in slavery, sexual exploitation, human trafficking, detention and torture of migrants. But migrants who managed to escape this horror in Libya are pulled back by their perpetrators and returned to hell. And NGOs who save their lives and bring them to safety are obstructed by the Italian Government with the approval of the EU. In Tunisia, President Saied has fuelled violence and hatred against migrants, making them flee the country. And they do, hoping for protection in Europe. The response of Italy and the EU? Making Saied block the escape route for migrants. The cost of the EU’s ways of combating irregular migration is high – human rights, human dignity, and even human lives. But the EU is willing to pay that price, giving up any pretension of upholding its values at the borders. The external borders are common borders and this comes with a common responsibility to share the numbers of asylum seekers and ensure that people can flee persecution. They must be rescued and protected. And when some of my EPP colleagues call for solidarity, they often mean fences, deterrents, criminalisation of humanitarian aid. That is not solidarity, that’s being partners in crime. If we don’t comply with human rights, what can we say to President Saied, to the Libyan coast guard? Let’s turn credible on our European values, because they only have value when we apply them to refugees as well.

Mr President, the Polish dismantling of judicial independence is almost done. The draft law on the Supreme Court, tabled to unblock the RF money, will not solve the problem. No, it will actually worsen it. Legal experts, therefore call it the ‘Law on the destruction of the Supreme Administration Court’, as it will kill the last piece of independence. And, at the same time, the politically captured National Council of the Judiciary continues to pump illegitimate judges into the court system. Any judicial reform will be illusory as long as the Commission does not tackle this root cause with an infringement procedure. So please start one, Commissioner. Judges, lawyers, civil society are desperately waiting for the EU to stand by their side and defend their values. They face harassment, intimidation, criminalisation. We are failing our allies. So, Council and Commission, step up the fight. Keep the money frozen. Use all tools to be the real guardian of the Treaties for all our European citizens.

Mr President, the Mediterranean Sea is the deadliest migration route in the world. And this is not a law by nature; it’s caused by mankind. But the political decision to ignore search and rescue obligations, shift responsibility to the Libyan coastguard, obstruct the work of NGOs saving lives, this is a policy of deliberate disengagement, a lack of solidarity and a shameless evasion of one’s own obligations. And the response to every tragedy is giving more boats to the Libyan coastguard, meaning more people contained in hell. But where are the genuine life jackets? Where is an EU—coordinated search and rescue mechanism? Where’s the mandatory relocation for rescued asylum seekers? Where is the protection for humanitarian workers, and where are the safe and legal migration routes? Where is the display of humanity? So, Council and Commission, stop this deadly tactic of looking away and fencing off, and hold up the fundament of the EU, namely our values.

Madam President, dear President Nausėda, you are very welcome to our House. You refer to summer 2021, when Lukashenko brutally instrumentalised migrants by sending them to your border. The EU stood behind your country as it was an attack on the EU and also an attack on our values. But the only right response is a value-based one. The Court of Justice last summer was crystal clear: Lithuania’s legislation allowing for pushbacks, automatic detention and denial of the right to asylum is illegal under EU law. Despite this, your government approved a bill further legalising these illegal policies. And we hear your government justify these violations under the misguided arguments of fighting instrumentalisation. But what you are doing is fighting innocent victims in need of protection. So I urge you to stop these pushbacks and arbitrary detentions, and to adjust the legislation in line with the Court of Justice ruling. Don’t turn away refugees at the border, but turn away from unlawful policies. Restore the rule of law at the EU’s borders. Defend EU values and we will stand with you!

Madam President, Council Commissioner. The EU Council conclusions are just another chapter of the dystopian Fortress Europe playbook. Deterring arrivals, ramping up border surveillance and shifting our responsibility to third countries. This will not lead to solutions; it will lead to more deaths, more human rights violations and more suffering. That’s not leadership; this is panic and it is campaigning mode. The EU was founded upon taking down the fences that separate us, enhancing freedom and fundamental rights protection. Are we going to fund the destruction of these achievements? For many EU leaders, migration policy is equal to keeping people out at all costs, but instead of erecting fences, we must build solidarity. Instead of pushing back, we must strengthen our common asylum system and share the responsibilities fairly. Instead of concluding shady deals, we must support third countries that all together host the vast majority of the refugees worldwide and offer safe paths to protection. As we are entering the crunch time to conclude the pact, I urge the Council to focus on what is really at stake and to work towards real and evidence-based solutions. Simple frames and rhetoric may produce some electoral gains in the short term for right—wing parties, but they destroy the societal support for a common responsibility for refugees. What we need is true solidarity, and that requires true leadership.

It’s good to hear that you keep the pressure on Bulgaria. I think it’s important to protect North Macedonia. Of course, what has been agreed should be implemented, but that they can be safeguarded, that the EU responds in a credible and consistent way afterwards. Now, one question you did not answer yet, and that’s about what’s happening in the Republika Srpska – Mr Dodik. You talk about the hopeful new government, but what is happening there is still a huge threat of secession, of foreign influence from Russia, the clear and blatant support and honouring of Mr Putin. That should be very clearly denounced because it’s really a threat for the ethnic division, but also, of course, for the stability and getting closer to the EU. So what do you do against Mr Dodik and these threats? And are you ready to indeed keep the money suspended to 600 billion that you suspended because of the secessionist plans?

The Russian aggression has woken us up. A credible enlargement policy is not only key for our neighbouring citizens, but also for protecting our security and European values. But as my colleagues already said, granting the candidate status is only one step. It needs to be followed by a more active engagement – increased economic cooperation and support to countries with the necessary reforms. But support must go hand in hand with strict conditions on the rule of law, democracy, fundamental rights and anti-corruption measures. And for Bosnia, this requires that we strongly denounce the ethno-nationalistic rhetoric in support of Putin and secessionist plans. Are you ready to be very clear towards Mr Dodik and to keep the EU funding frozen? And in which way do you pressure the new government to swiftly implement the key priorities for accession? A credible enlargement process also requires that EU Member States do not abuse their vetoes, also not in interim decisions during the enlargement process. And Bulgaria should get this message from the Council and Commission for the further process. Are you ready to convey this message? You just said I was very clear to the Council that they should not and that they should finally take positive decisions. But it also regards, of course, Bulgaria who put high demands and used the veto towards North Macedonia. Are you ready to convey this message? And how will you prevent further hurdles and requirements that are not part of the accession process?