Speeches

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I have heard the argument that we should prevent arrivals. Should we disentangle ourselves from the causes of the problem? For five years we have been stressing that this new pact that you have brought us will be the end of the right to asylum, it will be the tombstone of European solidarity. We used to say that. We insisted and insisted that we have to look at the issue of legal pathways for migration, to look at the issue of compulsory relocation between Member States. What was this idea, the "voluntary" character? Now we see the issues of Germany and tomorrow of France. You are essentially turning the host countries into camps of the United Europe. We also have this new idea with Albania, that is camps within Europe, but outside the European Union. Do you honestly believe that by closing your eyes to reality, by driving the problem as far away from your countries as possible, as you see it, by creating such conditions, you are solving or actually contributing to a huge humanitarian problem, to a huge crisis?

Madam President, Mr. Orban. Your slogan is ‘Make Europe Great Again’. The problem is how you perceive the greatness of Europe, Mr President, when your political narrative is inspired by ideological narratives of Trump and Putin against the Europe of the French Revolution, against the Europe of Spinelli, against the Europe of the anti-fascist struggle. And, Bella Ciao, Mrs. Metsola, is not from Casa de papel, it is the song of the anti-fascist struggle, I wonder about your mistake... So how do we proceed? By marginalising prosecutions in what is different in your country, by severe deficits in the independence of judges and academics, by pogroms against journalists and members of the LGBTIQ community, by austerity policies, by constant violations of the rule of law? As long as the conservative forces allied to you do not allow the vision of the founding fathers for a genuine and cohesive European Union to mature, we on the Left will be, de facto opposite, and all de facto doomed to a continuous conflict. Progress on maintenance. Democracy against authoritarianism.

Madam President, we express our sincere condolences, from the left, to those affected and to the families of the people who lost their lives, as well as our sympathy for our fellow citizens in the European Union who have been put to the test. The natural disasters caused by climate change – like last year’s and last year’s disaster in Evros or Thessaly – I think it is a big bell, a loud bell, that rings and rings again and I think we do not listen. We've got dead people, we've got huge farmland and infrastructure destroyed. We've got victims now. Dead and material disasters, as I told you. In Greece, Thessaly, Evros and even Attica – the fire, if you saw it in the media, entered the city, into the capital. And of course, forests and trees are lost, wind turbines grow in the mountains, thousands of fish wash up in the sea and in the estuaries. We are losing water, we are now talking clearly about cases of drought. I think it is time for the creation of a European climate change adaptation fund, from which both compensation and reparations will come. It's not about compensation, it's about how you fix the damage and what policy you follow from there so you don't have the same problems. The resources of this fund can be derived from Member States, from funds directed to compensations at national level. Planning and, at the same time, anti-flood and irrigation projects, innovative crops and practices for the protection of natural resources and the application of new techniques such as regenerative agriculture are needed. And, of course, we have to recognise at every step the role of farmers in preserving the European countryside, regional cohesion and the food security of European citizens. Nothing more, nothing less.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, and in particular Mr Lenaers and his colleagues in the Renew Group, I wanted to say that this game with both extremes is very dangerous, with the history of both extremes. My group is called ‘the Left in the European Parliament’; It is not far left. This day is a black day... (Intervention outside the microphone by Jeroen Lenaers) Please, mr. LenaersI didn't name your team. This day is a dark day for us, for Greece, for the host countries, for the persecuted. This pact, which you very much celebrate – and we worked with you too much to be good, positive – I think is a missed opportunity. Why is it? Let's be clear. Is there a legal migration route that we want? Is there a mandatory relocation to all Member States without asterisks, so that host countries do not become prisons in Europe? That's where we disagree. And on the issue of prima facie and rights, but that's the main thing. What are we going to say to Evros? (The President interrupted the speaker) OK. This is the main issue for us and this is our objection. The Left will not vote for it.

Mr President, anyone who has no eyes to see will find them to cry on, but then it will be too late for tears. Because six years ago, as my colleagues said, a young man, Jacques Kostopoulos, was breathing his last breath before our eyes, before our screens. One could say it was an isolated incident, but it wasn't. Because the events of Thessaloniki pointed out to us that they were not, as we learned yesterday that headhunters were also released in Alexandroupolis. The switch is turned, the pitchforks are up and a mob is chasing witches 50 meters from the police station. Different doesn't just bother you. They now want to terrorize it, humiliate it, make it disappear. These occur with mathematical precision when power incubates the serpent's egg. This is what happens when politicians and factions adopt rhetoric and tactics of the darkest pages of European history, days ’35. It is the criminalization of diversity. It is the criminalization of poverty. Nothing is accidental. Poverty, punctuality, unemployment, a social state in collapse, a political system in perpetual crisis of unreliability, institutions in disarray, derailed rule of law, fake news and fabricated internal enemies. Anyone who has no eyes to see will find one to cry, but then it will be too late for tears.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, a little while ago a bomb hit a food warehouse in Gaza. We have dead and wounded. That was the goal. Israel, of course, has a right. Does the Palestinian people have any right to exist? Five months of genocidal violence, 35,000 deaths, dead children, 160 children a day, 45 journalists. And yesterday we saw footage of the torture of doctors by Israeli forces. What is happening is a war crime. After the reprehensible attack, of course, but on the other hand, the Netanyahu government found the best and convenient reason to proceed with the mass displacement of the population and the completion of the plan to annihilate an entire people, the Palestinian people. What is happening in Gaza is a continuation of a chronic crime since 1948; decisions of the United Nations. We're not going to rewrite history here all over again. Like the other crime in Cyprus with an occupying army. The European Union has responsibilities. What's to be done? Israel is breaking the law. Immediately open all closed humanitarian corridors. Suspension of the Association Agreement with Israel until it is aligned. And of course support and financial support to UNRWA, as it is the only organisation. This is the view of the left.

Madam President, Commissioner, in closing this term of office, I must confess that this dossier is an achievement for us, for the Left, too, because we participated, we did our part and I feel good about it at the end of the term of office. I sincerely want to thank the rapporteurs, and especially Javier, and wish him always well, to be healthy, to be strong, to fight for people. On my birthday - it's June 9th - I hope we all have a happy birthday, at least here on the democratic bow. In this recast of the directive, the single permit does touch people and needs and has a positive impact on the daily lives of third-country nationals seeking residence and work in our Union. We have achieved significant victories as regards the time limit within which the Member State must process and respond to applications, as regards the equal treatment of nationals - that is, people - the safeguards of their rights, especially as regards their exploitation by employers, their right to unemployment and their right to housing. Yes, we have managed to make their lives easier and our Europe means synthesis, and we have seen this here, at least in the groups, in the parties of the democratic arc. We will fight for this Europe. But I think we have a contradiction. The Migration and Asylum Pact is in stark contrast to the substance of this positive proposal. In other words, I say that we are creating prisons in the host countries and not essentially open horizons for both the people and the host countries.

Madam President, Commissioner, José, thank you very much for the very nice work and all of you, because from Tehran let us come back here to Europe, slowly. The recognition of equal rights and the fight against discrimination is not, in our opinion, a novelty. It is simply the self-evident EU international acquis. So it is not a happy time to chase the obvious in 2024. Because that means that broadly speaking, states and societies are treating LGBTIQ people in a deeply problematic way. And we should not applaud any weak micro-congestion as ground-breaking progress, because that is how we compromise on the minimum and that is not worth it to Europeans or to Europeans. It is very important, however, to say things by their name, as we say in Greece. As long as there are political factors and factions in the democratic arc that at every opportunity wink at the extreme right, which we have heard here, the socio-political act will shake up the poison of hatred and discrimination and normalize racism, marginalization, that is - to say things by their name - fascism, because formal equality under the law is a completely different issue from the substantive equality achieved through specific stable, applicable and evaluated policies. I call on the groups that have sought to remove the reference to the health implications of discrimination against LGBTIQ people to reconsider their position and also on the Union to legislate directly and horizontally on the issues of redefinition interventions.

Madam President, Commissioner, I have one minute to say the following: The Karaivaz case. A few days before the elections, the authorities announce the arrest of two suspects for the murder of the journalist and from then until today nothing new from the front. Second, Greek Watergate, Predatorgate. 15,500 people are under surveillance, including frontline politicians and MEPs. One of them is here, Mr. Kyrtsos. With no justification and no feasibility check, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis instrumentalised the Greek Intelligence Service. His nephew, Mr. Dimitriadis, director and protagonist of the scandal. 107 posts in the field of freedom of the press, with opaque lists of selective funding and mud industry against journalists and media outlets, such as the Documento newspaper, the Journal of the Editors and others. Tempi crime. As Mrs Sophia in 't Veld rightly said, whom I thank very much on behalf of all, the 57 families of the dead and 70 of the injured and crippled people will never hear the competent and responsible Minister give a speech to the Greek Justice by decision of the government majority. These are the problems in Greece. That has a name, Mitsotakis.

Madam President, Commissioner, Minister, many times in the LIBE Committee we have a problem: Governments think we are attacking the country. We are not attacking the country. We highlight serious rule of law issues. I do not want to enter the debate at all, whether it is a government that is friendly to us or a government that is negatively disposed to us. Last week, nine of my Slovak colleagues confirmed in an agonizing letter what the most authoritative reports and the most serious independent authorities have been repeating for years, that the rule of law is ill in Slovakia. However, instead of treatment, the country's prime minister is preparing to administer the lethal injection. It bothers us and, to some extent, scares us. Following the latest developments with Mr Fico's insistence on the de facto abolition of the Special Prosecutor's Office for Corruption and the Special Criminal Court, Bratislava's "news" is unfortunately very bad. The government is removing the country from the EU democratic acquis and attaching it to the chariot of anti-European orbanism. That's the danger. In conclusion, because our responsibility is to fight for the European future and the Slovak people, and the Polish, and the Hungarian, and the Greek people and all of us, for our single home, the manipulation of justice has no place in this house called the European Union. As much as some doubt it, the discussion about the obvious has long since ended.

Madam President, Commissioner, we have before us a very good text, which has been greatly improved on the draft we have received, and I would like to thank the rapporteurs, the shadow rapporteurs and the staff for this long hard work. But let's not stick to the obvious that we agree on; the earth is turning, so let's move on. I would like to make four or five points that are of value to me and to my political group. The following are very important elements for us in this file: firstly, the possibility for patients to restrict access to their data at will and to retain the full right to information; second, the conformity assessment mechanism; thirdly, a ban on linking the various well-being and well-being applications with electronic registers; fourth, to drastically limit the secondary use of health data to avoid discrimination against citizens in all areas of social action; fifthly, keeping the registers exclusively within our Union and, of course, providing for the consent mechanism for the processing of genetic data and data by two banks. In conclusion, although I think that the text is much better, improved, I think that it is not too late for some final improvements and I therefore invite you to support the points on which we have requested a separate vote.

Mr President, Commissioner, when a leftist completely agrees with Mr Lenaers, who is from the EPP, do you not understand that there is a truth somewhere? That here the committee, the members of the PEGA committee, have worked very importantly and seriously, all the colleagues of the democratic arc, and are they dissatisfied with your work? And here, in my own country, I would like to tell you that, a month ago, a request was made for a judicial investigation against two members of the ADAE Plenary, Mrs. Aikaterini Papanikolaou and Stefanos Gritzalis, by the former Prosecutor of the Supreme Court, Mr. Isidoros Dogiakos. It should be stressed that this investigation concerns the exercise of their duties as members of the Authority. What are we going to tell them? That here we have taken a decision by the European Parliament and the Commission is lagging behind? That it winks at various Member States, at governments rushing to amend laws, to target institutional gains, trying to cover up scandals with undue pressure and facilitating the export of illegal software? There is also a shared responsibility here, particularly on the part of the Commission. That is, you become part of the problem.

Mr President, six years have passed since the murder of Daphne Caruana Galizia. I have seen the EPP rapporteur's passion for this case in Malta. I hope he has the same passion for other cases, such as the case of Giorgos Karaivaz. Because I cannot tolerate as a journalist the game and the battle of two political groups depending on who governs the country. It's a mistake. We need to focus on the substance, on the key issue, which is democracy and the rule of law and the protection of journalists. Since then, we have been counting dead journalists: Ján Kuciak and his fiancée in 2018, Viktoria Marinova in 2018, Giorgos Karaivaz in 2021, the Dutchman Peter de Vries in 2021. This is what is happening in the Europe of democracy, the rule of law, freedom of expression. Dear colleagues, as long as the perception prevails that the culture of impunity, but also the silencing and cover-up, prevail over the truth, as it has become normal to abandon the protection of journalists and the same journalism from malicious attacks, I am afraid that we will have continuity. Daphne Caruana Galizia’s family is still waiting for vindication; So does the family of my colleague, Giorgos Karaivaz. As a last resort for the journalists who have perished, I propose to all of you, to all democratic political groups, on the initiative of our Parliament, that we adopt the families of the victims of free expression. In other words, I propose the establishment of a support and support fund, so that people, spouses and children, in their pain, can endure, stand on their feet, beyond the pride they have for the work of their people.

Madam President, I feel that they are heroes at the time of battle, disposable tools afterwards. This is the reality, and I have listened carefully and listened to speakers from the major factions. Tell your governments to do it. I am following the thinking of our rapporteur, I think it is in the right direction, and I say this: At a time when Europe is burning and sinking, the number of paid firefighters is decreasing. With this story we have less state. I don't get it. From the moment I speak to you in my country, the men and women of the fire brigade, the seasonal firefighters and the volunteers are in the waters of flooded Thessaly. Yesterday it was in the forests of Evros and Corfu and Rhodes and everywhere, on the front line, and the day before yesterday in the earthquake. Heroes during battle, expendable afterwards. In my country there are 4,000 vacant organic posts and instead of filling them, we have the modern discovery of seasonality. What kind of idea is that? But the worsening climate crisis highlights the need for permanent staff. The huge pay gap between the firefighter of the South and the firefighter of the North needs to be closed. One of our tools is the European Minimum Wage Directive. Why isn't he moving on? And of course the European register, to which our rapporteur referred. That's a great idea! To be supported. We must act collectively in a single plan. This story concerns us all.

Madam President, first of all, good evening to all of you and to the Commissioner. I have listened carefully, I have listened carefully and I have listened carefully to the rigour and the books of the Palestinian Authority. I will just put a footnote on whether Israel respects Palestinians' right to exist. This is a special case, but I want to say that violence is a general principle that in itself explains nothing more. From there, all value lies in analysis. The flat-rate set-off comes arbitrarily to cancel this entire process, in my opinion. This is a falsified narrative and is imposed in terms of dogma on the public perception. In the well-known populist motif of neoliberal revisionism, the dangerous, deceptive and simplistic theory of the two extremes is persistently returning. This is very dangerous and unhistorical. Unfortunately, it is even more sad and corrosive for this debate, with these features of unhistorical egalitarianism, to take place, and thus be institutionally legitimised, within the European Parliament itself. Europe, guided by proportionality and honest assessment of events, ends up with such approaches to deny its own identity, to become unhistorical, to forget what happened in 1930, 1935, 1940, to consciously succumb to the dark methods. And this unhistorical and dangerous project of netting gives an alibi to criminals of our past, but also of our future.

Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, we are talking about crime and I think we all agree, regardless of what point of view we see it from. A crime, because we knew it, as we all know very well that it will happen again, so let's prepare the speeches for the next crime. I'm sure the majority here are sad. The question is whether the sadness is limited to the finding or whether we should go a little further. Of course - and unfortunately we have heard it - there are some who stand on these tragedies indifferently or shout, as we heard here on the benches. We are two worlds colliding, the world of humanity and the world of inhumanity. In the case of Pylos, we are forced by the tragedy to move, despite our disagreements, to a majority level and go – I will put aside the issues relating to the causes – further, to see what happens from now on. I will put aside the dialogue. As much as Mr Weber and the far right try, the facts confirm that fences are not dissuasive and push people en masse onto other roads, mostly to death. The legal and safe passages to the asylum find us in agreement, Mrs Johanson, and help persuade governments which internally discredit this proposal. They're giving us trouble. This is where my dear colleague, Mrs Vozeberg, can take a position if the PPE agrees with your proposal. Secondly, there are questions about Frontex and we are asking for answers about Pylos. How was the vessel, this hearse, allowed to leave the ports of Libya and Egypt? Didn't anyone see that boat? After the European services detected the voyage and the danger of the situation, why were no orders given for the immediate evacuation of the vessel and the salvation of the people? Who's responsible? And one last thing, I ask for an answer: Why weren't people given lifejackets? Who's responsible?

Madam President, a small breakthrough, today is a very difficult day for Europe and for my country. Out of the question, we have dozens of dead people out there, in Greek and European waters. They are immigrants. I'm going back to the subject. From the Lagarde list, to the Panama Papers, to the Paradise Papers, now to the Pandora papers, to the extraordinary role of investigative journalism and the guilty and condescending role of the political subject. We are talking about at least EUR 2.3 trillion of EU funds ending up in tax havens. That is, on the one hand, citizens or ordinary people should be taxed and controlled - on the other hand, the business and political elite and international organised crime should multiply their capital and journalists should be persecuted. It is unacceptable for the Union to tolerate these suspicious donations of capital. Let's talk straight. We see the Right and the People's Party refusing to disclose data and insisting on not naming the Member States that sponsor such practices. Nor do we hear criticism of the insufficient 15% of the minimum corporate tax rate. So here, face to face, all the political groups take a stand. It's a clear position.

Mr President, Commissioner, we welcome your quick reflexes and moves on the latest developments in Poland. The creation of the special commission to investigate Russian "influence" and the revision of electoral rules a few months before the elections leave in no way questions about the Polish government's goal. And this is none other than trying to control ideas and opposing political opinions. Unfortunately, this example is slowly being followed by other countries to the south. This is an effort and tactic that unfortunately has become a constant in many right-wing conservative governments and stems from the feeling "the state is me, I am the rightful owner of the state, the state belongs to me". And of course patriotic credentials are sought, where the whole state apparatus, with all the means at its disposal, plays the game of tarnishing, silencing, the extermination of the other point of view. Mr. Reynders, on these issues concerning the core of democracy, we will be by your side. We ask you to be even more vertical, because the more we leave room for violations of the rule of law, the more autocracy spreads and ends up unchecked, like gangrene.

Madam President, Commissioner, thank you very much for your contribution, but there is a simple question: Do we have states that do their job and a European Union that does not, or vice versa, or both? Are we losing money or are we losing our souls to corruption? What is defined as corruption? I think we'll define it today: ‘the abuse of delegated power for the individual’s or the system’s own benefit’; i.e. abuse by state officials or entire mechanisms involving, as appropriate, the state, the deep state and the para-state. From small-scale delinquency in a town planning case, to the involvement of police officers in the ‘circuits of the night’ or the participation of ‘circuits of the night’ in the police hierarchy – we heard them on a nationwide network in Greece; from a story where a party leader hires a station chief and we lose 57 people, to the experts that Europe was sending and the country did not want to hear them – it wanted its own – or the investigative procedures. In Greece, eight out of ten citizens see a lot of corruption in the media, politics, public sector, local government, justice and health. Let me come now to be useful: Where is the enforcement mechanism, Mr Schmit? I agree with your suggestion, but I think this is missing: We need new rules, we need control mechanisms and independent authorities, to end this "cooking" against democracy. We need a more robust set of controls and accountability. For us, for the left, it is a question of democracy.

Mr President, Mrs Johansson, I could not disagree with what you have said, under any circumstances. But here you and everyone see that we have two Europes: a Europe that sees and a Europe that does not understand. We are talking about Italy, about the shipwreck, but here, in plenary, two meetings ago, weren't we talking about Kythera? Did I not tell you about the great shipwreck in Kythera, where the ships left from Turkey, from Smyrna, and burst on the rocks of Kythera? No one saw them? Didn't a warship or Frontex see them? This story is getting tired; We need to make constant findings and, on the other hand, not have initiatives. From January to June 2022, on average, five people die a day trying to cross our waters, the Mediterranean. According to UNHCR, the total number of dead or missing persons in the Mediterranean in 2022 is 2,000 people. And don't listen to international law, what it says and so on. We have been saying for years that we want safe and legal migration routes. You said it yourself. But we'll totally agree. Does the right-wing do what they don't understand? That's the main point. Here we have seen many times the phenomenon of smugglers essentially moving under the nose of the state authorities, I do not know whether even under the nose of Frontex. That is why I told you the example of Kythera. I will close as I started, with the words of Ms Metsola. Ms Metsola had a very good speech the other day and said: We are a generation of politicians who cannot ignore reality. Yes, but to legislate, not just to describe the reality, because here there is a very serious issue. So, in closing, the request is: integration, relocation and, of course, legal migration routes.

Madam President, I think Mr Schmit's recommendation is in the right direction, I just want to add two or three things. I think we are again living in a repeat of the same nightmare, especially for countries that have gone bankrupt: social inequalities are increasing, a new dynamic of impoverishment of the middle and small and medium-sized strata emerges, for citizens who are already in the sphere of poverty, nor reason, the situation is tragic. Many of our fellow Europeans are now unable to pay the unbearable bills for housing, communication, water, energy and nutrition. The European Semester, therefore, must and can promote a new production model based on the needs of the many and on social, environmental and fiscal justice, and of course the basic goods must be in the public space and in public control. I am talking about collective agreements, as Mr Schmit said, and I will agree with him on fair and adequate wages, on ensuring workers' mental health, on gender equality. This is the direction of the report we are discussing, which includes many of our priorities. I think we need to take space and actions in this process.

Madam President, breaches of the rule of law can be observed in all Member States. What separates the cases is whether each government is trying to heal the wound or whether it is the wound itself. In the case of Greece, here, the wound is Kyriakos Mitsotakis himself, who perceives the state as his property. From the arrests of parents and children in cinemas for watching the film Joker to the funding lists of friendly media (Petsa list), the murders of petty delinquent Roma by the police, the pushbacks, the police invasion with extreme violence in the director's house, the persecution of journalists and practicing magistrates, we reached the organization and orchestration of surveillance of political and institutional functionaries of democracy with the order and guidance of Mr. Mitsotakis himself. Shocking is the revelation that the systemic media, the senior police officers communicated and received orders from the Greek mafia. And of course George Karaivaz, the journalist who was murdered and we are still looking for the culprits, cannot leave our minds. Today, the Guardian reveals election manipulation in 30 countries, including Greece. Something is happening in Greece. And, of course, we believe that this nightmare will soon end for democracy to win.

Mr President, what Mr Weber said, that walls are not taboo, frightened me a little. I never saw the Berlin Wall as a taboo, nor the wall in Nicosia. So I find his statement rather misplaced – not to say unhistorical. A pragmatic and humanitarian response to the issue can only be achieved at European level through legal and controlled safe pathways, with an application for asylum combined with a mandatory equal and proportionate relocation of refugees to all Member States. I agree with what the Socialists have said: Solidarity is forced, not games with the word. European leadership must stop funding and strengthening primarily the causes of the refugee crisis, such as the war and the climate crisis, and focus on projects aimed at the well-being of people at home. What we are seeing today is a failed management and we have created a machine that eats up billions of Europe's citizens to produce new deadlocks, oppression and death. And, of course, there is a simple question: Walls between Europe and accession countries like Turkey? Is Turkey a safe country or not? That's a big question. Let us not fool people and – of course – let us not play with far-right scenarios.

Madam President, fascism does not come from the future, 'fascism does not come from the future, supposedly something new to bring us'. We know him, we paid him, we hurt, we bleed. And the far right is not an ephemeral phenomenon. It is a situation that is armed, watered and rekindled here, in these parliamentary benches. Today, the first vote was very worrying, very worrying. All those who, in their petty political opportunism and with the morbid rhetoric of the internal enemy, end up hatching the serpent's egg have a very heavy historical and political responsibility. The same political families make the same historical mistake of '35. We are in the same play, unfortunately, attributing regularity and legitimacy to an extremist, inhumane, fascist rhetoric, which may have ephemeral victories in the narrative – in elections perhaps, but actually shoots democracy. So those of us here who believe, I think we can ally. Democracy is above all.

Mr President, () I did not quite understand this memorandum of cooperation about Greece, if you can explain it to us in your second reading, because I did not understand whether Greece is an accession state or a member. I'll explain why I'm saying this. What are the steps to transform a liberal democracy into an illiberal, progressively authoritarian one? I was a journalist. I've been fired a few times over democracy issues. The surveillance scandal in Greece, which we brought to Parliament's bodies, was the surveillance of a journalist. His name is Koukakis, he was investigating the course of suspicious money. Mr Koukakis was considered a national risk because he was also pressing on the issue of money management; the National Intelligence Service was monitoring him, in which, by its own law, the Prime Minister of Greece, Mr Mitsotakis, is responsible. The other victim, journalist Mr Malikoudis, was investigating refugee-related journalistic issues; and this was classified as a national danger by the service headed by the Prime Minister. If I continue with the names, I won't have time. Journalists who exposed the Lagarde list and the Novartis case were brought to justice, mocked, labeled by Greece's prime minister as a "gang", afflicted, acquitted. There is stagnation without any official information. You said the investigation was proceeding. Commissioner, you know what? Because we don't know anything about where we are in Greece. I'm talking about the Karaivaz case. The president of the court changed, I learned, in a case with "greek mafia". Judges leave Greece, prosecutors change country. With the coronavirus we also had lists of sponsored, friendly, media. SLAPPs are an industry in the country. When Mr. Mitsotakis is asked about the 108th place in the freedom of the press, he discredits the institutions and says, "Where did you get these?" In Greece, therefore, anyone can say what they want, it is not a dictatorship, the point is that the journalist cannot find a say in the oligopolies of the press and that is a problem.