What Konstantinos spoke about.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we support this directive. It is a good directive and I think it is a positive start. The real test, in my opinion, is its application, and I will tell you why. In my country we have seen the exact opposite of what we are discussing today. Sunday Griva, a victim of femicide outside a police station, went to ask for help and police officers said "the car is not a taxi" and was murdered outside the police station. Of course, here we have to say that there are many cases of women who are victims of femicide. This is the complete failure of a system that does not listen to victims and in retrospect issues statements of grief and compassion. And what about rape victims who are often abused from the interrogation process to the courtrooms? Victims' rights are not, of course, as you all understand, a technical issue · It is a matter of dignity, equality and humanity. I think, Commissioner, this directive is a positive start.

Mr President, Commissioner, it is not an unfortunate loss of life at work. It is murder and Member States consent to lawlessness. Not unlucky were the five workers at Violanta company in Trikala. The government did not carry out the necessary checks. In the European Union in 2023, there were 3 298 deaths of female workers. In Greece in 2025 we had 201 dead workers, while since the beginning of the year in my country we already count 65 dead. This is not an "individual incident" or misfortune. It is the result of the intensification of work, and I would like to inform you that 13 hours of work were legislated in my country when we solved the eight-hour day in 1886. It is the result of intensification, understaffing. It is the dismantling of control mechanisms. This is why we need strong controls, stronger labour inspectorates, effective protection of workers, accountability of those responsible and implementation of the Vision Zero strategy for zero losses.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, 19 May today. We live days of unbridled revisionism and Ankara is a key contributor to data and history. He is essentially a negative protagonist. We are currently talking here, and in Cyprus, in a Member State, there is an occupying army. As we speak, the Ankara regime is raising the issue of dangerous revisionism with the pseudo-narrative of the so-called blue homeland, with the tolerance of Brussels. As we speak today, the government of Ankara is challenging in its response to the demand for recognition of the genocide of the Christian populations, the Greeks of Pontus and Ionia, the Armenians and the Assyrians. We have arrived here in the European Parliament after the cooperation of democratic forces and it is a start to this debate. I would stress: 353 000 Pontic Greeks were exterminated by deportations, death marches and systematic persecution as part of an organised ethnic cleansing policy. White marches. Auschwitz of Pontiacs. The European Parliament has a duty to consistently defend collective memory and human dignity. No silence, no denial, but recognition and justice.

Mr President, Commissioner, we live in a contradictory environment, in principle. On the one hand, the livestock sector is being tested and threatened with zoonoses, as is the case in my home country, and especially in Lesvos, where production is threatened to disappear, one of the largest islands in the Mediterranean. And I want to note here that, on the other hand, the government has left people at the mercy, at the fate of foot-and-mouth disease. There we have a government, six ministers and a huge OPEKEPE scandal that essentially lost European farmers' money. Here, on the other hand, the Commission, Mrs von der Leyen, is trying to impose the European Union-Mercosur agreement illegally and arbitrarily, ignoring the decisions of the European Parliament. It is clear to us that the livestock sector supports social cohesion, contributes to the revitalization of the countryside, exploits low-productivity lands, offering income in remote areas and quality food to citizens, contributing positively to the demographic problem that we have a big issue in the South. I am making an appeal here from the European Parliament. Support the producers, support our island, Lesvos.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, first of all, thank you very much for this debate. Rule of law issues are fundamental and elementary. There can be no petty political games, no selfishness, no intransigence. I would like to say to the Bureau, because we have heard words which, I think, are contrary to Rule 10 of Parliament's Rules of Procedure. This cannot be allowed to happen all the time. Such tolerance becomes a regime. But I come back to the issue, since we are talking about the rule of law. We had a collaboration, sometimes confrontational, often fruitful. But we have always had a good mood and created a result that touches on three central points. Our report was adopted from a wide range of political representation from the EPP to the Left. There were very few cases of split voting. For all this demanding text only one meeting of elementary rapporteurs was needed. We had good intentions and good intentions to listen to each other. And because I have heard it from others, you are not photographing the states, but it is the toughest and most substantial exhibition ever, because all the problems that the Union has, from surveillance to the separation of state and judiciary, are presented. Everything's inside. There was no water in our wine. I think it is a very good report, it is really a lesson for all of us in democracy that we can come to an understanding on key issues that are democracy issues. \, therefore, I call on you to vote in favour of the report, so that it receives the maximum possible support and we all send out together a message of consensus on the obvious and a message of strengthening the very institution we serve in difficult times for Democracy.

Mr President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, first of all I would like to personally thank all of you, all of you, all of your colleagues and heads who helped to have a report, all of the shadow rapporteurs and all of the staff, colleagues and offices who participated in the process with proposals and amendments, the relevant collaborators of the political groups, the LIBE secretariat and its staff and of course the people of my own political group, those who contributed on behalf of the AFET, BUDG, DROI and JURI committees. I hope I haven't forgotten someone. Today's vote, that is to say, in the report, we have brought a report, I think of an extended concordance. We present our recitals and sources of reference and documentation and address the whole issue of the rule of law. First, we start with justice systems. We urge independence, impartiality and equal access. We insist on institutional reforms and the use of digital tools. We underline the need to protect judges and lawyers. We call for effective recognition and enforcement of justice decisions and for the strengthening of European judicial cooperation. Secondly, the fight against corruption. We document the constant need to strengthen anti-corruption measures and the demand for truly independent institutions. We advocate the strengthening of the European Public Prosecutor's Office and GRECO. We support the need for whistleblower protection, more effective investigations and a new EU framework to prevent and prosecute corruption. Thirdly, protection of journalists, pluralism, freedom of the media, I would say. If this report passes and they tell me where you would like to dedicate it, I would say that I would like to dedicate it to my colleagues, my former colleagues who were killed, murdered, lost, but also to the people who fought against systems to find the truth. Here we put the focus on the pluralism and functional editorial independence of the media, but also on the protection of journalists. We are talking openly about the inadmissibility of political interference and illegal surveillance. We call for full implementation of the Media Freedom Regulation and the Anti-SLAPP Directive and for enhanced transparency and accountability on digital platforms. Civil society. The fourth chapter. We demand more, more effective and freer space for civil society to express themselves on the basis of inclusiveness and pluralism. We support fundamental social freedoms and rights defenders, legislative transparency, sustainable funding, the protection of academic freedom and democratic participation. Fifth, fundamental rights. We need a stronger protection of fundamental rights in the real and digital world, with a focus on equality, anti-discrimination and the protection of minorities and vulnerable people. We stress the need to comply with EU law and the international acquis, but also to promote effective accountability and judicial protection mechanisms. Rule of Law and the EU budget. Chapter Six. We insist on linking EU funding to compliance with judicial rules. We want a strong and fair conditionality mechanism, transparency and control over the management of resources, while at the same time protecting the final beneficiaries, i.e. the people, i.e. the citizens. More effective supervision against breaches of the EU budget is a position of responsibility towards citizens and institutions. Seventh, the legal dimension of the single market. We link the rule of law to a well-functioning single market. I run because time is running out. Eighth: rule of law and European enlargement. Incorporation of the democratic principles that should govern the enlargement process and, of course, proposals to the Commission for a comprehensive better rule of law report. We are asking, and I conclude with this, that our report should not be followed by the Commission's report, Commissioner. Ours must be first and we must be able to produce a joint report. In conclusion, ladies and gentlemen, wishing to thank once again, we are promoting a single annual cycle of the rule of law, with coordinated reports, clear indicators, transparency and parliamentary participation. I hope and hope that this report will continue our communication on what we call consultation here. I think we'll make it.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, on the occasion of this day, I think we should say that we need to protect ourselves, to protect the value of human life. I would say that we should also set up an observatory, essentially the European Parliament, because the Member States do not seem to be in compliance with European directives. To address the social risks, which according to the ILO, are responsible for over 112,000 deaths at work every year in Europe and diseases are not recorded. In Greece only 100-120, imagine, we have dead. To protect workers from accidents at work and accidents in all Member States of the Union. I therefore call for a reliable system for recording accidents at work and occupational diseases, safe workplaces, decent working hours, social dialogue and strong monitoring mechanisms that do not exist in many Member States. Work, then, I think, cannot become a field of war with the dead and the wounded. Substantial European solutions for workers to return home if one of the funds has not taken it from them.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, yesterday we had a debate on the problematic, non-existent rule of law in Greece and the tactics of cover-up that continue with the issue of Predator. Today we bring back the issue of the cover-up of the Tempi crime. The Greek state, using various tactics, obstructs the request of relatives for the exhumation of the victims, in order to find out what caused the death of their people. A simple thing. People have been begging for three years for this. Is the results of the exhumation, Commissioner, an important element for clarification? It's a question. Commissioner, Tempi crime has four sections in our opinion and we ask for answers: Who is responsible and why? What is the responsibility of the Commission and the European Union Agency for Railways (ERA) for the non-performance of contract 717? For Greece, we know who is responsible, although the ministers will not go to justice. But is the Commission responsible for this? b) Why were there no teleadministration systems, as had been repeatedly officially denounced, both by the workers' unions and within Parliament by SYRIZA and MP Meikopoulos? c) Why in 21st century Europe did trains go on a single track, when the Commission had given billions to upgrade the Greek railway? Who's to blame? d) It is clear that European legislation has been violated to safeguard the site of an accident and protect the vital elements, what we call "trapping". Commissioner, you have launched an infringement procedure against Greece. Since then, I want to know if Greece's action plan is being implemented. Is this action plan being followed? Who controls it? Publish it. Jobs that had been advertised without the appointments going ahead, an action plan - a wish list, even funded by European funds, and continuous postponements of completion in the flagship projects. Three years after the Tempi crime, telecommand is still missing, Commissioner, and the Greek railways are suffering from persistent dangerous malfunctions. I ask directly, as we speak, on 12 March, when the trains are moving in Greece, who guarantees the safety of passengers and workers on the Greek railways? What about you? Mr Kyranakis? Or God?

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, the Annual Report on the European Semester reminds us that the Union's economic governance cannot be measured only by indicators of competitiveness and budgetary discipline, but also by its capacity to strengthen social cohesion and improve citizens' lives. That is the key issue. Of course, we have new facts following the adventurisms of Mr Trump in the Middle East, which take us out of line. However, the composition of the European Semester with the European Pillar of Social Rights in this report, I think, in general, when it comes to labour issues, can be valued positively. Particularly important is the focus on tackling in-work poverty, access to quality jobs, health, safety at work, the implementation of the Directive on adequate minimum wages, fair wages and the full implementation of the Council Recommendation on adequate minimum income. The report also incorporates issues that are a priority for the Left, tackling child and energy poverty, the need for affordable and decent housing, eliminating inequalities, strengthening collective bargaining. For us, the European Semester must act as a tool for social convergence and not as an austerity mechanism.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the criminal populism experienced by many citizens in our Member States in recent years is sliding and sliding us with mathematical certainty into authoritarianism. It seems that Mr. Fico can make Mr. Mitsotakis jealous. In Athens, the government spokesman threatened a press reporter, Mr Avramidis, who dared to ask in the press room. But regardless of my political assessment, there is an objective finding. When the Member State consciously sabotages the fight against freedom of the press, against corruption, it rules out scandals, we do not have a tolerable internal reform, but a direct blow to the interests of the European Union. When the Slovak Prosecutor General appeals to the Constitutional Court to annul a penal code with a validity of only eight days – systematically a European ethnocentrism to guide the demand for political accountability – then you understand that there is a rule of law issue. In this regard, I would just like to point out the following: any activation of the rule of law conditionality mechanism is not a punishment, it is a Union defence of last resort.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, good morning to everyone. When we hear too much pseudo-patriotism and fear, it is good for workers and workers to worry. Brecht has said it too. In our view, the security of Europe is social cohesion. This is the security pillar. When social inequalities are widening, can we really talk about a resilient Europe? The new European Pillar of Social Rights Action Plan must act as a tool for social justice and social proofing. In Greece, there are 200 people killed in work-related accidents – a crime. But now let's get to the point itself: what will you do to promote collective agreements? What about supporting social investment? How will you support quality employment, the social state, education, the rights of people with disabilities? A truly just transition? How will you address – how will you address – rising poverty, the housing crisis or demographics? We in the South have a serious problem with this. All the principles of the European Pillar of Social Rights must finally be put into practice. That is where, in our opinion, the credibility of the Union is judged.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, according to the EU acquis, the editorial and functional independence of public information bodies, their good administration and, of course, transparency in appointments and dismissals, protection against political or business interference, as well as adequate, stable and predictable funding, are self-evident. As a former journalist, for years in Greece, serving in public broadcasting, I know these two things very well about state bodies. Firstly, that they are democratically necessary in order to preserve pluralism and objective information, and secondly, that they are democratically pernicious or any method aimed at manipulating and manipulating their work. Following, therefore, this prudent decision to postpone the parliamentary procedures for the relevant bill, we call on the Lithuanian Government to listen to the exhortations of the resolution and to align itself accordingly with the requirements of the relevant EU legislation, with an emphasis of course on the Media Freedom Regulation and the 29th Protocol to our founding Treaties.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, with so many crises and tensions facing Europe at the moment, when we see clearly imperialist, expansionist policies unfolding, we are one step away from total destruction. They're tearing us apart. That is, to be clear, President Trump is now talking about abolishing the UN and creating a peculiarly closed peace club willing to pay for it. And the Union leadership with the far-right columns choose the useful enemy to sacrifice along with the basic principles of international law. In the financial and institutional crisis of the system, mentors and adventurers have found the culprit to accept their failure. This is not the fault of the inequality system. It's the stranger's fault. It's the other guy's fault. It's the white man's fault. It's the black man's fault. It used to be the Jew's fault. It's the refugee's fault. It's the immigrant's fault. It's the Palestinians who exist. It's the gay guy. It's the poor man's fault. It criminalizes poverty politically. The capitalist magician with the high hat and the stick found the ephemeral, inhuman solution. It abolishes the right to asylum. It focuses on speeding up returns, throwing packets of souls into the devastated land that this policy itself created. There is no right to examine asylum, there are no interpreters, there are no doctors, there is no humanity, there are no psychologists, there are no child psychologists. They insist on the policy of pushbacks. So push on international law, push on the rule of law, push on peace. When there is peace, there are no refugees. Immigrants will exist, because the earth is turning.

Madam President, Mr President, Cyprus has experience, it has know-how, it has a democratic tradition and this has been clearly demonstrated by the previous successful presidency of the late Dimitris Christofias. Cyprus, the only Member State of our Union with an occupying army, takes over the presidency at a difficult juncture for the Union, with the revisionist dangerous policy of the United States now openly threatening Europe, Greenland, Denmark; with Russia, which creates an issue and is now a revisionist power, as it occupies part of Ukraine; Israel's inhumane revisionist policy in the Middle East. Cyprus is struggling with its people to bring down the last wall of partition, after Berlin, so that international law can finally prevail. The distribution of the wealth produced is the most central point of politics. What policies will be developed for the housing crisis, the climate crisis, energy poverty? Will we continue on this path of dead ends and failed recipes of militarization? Some of what has been announced is of concern to us. On behalf of the Left, Mr President, we wish you every success.

Mr President, what have we heard from the far right today? I mean, it's really unhistorical, but I'll stay on the subject. I really wonder why we have to deal with arms issues, issues of international trade agreements. The whole side here, hand in hand with Mrs von der Leyen, is always asking for urgent procedures. But when it comes to issues of discrimination, we have been freezing this very serious issue since 2008. Seventeen years and we never bring this issue to the European Parliament in order to complete the process and move forward. While the Polish Presidency stated that this issue is among its priorities, with the intention of the Commission to remove it from the 2025 Work Programme, we are again on a spectrum – indeed – with the risk of the issue being permanently withdrawn. What bothers the right and the far right? All right, history has proven that it bothers her. We know that. But do we call for protection against discrimination on the basis of religion or belief, disability, age, sexual orientation to be extended beyond the scope of work at European Union level, and does this bother you? Do you talk so much about Christianity? Does that bother you? I insist on that. We are talking about European values. We must not have read the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union. Should we take another look at Article 21, which explicitly stipulates non-discrimination? Do we not understand that it is precisely these urgent political decisions that lead to the disintegration of the welfare state, to the impoverishment and further marginalization of our peoples? This certainly reinforces fascism and that is why they play in this policy. So as long as these distinctions exist, as long as there is a system that creates conditions for people not to be able to breathe, there will be the left to defend precisely these fundamental values.

Madam President, therefore, with all that we have heard, we cannot deny that we will be against simplification. We have no reason not to support it, even with reservations. But the main problem – the main problem – is the Common Agricultural Policy and the philosophy of this Community agricultural policy. It is the Commission's trade policy that, unilaterally and in a coup d'état, Mrs von der Leyen is speeding up the European Union-Mercosur agreement, ignoring the European Parliament and the national parliaments, with consequences that are disastrous for the entire primary sector, especially in my home country, Greece. It is, in short, the decline in agricultural income that is often aggravated by the mismanagement of national governments, as demonstrated by the great scandal of OPEKEPE, which is the main and absolute responsibility of Mr. Mitsotakis' government, as at least the European Prosecutor states in her conclusion. We are talking here about a criminal organization with a vertical structure. So we must not forget the natural disasters that come as a result of climate change. Yeah, well, yeah. But let's not forget about the elephant in the room.

Mr President, Commissioner, as I mentioned when you presented your proposal, we are not entirely satisfied with it. I'd call it half an effort. There are positive things, though, and I have to be honest. I consider the creation of a European centre for democratic resilience to be a positive element. The protection of journalists and the media is a positive element. Educating citizens in the recognition of information attempts to intervene is a very positive element. But there is no mention of attempts to interfere in European politics by actors other than Russia, which exists. For example, the American factor. We had a big issue in the German elections, as well as the scandals of surveillance of politicians and other people. I do not and must not forget that Pegasus, Predator and later Paragon – all surveillance malware that has occupied the European public sphere – have the same origin outside the European Union. We have a convergence of the origin of crime. This is where we pretend we don't see it. Finally, in our opinion, there are no sympathetic and unsympathetic invaders. There are intruders.

Commissioner, Madam President, following the recent very serious allegations, firstly, about the action of agents in the permanent Hungarian delegation, when the current Hungarian Commissioner was at the head, and secondly, about the attempt to trap the German Green colleague, Mr Freund, I am very afraid that we will have to investigate with the European Shield that we have set up to secure the external borders. Should we expand it and do it for our internal borders as well? Something is happening here, in the hinterland of the Union. I see that the Hungarian Commissioner in Mr Orbán's close circle denies that he knew anything. I didn't expect anything different. Who would expect such self-incrimination? I think Mrs Sippel and Mrs Wilmès said it very well. In all the Member States of the Union, espionage is a very serious criminal offence with terrible moral depravity, precisely because it affects the very core of the security and independence of our Union to an existential degree. We therefore call on the Commission, Commissioner, to immediately mobilise all available mechanisms, to coordinate international police and judicial cooperation, to ensure the confidentiality of the investigative process, to inform us and to check these extremely worrying allegations.

Madam President, Commissioner, sometimes, when I hear fellow interlocutors, it is as if they are supporting their parties, and not the issue of the rule of law. In recent months, therefore, we have witnessed a continuous deterioration in the main pillars of the rule of law in Bulgaria. Bulgaria's Attorney General herself openly speaks of attacks against judges handling cases of high public interest. He denounces the leadership of the High Court of Cassation and Justice that, in collusion with government actors, it undermines the Constitution. The government, on the pretext of protecting privacy, is tabling an unacceptable bill that is brutally hurting journalism. Investigative journalism is locked in. I'm a journalist, I understand. The case of the arrest of the mayor of Varna is fully in line with Erdoğan's choices in Istanbul. What do we not understand? We would therefore point out: our countries have voluntarily joined the European Union and have made specific commitments. The Union is not an investment fund. It has principles, values and rules. These common values are our commitment to democratic principles. To make us all aware even now, we call on the Commission to take immediate countermeasures and activate the conditionality mechanism for breaches of the rule of law wherever they occur.

Mr President, Commissioner, 35 years I have been a journalist, 35 years in this job. I ask a simple question: How far is Valletta from Rome and Rome from Athens? Eight years ago, Daphne was murdered. four years ago, in Athens, George Karaivaz; A few days ago, in Rome, there was an attempted homicide against investigative journalist Ranucci. How far away are our cities? The day before yesterday, journalist Nikos Aslanidis experienced an attempted kidnapping by the Turkish state, by an accession state. We here rightly honor her and award the Daphne Caruana Galizia Awards in her memory. In her memory or in memory of the inability of the political system to intervene? One of the initiators of this award, our former colleague, Stelios Kouloglou, a former MEP, now a journalist, is being persecuted in Greece. Justice in Daphne's case has not been granted. Her family is still fighting abusive lawsuits against Daphne, eight years after her death. Listen to the voice of journalists, to the voice of their unions, to the truth professionals who are being murdered as we speak in Gaza, in Ukraine, in Slovakia, in the Netherlands, in Malta. As we speak, journalists from Documento, tvxs, PressProject, Reporters United and the Journal of Editors are being persecuted by government or business interests. The left demanded: establishment of an institutional response structure to protect journalists and journalism with rapid response protocols and early warning and prevention mechanisms; constitutional reform to enshrine journalism as one of the pillars of democratic society, explicitly requiring states to guarantee and protect it; and to improve our SLAPPs directive and to incorporate it directly into the national laws of those Member States that do not understand.