What Pedro spoke about.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner McGuinness, financial crime knows no borders. That is why this is one of the cases where Europe can really make a difference. Today, we will pass tighter anti-money laundering rules for both banks and the non-financial sector. And most importantly, we have created a new European authority to ensure tight and demanding supervision across the Union, in particular for large institutions. Fighting dirty money is a matter of justice, but also of respect for the millions of people who abide by the law and earn their income honestly. There are those who speak and there are those who do. For a parliamentarian, the world will not change for the better, we will not leave any kind of mark only with inflamed speeches, but also with cabinet work, with detail work, with much will, with much collaboration, through the Chamber. It is therefore with great pleasure, in my last speech in this Parliament in this parliamentary term, that I - who have also given my share of inflamed speeches on topics that are very important for Europe, I believe - also leave this testimony of a concrete work, of a concrete result, done in collaboration with my colleagues - whom I thank - from various parliamentary benches, thus leaving as a legacy also of all of us, in this parliamentary term, in these last voting sessions, the creation of the European authority against money laundering. It is also a pleasure, Mr President, to make this last speech of mine while you are presiding over this sitting. Ladies and gentlemen of delegation, colleagues even from the Economic Committee, friends from many years ago, Commissioner - also our colleague in the ECON Committee at the beginning of this mandate - this is therefore a good way to end this mandate. Yes, we worked, we made our proclamations, but we delivered results to Europeans. And as the Commissioner rightly said a moment ago, it is good for Europeans to know that concrete results are being delivered here that change our lives for the better.

Madam President, Commissioners, colleagues, it may be easy to come here and criticise the Migration Pact. It is obviously not perfect, but it is a compromise – a moment in which Europe stops dragging its feet on migration – and therefore it is a positive moment. The Pact will establish effective procedures to manage our borders, but never giving up on huge solidarity with the refugees. That’s why the far right hates it. It will overcome national selfishness that left alone our border countries in the Mediterranean, introducing a binding solidarity mechanism between Member States. That is also why the far right hates it. It addresses the need to cooperate with origin countries. If the EU really wants to manage migration, it must cooperate on the stabilisation and development of these countries. That is also why the far right hates it. Imperfect as it might be, this is one of the milestones of these five years. The far right hates it because they will have to live with the fact that we deliver for Europeans, and, yes, we will deliver today.

Madam President, just briefly wanted to say that despite the ICJ rulings, despite the UN Security Council resolution, all the legal obligations, all the binding measures to protect the civilians and the aid workers, again, seven World Central Kitchen staff members were killed last week in Gaza. They were devoting their life to helping the most vulnerable. This is not an isolated case. Over 200 humanitarian workers were already killed in Gaza. This cannot become the new normal. This is unacceptable. It needs a thorough investigation and accountability. Starvation, the weaponisation of food and humanitarian aid, is already part of this humanitarian tragedy in Gaza, for which is responsible the government, this far right government of Prime Minister Netanyahu. We, the Parliament, must address and send a political message urgently about the brutality of this tragedy with the proper debate. Still, given the nature of this plenary and the limited time for a proper discussion, we urge you to immediately include it in the agenda for April II in Strasbourg. There is a majority of political groups to do so. We really want this debate to happen and this political signal to be sent to the Israelian government.

Mr President, Commissioners, Minister, ladies and gentlemen, with the newly agreed new debt and deficit rules we have been able to improve the flexibility to manage public accounts in a sustainable way and to promote investment and employment. But today, with the risks of stagnation threatening our economy, we have heard voices – even today we hear it again – defending the mistakes of the past: spending cuts, austerity, pro-cyclical measures to worsen the situation. We have had a lot of that from the PPE today. This is therefore the time to leave a concrete challenge to the Council, but also to all of us, in the context of the annual recommendations to the Member States. Where's the investment? Where is the investment priority? Where is a common investment vehicle? Digitalisation, reindustrialisation, collective security, more social cohesion and employment? Objectives that will remain on paper, due to a lack of political commitment and common investment, if we persist in this stubbornness. We can't stay in this limbo. We have to decide and we have to do it.

Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, Minister representing the Council, ladies and gentlemen, the next European Council will be important to reaffirm our unconditional support for Ukraine, but also to demand, I would say, above all to demand at this moment, an immediate and unconditional ceasefire in Gaza, without ambiguity, to stop the humanitarian catastrophe that is shocking the world. We very much welcome the payments to UNRWA and the humanitarian convoy that is developing, but what we really need is peace. We need peace now! Europeans also hope to be protected from the winds of war, whether they come through arms or a cost-of-living crisis that has left millions of Europeans unable to pay their bills. While populists threatening the European project are cheering for everything to go wrong, the European Union must address the problems of ordinary people. If, in fact, we cannot but strengthen our security and strategic autonomy, we cannot give up social security policies and cohesion policies. We must give priority to the social situation, which is the main concern of Europeans. Many Europeans today heard Manfred Weber and did not believe that his social situation was totally absent from the EPP priorities brought to this debate. Fortunately, we have good examples of European action, such as the agreement to end the social and labour disprotection of platform workers proposed and promoted by Commissioner Schmit. 30 million people gained rights, ending precariousness in this sector. We need the political will, the budget, to move forward in housing policy, to move forward in the fight against social inequalities in Europe.

Madam President, Madam Navalnaya, today we pay tribute to Alexei Navalny, the 2021 Sakharov Prize laureate, for his courage and his ultimate sacrifice for democracy and for freedom in your country against the tyranny and the corruption of Putin’s regime. He paid the highest price with his own life, but his legacy will live through you, through your family, and it will be honoured through the Russian people. We express our heartfelt condolences to you, his brave wife, but also to your family. This House has repeatedly condemned, in the strongest possible terms, the persecution of Alexei Navalny, his poisoning, all the politically motivated rulings, the trump charges, calling for his immediate and unconditional release. But you challenged us here today, and we heard you loud and clear. That is something that I want to say to you. The news of his death in the hands of the Putin regime in a remote Siberian prison outraged us and was met with the strongest condemnation. It sent shockwaves, you know, around Russia, but around the world. We could witness it personally all over Europe. Alexei was a political leader, one of the most brave ones, with powerful convictions that inspired people, raising collective consciousness for what was happening and is still happening in Russia. He represented the hope and the vision for a different, for a better Russia. His death brings us back to the memories, the darkest moments in the Russian history and the conditions of his imprisonment and the violence he suffered makes Putin and the regime ultimately responsible for his fate. We demand an international and an independent investigation into the circumstances of his death, and for all responsible for his detention, for his treatment, and for his death to be held to account. Truth must be told, consequences must be borne and justice must be served. The memory of Alexei will live into the ages. He was a fighter, a fighter for democracy and a democratic Russia will prevail one day. Be brave, Madame Navalnaya. For your family, for Alexei’s memory, but for the people of Russia.

Madam President, colleagues, an important debate, this one, at an existential moment for Europe and the world. One has to start by saying we did well on responding to yet another existential threat to the world – that was COVID. We were safe and the Europeans recognise it, but the rest of the world accused us of just taking care of the rich people in the West. We did also well when Putin invaded Ukraine with an extraordinary effort by our High Representative, we were united from the beginning, sanctioning Putin and delivering weapons to Ukraine. Now, yet another war came to our borders, increasing the uncertainty of the times that we live. We can’t simply look the other way when 30 000 people died in a few months at the hands of the Israeli army in Gaza. The rest of the world is yet again questioning our moral compass. But it is us that should be questioning, ‘What are we doing in these dramatic times?’ President von der Leyen, if we want to be safer in the world, we have to be a more geopolitical Europe, as you correctly pointed out at times. But the world will not forgive us for our double standards. The world will not partner with us if they feel left behind, just as long as they are not Caucasian or rich. If we want to be more geopolitical, we need to keep our moral compass and then we have to go geostrategic and start really mobilising all our instruments. Where are our concrete actions for lasting partnerships with Africa and Latin America? Will we just give up to President Macron’s domestic problems and turn our back on the rest of the world? We can’t continue to hesitate. We need to go forward, not stall our ambition. If we want to be safe, we need to be stronger to make ourselves respected in the world. Where are the funds, the actual funds that we need for the strategic autonomy of Europe? A greener Europe will also be a safer Europe for the future. Have you told Mr Weber, President von der Leyen, have you told him this much? Do you know that the EPP is trying to tear down the green policies that we built, also with the work of the Commission, trading the future of Europe and the planet for just a few thousand votes? A Europe with more opportunities for all is also a safer Europe for all. Where are your concrete policies for a more social Europe? Have you forgotten the politics for the people, particularly those that suffered the most here in Europe? The EU also misses proposals to really face the threats of China, or even the aggressive IRA of the US. Not with words and strategies, but with resources for our economy to match the ambition of these programmes of particularly the Chinese rivals. A global vision, we do need; a strategy, we do need – but we also need concrete tools to act. Where are our teeth when some of our natural allies, let alone our opponents, challenge our common values or interests? What did you do in concrete terms to stop Netanyahu’s unacceptable actions in Gaza that followed the madness of Hamas? What did you do to actually promote lasting peace? Why didn’t you personally call for an unconditional ceasefire now that millions have their lives threatened in Rafah, Madam President? Guterres and Borrell, they led by example in this conflict, but from you, I am sorry to say, President von der Leyen, it’s been silence in action after a serious initial mistake. A safer Europe will be a Europe that projects its strengths in the world to promote peace, not war, to promote development, not inequalities. A safer Europe will be able to be more relevant in its own defence, saying yes to NATO, saying yes to its neighbours. But it has to be a Europe based on solidarity and knowing that, as always, an eye for an eye will only turn this world into blindness.

Mr President, Madam President of the Commission, Madam President of the Council of the European Union, colleagues, two years of this war, more than 700 days of suffering in Ukraine. In each of these days, people were killed, children lost their lives or their parents, families were destroyed by the brutal attacks of Russia. In each of these more than 700 days, the brave Ukrainian people stood against one of the most powerful armies in the world, showing their courage and their will. But make no mistake, courage and determination can only do so much, we know that. Ukrainians need the ammunition and they need the financial support to win the war. The Ukraine facility is long overdue. Minister, the MFF review is still not there. We should have come to this moment proclaiming that we are with the Ukrainians in every single day of the war with an agreement on the MFF review, and the money is still not there. So I please ask you, to the Council, to the Presidency of the Council, there is a message that needs to be clear: trilogues are not monologues. This Parliament does not accept this idea on the economic governance, on the MFF review, that the trilogue is simply a monologue. So please bring back that message, because we need an agreement. We need rapidly to have an agreement to support the Ukrainians so that our proclamations are followed by the money that we have promised them and that is still lacking. Let us deliver on this fight for liberty, let us agree rapidly on our support to Ukraine.

Madam President, yes I do, in the name of the S&D Group. We want to make it clear that we are absolutely for a proper debate of the current situation in Gaza, but we have been able up until now as a Parliament to stay united, and the strength of the European position regarding this situation, which on the ground is so dire, is that we have been able to do this – particularly us here in Parliament. We need to continue to be clear on asking for a stop of the situation of the attacks in Gaza, for a ceasefire, but at the same time taking into account all the events that have actually occurred in these last days and weeks, some of them regarding the conditions in which the initial attack by Hamas was perpetrated. We were also very clear on condemning, from the beginning, the attack of Hamas. We want to preserve that unity. We want Parliament and we want Europe to remain united and be strong – to stop the situation, the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. But it is not the time for us to be divided. We want this proper debate in February II, as it was agreed between the political groups.

Madam President, Council, dear President von der Leyen, colleagues, I want to start by saying that whoever leads the Council on its special meeting on the 1st of February needs to show enough strength and leadership to overcome the blackmail of Orbán and deliver on the EU budget and the support to Ukraine. Europe is yet again at an existential moment. Europeans are looking at us. European leaders need to show that they can actually be respected by our citizens and the whole world. Who could tell that through this mandate, our geopolitical Europe would indeed be tested so much? Yes, we delivered in the vaccines altogether, but too many of them were sold to the developed world while the rest of the world was looking at us in agony. Yes, we delivered with resolve to the Ukrainians for these two years, including by opening the negotiations for accession just a month ago. But when the US are starting to falter, we are not yet filling the gap, even if it is our security, our values and our freedom that is being fought for on those fields. We are taking too long to create our own strategic autonomy in a world that is much more confrontational now. We are giving in to the blackmail of Orbán, and all the bullies in Europe are rejoicing with that. The Europeans are suffering and the populists, they are laughing at it because they will grow from anger and frustration, turning suffering and fear into hatred. And now, at this critical moment, we are faced with a proposal to eventually start cutting our policies that can help those that are suffering to pay for the interests of Next Generation EU. We cannot do more, like helping Ukrainians or all the correct priorities you identified, Madam President, with less, at the cost of other policies like cohesion policy. Europeans want fair transitions and better housing for all. They want to reinforce our social economic model, not to see it endangered by austerity policies imposed by the Council. We will fight as a parliament for social convergence and sustainable investment in the new fiscal rules. The populists, the neo-fascists, the anti-Europeans that now you worry about, Mr Weber, those are coming now out of every corner. They are raising their arms into the open air, fuelling from people’s frustrations. The Europeans are asking us, where is Brussels when we need it? This is a defining moment. Europe needs to find strength and the will to fight hatred yet again.

Mr President, Minister, Commissioner, colleagues, as we speak, bombs keep falling in Gaza. Civilians are getting killed by the thousands. Children are dying in this dreadful war. 24 000 deaths, 70% of them women and children, and the war keeps going. To have an idea of the proportion of this death toll, it is the equivalent to 5 million deaths if it were the EU population. Yes, 5 million. Half of my country’s population. Much more than many of the European Member States. How can this happen and still be considered a proportional response to the atrocities of Hamas? As is well known, we condemned in the strongest possible terms the terrorist attacks of Hamas. We did it back then, we will always condemn it, and call for the release of all hostages. Hamas is a terrorist group that should be eliminated. No doubt about that. But the elimination of Hamas cannot be done at any cost. Civilians are not fighters. Children are not terrorists. Collective punishment, including famine and thirst, is not admissible. Those responsible for terrorist acts and violations of international law and war crimes, all of them must be held to account. As always, we reiterate our strong support and trust on the International Criminal Court and the Court of Justice. No exceptions. The total destruction of Gaza, the flattening of every inch to the ground will not bring peace or justice to the region, will not keep Israel safer. The bloodshed must stop now. Humanitarian aid must be allowed to access the entire Gaza urgently. And an immediate and permanent ceasefire must be settled, which is the only thing that can pave the way for any viable solution. The occupation of the Palestinian territories, including Gaza, must end, and an independent Palestinian state must be established following the spirit of the Oslo Accords. Negotiation is the only way forward. War and violence can only bring death, more death. Too many lives are already lost; it is time to stop.

Mr President, I would like to greet the Minister on her first appearance towards the Parliament, in which I gather it will be a lot. Dear Commissioner, Vice President, colleagues, from the beginning of the war, the EU and its Member States committed themselves to support Ukraine as long as it takes, and our support Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and integrity has been unwavering. Yet we are again at a defining moment. The fact is that Ukraine is at a critical point in the war, with lack of weapons and ammunition, as they refer to constantly. And I would like to say even to Michael Gahler, it is under the leadership of Chancellor Scholz that Germany is continuing to support Ukraine, but a number of Member States must deliver on their promises at this stage. The inability of the Council to agree on the financing to Ukraine is deeply concerning and disappointing, Minister, and this is a message I’d like to convey directly to you, and the possibility of the US withdrawing their support is at least disturbing. Ukrainians are fighting for their bare existence. Their victory prevents us from fighting ourselves against a rogue imperialist state of Putin that has no regard for the international law. They are fighting for their lives. We are fighting also in an existential moment of the European Union.

Madam President, Commissioner, colleagues, let me be crystal clear. We totally condemn the ongoing attacks on maritime activities in the Red Sea from these Houthi-controlled territories in Yemen with the support of Iran. The Houthi attacks threaten the international navigation and the maritime security in grave disrespect from international law, and they endanger the lives of the civilian crews, some of them already abducted, and create serious environmental and obvious economic risks. Contrary to what the Houthi leaders say, the attacks are of no help in addressing the war in Gaza. In fact, they further destabilise the region and create increased risks for the populations. They also destabilise the world commerce, with effects that are already being felt in many regions in the world. We don’t need another factor to fuel a possible economic crisis. We therefore urge the Houthis to immediately stop the attacks, and call on all parties to avoid further escalation in the region. We particularly want to tell directly to the Iran regime: be on the right side for once, on the side of stability in your own region. We call on the Member States to be meaningful and take immediate and concerted efforts to address these attacks if the Houthis, of course, do not stop immediately. We need an effective operation in the Red Sea, with an executive mandate to ensure the naval security in the region. This should be built from close cooperation with the regional actors, but also with our international parties, many of them which are already acting on the ground. There is no more time for ambiguities. Europe is a commercial stronghold in the world, but that also means we must protect our trade capacities. Europe and the world are already suffering from the consequences of successive wars, and the spike on energy prices and inflation that came with it. People are dying by the thousands because of these wars. We cannot add the death or the abduction of the crews in the Red Sea, the destruction of our vessels, and the health of a good part of the world commerce to all the tragedies already taking place in front of us. The EU is a world player and should act as such, including, as the High Representative referred recently, by enforcing the United Nations Security Council Resolution 2722, which reiterates that the states have the right to defend their vessels against these attacks in accordance to international law. Let us show that we can act. We will act when threats to the international law arise, no matter where or by whom these threats come to reality.

Madam President, Commissioner Schmit, remaining colleagues, today, many young people do not feel confident that they will enjoy a higher or even the same living standards as their parents did. Students are unable to join their preferred university just because they cannot even rent a room. Young workers find out that wages are low, even after five years or more of higher education, and many couples live in a limbo, unable to afford a home to gain independence or start a family. For the majority of these, the future, how they see it now is not a source of hope, but of frustration. The writing is on the wall. Together we risk failing a whole generation. But there is still time to correct course and start delivering. And that time is right now. Our group asked for this debate because we do care. We care for this young generation, and we think that Europe has to be part of the solution. That is why the Socialists and Democrats defend a housing plan that ensures affordable and decent homes for all. Europe needs more social, public, cooperative and affordable housing. This includes more European funding and better conditions for long-term public investment, but also changes to the state aid regime, defining housing as a service of general economic interests. We need better legislation, more investment. But Europe is also the European Central Bank and the ECB should look at the consequences of their current policies. People are suffering and inflation has already come down significantly. The evidence is clear now. We risk an over tightening of the monetary policy and a recession as a consequence. Each percentage point of unemployment in Europe is 2 million people suffering. We shouldn’t accept this. The cost of living crisis already left many people with lighter grocery bags but heavier bills. It is hard to be positive about tomorrow when life gets so difficult today for so many people. That is why our political family brought forward the Bring the Bills Down initiative, asking for direct support to the citizens. We are paying attention, we care. These daily struggles are not only the field where Europe can make a difference. In fact, we must continue to act and act much earlier and provide solutions for a better quality of life. We stand by the committees that brought the social pillar into a reality. The Porto summit was not just a beauty contest for nice pictures. With the good weather. We said it by then. It needs to continue to deliver concrete results. It means prioritising better jobs with fair wages. Let us improve the youth guarantee and impose a ban on unpaid internships to ensure young people enter the job market swiftly and with better conditions. The agreement reached last night and I want to praise Commissioner Schmit and you, Elisabetta Gualmini, and so many that were there. This agreement regarding the platform workers legislation, it’s a great victory that we should celebrate as a Parliament. This means less precariousness. Labour rights for millions of workers that were deprived and still are deprived from any protection. We fought for it. Hardly. We were fighting for many youngsters in Europe that live in this reality. We are proud to say that we delivered on that promise just this evening. But we are here also to fight against poverty, particularly the poverty of children. The child guarantee must be the backbone of social policy, ensuring every kid has access to proper conditions. Colleagues, making Europe more social is not just the right thing, it’s also the smart thing. Time and time again, our citizens speak out loud and they say they want a more social Europe. Our message is clear. You can count on the Socialists and Democrats to build a Europe that works for the young people, because we care.

Madam President, Council, dear President von der Leyen, colleagues: President von der Leyen, Europe is once again facing an existential moment. European citizens were promised by you a geopolitical union. Ukrainian citizens were promised unconditional support for their efforts to stop Russia. Today, both promises risk not being a long-lasting reality. As the USA discusses openly the withdrawal of their support to Ukraine, the EU is also fighting over the budget and thus hasn’t yet responded decisively: ‘you can count on us for good’. The revision of the EU budget and the decisive opening of the negotiations with Ukraine is what we want to hear tomorrow from the Council. Dear Secretary of State, can you please convey that message? At this same moment, we are also challenged from the inside by Viktor Orbán, who keeps blackmailing the EU to be allowed to infringe the rule of law. President von der Leyen, let me address you directly: if the Commission now pays Mr. Orbán a fat cheque, it will be just the payment of a ransom. It will tell everyone that bullying does work. You need to explain here today: what are you deciding, and why are you deciding? Because from the outside, I have to tell you, it looks really nasty. Because, dear President, threats to the rule of law may come from many other bullies after this decision on Orbán. After nurturing Mr. Orbán in its ranks for a decade, to see him then just grow wild and leave its ranks, the EPP is now flirting with a new set of bullies that will be the Orbáns of tomorrow. The EPP didn’t even just flirt with the far right: it actually married them in Italy, in Sweden, in Finland, and even in my country and in Spain at the regional level. The far right’s growth was allowed, was fuelled by this support by the EPP, but also by the financial crisis, by the lack of solidarity in the migratory crisis. But now it is the cost of living crisis that is allowing frustration and hatred to grow again. People are suffering from the cost of living crisis, and the Council now needs to give a completely different signal, and that’s also what we await from you on the new fiscal rules. The trade unions, they are out there and they are saying to Europe, ‘we reject the pro-cyclical austerity the Council is discussing’. They are voicing the concerns of millions of Europeans. The ball is now on your side, on the Council side, we want you to listen to the cry of the people, don’t stay indifferent because we are here indeed to make a difference.

Mr President, Mr Borrell, ladies and gentlemen, with each passing day, the humanitarian disaster in Gaza is worsening, with 17 or 18 000 dead, 5 000 children. Words are missing to describe this tragedy. Israel's right of defence and objective of destroying Hamas, after the unjustifiable death of so many Jews, the miserable rapes, the kidnappings, the violence without barracks, is legitimate. But the ends do not justify any means. A terrorist killing of Jews does not justify a killing of Palestinians against international law. Democracies don't behave that way. Netanyahu has for years been complacent with Hamas in Gaza, thus actively boycotting the two-state solution. The Palestinians, who were ruled under the yoke of Hamas with Israel's tolerance, cannot all be turned into terrorists, into targets to be shot down. We must stop this war now, a humanitarian ceasefire that halts this killing and resumes the release of all hostages already, that leads to a lasting ceasefire and relaunches the political process, that leads to the two-state solution with security guarantees for both. There is no prolongation of a war that every day, every week, with thousands of dead, leaves us a few years further from peace. In such dark times, let's look at the example back there of Shimon Peres, Yasser Arafat, Isaac Rabin who overcame decades of conflict to sign the Oslo Accords. The enemies of peace then did not like their actions and the solution of the enemies of peace is always the same: more violence, more deaths, more war. But violence only generates more and more violence. It is not with more war that peace is achieved. Let us recall here the words of the Talmud: He who saves one life saves the whole world.

Mr President, I ask you for the same tolerance of the previous speaker, because I have to defend the honour of my country and I will do it in Portuguese. Senhor Weber, devo defender a honra do meu país pelo que aqui fez hoje. No meio do ataque às instituições espanholas, dirigiu-se ao governo do meu país e chamou corrupto ao governo do meu país. Desrespeitou assim Portugal. Peço à Mesa deste Parlamento (o Senhor Presidente tinha falado na importância do cuidado com a terminologia usada), peço à Mesa deste Parlamento que avalie o que fez aqui o Senhor Weber. Desrespeitou Portugal, desrespeitou um governo democrático europeu. E digo-lhe mais: não descerei, não descerei ao seu nível! Não descerei ao seu nível. Sempre lhe lembrarei apenas que António Costa se demitiu para deixar funcionar a Justiça sem estar acusado de nada. No seu governo de Espanha, do PP de Rajoy, esse governo foi derrubado por terem sido condenados por corrupção, e Rajoy agarrou-se ao poder até ao fim e foi derrubado por uma maioria parlamentar. É muito mau o que aqui fez hoje no ataque a um governo europeu, Senhor Weber. Tivemos aqui o discurso inflamado também do Senhor Rangel, como também o tinha feito em Espanha. O Senhor Rangel, com uma total desonestidade intelectual, veio a Espanha fazer um discurso sobre a Espanha Una, sobre a Constituição. O que escreveu ele em 2017, quando governava o PP em Espanha por alturas do referendo na Catalunha? Rangel escreveu, e cito: «Por mais que custe aos mais conservadores, a unidade de Espanha só pode ser mantida com o modelo federal». E dizia mais: «É politicamente errada a fixação no argumento jurídico e legal. A Constituição e as leis podem mudar. O argumento tem de ser político.» Isto era Rangel em 2017. Agora é discursar em Madrid na defesa do Estado Uno e da Constituição. (O orador prossegue em língua espanhola) Ahora, para terminar, hablaré unos segundos en español. Hablemos también de Esteban Pons. Esteban Pons, antiguo diputado al Parlamento, ha dicho esta última semana que el Tribunal Constitucional tendrá que decidir de qué lado está, si del lado de los constitucionalistas o del de los enemigos de la Constitución. Presidente, ¿qué respeto a la independencia de la justicia es esto? ¿Hablan ustedes en la derecha de presión política sobre la justicia? Pues les diré que la derecha española, con sus coaliciones con la extrema derecha, es la que está poniendo en cuestión el Estado de Derecho en Europa (el presidente retira la palabra al orador).

Mr President, High Representative, Commissioner, colleagues, as the sun rose today, a beam of hope came to Israel and Gaza. After weeks of indiscriminate bombing, a humanitarian truce was achieved last night. This must be the beginning of the end of the nightmare that started with the terror of Hamas and the death of more than 1 000 Israelis. But punishing the civilian population in Gaza was also not admissible, and it is not even effective, for peace is the only way to really eradicate the ideology of Hamas from Palestine and the region. Every one of the thousands of civilians that lost their lives in Gaza brought Israel not one millimetre closer to long-lasting peace. This bloodshed must end for good. A permanent ceasefire, the full release of the hostages, is urgent and needed. We need a true political strategy with a viable political horizon. The far right in Israel has no permanent solution to this conflict. We as Europeans, we truly need to commit ourselves to the global effort of peace and the two-state solution.

Mr President, Mr High Representative, Minister, Vice-President Šefčovič, Faces and Colleagues, every year an Israeli family organised a peace festival on the Gaza-Israel border. Paper parrots were thrown over the fence with messages of peace to unite the two peoples in this greater goal. This year, the festival didn't happen. Hours before it began, the Kutz family was murdered in their home by the Hamas terrorist attack. To honor the memory of the Kutz family is to do everything possible to restore peace. Destroy the terrorist capacity created around Hamas - because terrorism will always be a threat to security and peace - and free the hostages now. But don't confuse Hamas with the Palestinian people, who have the right to peace and security like everyone else. Protecting civilians is a moral and legal obligation for everyone. And building lasting peace between the two states is the only way to stop the spiral of fear and violence that has martyred Israelis and Palestinians for decades.

Madam President, dear Commissioner Schmit, dear colleagues, the rightful attention we dedicate to the world around us, particularly given the outbreak of another war, cannot be a pretext to forget what is happening in Europe. In this moment, one of the biggest concerns of our citizens, of our families is the cost of living crisis, followed by the risk of poverty and social exclusion that comes with it. It may come as a surprise to some, but the reality is hard to digest. In 2022, our developed and prosperous Union still had one out of five people living at the risk of poverty. That is 95 million people. And the reality is, unfortunately, even worse for children. Almost a quarter of our children live at the risk of poverty: we fail to help 20 million children in Europe. This is shocking and painful because this represents a risk of losing the lives and the future of these children. Behind these numbers, there are concrete lives: tables where food should not be missing, studies that should not be sacrificed to the need to start working to help the family, houses where cold is the norm through the winter, and that’s when the house is not lost to job loss or high interest rates. Our group, the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats, has been a leading force in supporting a strong social Europe by the side of Commissioner Schmit. We will continue to fight for a Europe as a better place and with well-being for all. At a time when political priorities seem to multiply around us, is there even a nobler cause than declaring a relentless fight against poverty? Now is the time to act, the time to build upon the goals of the Porto Summit and to start walking the talk, the time to approve and implement a European anti-poverty strategy. It is time to establish an adequate minimum income scheme all over Europe, to implement a joint housing programme and to find the money to eradicate extreme child poverty once and for all. This is how we can truly make a difference in the Europe of today, but also of tomorrow.

Madam President, Commissioner, glad to have you here for this debate, Presidency. Dear colleagues, our political family called for this debate because there is no other way to put it: we are at risk of a serious housing crisis in Europe. People across Europe are struggling to pay their rents, their mortgages, even the energy to heat their houses. Those losing their jobs are at a serious risk of becoming immediately homeless. Young people, in particular, are suffering from this dysfunctional market, unable to find affordable housing. We hear and we say commonly so often that the future is our youth. Yet without even a place to live, how can they believe that they have a future at all? We representatives of the Europeans, we cannot be just bystanders on this rampant housing crisis. Let us start by admitting the obvious: there is a failure in the European housing market, and where there is a market failure, there is need for public policy. Part of the problem is that housing has become an object of speculation. That is why better financial regulation is needed. Housing is a right, not a commodity. Houses are for people to live in. Fighting speculation will also dampen the financial market shocks on the housing market. Housing policy needs to protect our citizens, not only, but particularly, in times of crisis. At the same time, we have to boost investment for public and private housing. To address it, we, the Socialists and Democrats, call for a strong European social investment plan in housing. This requires an integrated approach and close policy coordination among the Member States, including by integrating the EU housing strategy in the European Semester. We welcome the informal ministerial meeting on housing and urban development within the Spanish Presidency in just a few weeks from now in Gijón. And we fully support Commissioner Nicolas Schmit’s strategy to build on the ‘Housing First’ initiative to increase the funds to tackle homelessness. And we want to go even further. Leaving no one behind means, first and foremost, putting a roof on everyone’s head. On housing for all, the EU can already support improvement of housing conditions through investments through the recovery facility, REPowerEU, particularly in the renovation of buildings, with the European Structural Funds, InvestEU or even with a stronger role by the EIB. However, ensuring that resources are properly channelled requires a coherent strategy, that is to say, the European social investment plan for housing that we are calling for. Let me also remind you of the long-standing demand to change the EU state aid regime to enable investment in housing by defining social housing as a service of general economic interest in EU competition rules. If we want to ensure better conditions for long-term public investment in social, public, cooperative, affordable housing, we cannot delay such decision as we cannot postpone the actions to curb the quick rise of mortgage rates that are affecting so many families of the middle classes in all our countries. It is a matter of social fairness to intervene in the mortgage market, alleviating the struggles of families like the Portuguese or the Spanish Governments are already doing. But let’s also be clear: the European Central Bank must now stop raising the interest rates. We know that they are trying to reduce inflation, which is correct, but it risks creating a worse social crisis with the excessive dose that they are already applying. Too many families are already at crisis now and they have to listen. Finally, for those who have been saying the EU has no competence in housing, let me be blunt. That’s just a lousy excuse! There’s so much in which the EU had no competences. Let’s remember the vaccines. Only a lack of political will would stop us from doing what we need to do regarding housing. So let us stand on the side of the middle classes that struggle to find affordable housing, on the side of the youth that wants to start their independent lives. That is crucial for Europe. We must deliver now on this housing crisis!

Mr President, Vice-President Schinas, it is indeed a timely debate, this one. Just two days ago, President Saied said he doesn’t need our charity. You see, Mr Vice-President, exporting the migration challenges faces this nasty reality, particularly if you think of paying an authoritarian regime, a few billions will do the trick. I can even imagine, President Saied, furious thinking, ‘so I was doing them a favour, and now they want to come here and see how I’ll treat the migrants. No way!’ The problem, Commissioner, and Mr Weber by the way, is that they don’t even want to us to have a glimpse on what they do with our money. They just continue with their policies with no regard for human rights. In the meantime, people did not stop coming, stranded in dangerous vessels through the summer while we were already supposedly dealing with implementation of the memorandum. We have to address migration in a completely different way. What we need is solidarity with the refugees, but also with those Member States, particularly Italy, where they arrive in Europe and with the communities where they are finally hosted. It is obvious we need to manage migration at our borders and handling the situation of the illegal arrivals, but certainly it doesn’t have to be done in an inhumane way. So, Commissioner and Mr Weber, let us refocus our energies on the Pact on Migration. Show real solidarity towards the frontline countries, step up our capacities at the Mediterranean to arrest the smugglers, increase the search and rescue capacity of this Europe and support the refugee seekers. And let’s not forget to put a priority into working with the origin and transit countries. We have global gateway. Let us make it count and build true partnerships for development. Where the populists want us to fail, let’s go humane!

Mr President, dear Commissioner Nicolas Schmit, colleagues. Dear Commissioner, in the State of the Union address, President von der Leyen failed to address the struggle of European families. No red heart, no social commitment at that moment from her. And we too are still so far from the Porto Social Summit objectives, namely on poverty, and that is why that silence was so concerning. I am glad that you brought energy and that you broke that silence today in the name of the Commission. Because the war triggered the cost of living crisis, many families, as was just said, cannot even make ends meet even if they are fully employed. Housing costs are skyrocketing for those families, and particularly for the youngsters. Anyone that loses their job at this stage or even anyone who chooses to divorce, faces enormous risks at this stage. For women, as always, the risks are even more acute. The EU must deliver on the Porto agenda with more ESF, more RRF funds to the most excluded. Putting pressure from the Commission to the Member States to prioritise social housing on their recovery plans, like a progressive government did in Portugal. Finding the resources for the Child Guarantee. More social on the economic semester. Minimum salaries, minimum income, as you said. So many challenges. We need a strong action plan from the Commission for the poverty goal.