| Rank | Name | Country | Group | Speeches | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 |
|
Lukas Sieper | Germany DEU | Non-attached Members (NI) | 390 |
| 2 |
|
Juan Fernando López Aguilar | Spain ESP | Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) | 354 |
| 3 |
|
Sebastian Tynkkynen | Finland FIN | European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) | 331 |
| 4 |
|
João Oliveira | Portugal PRT | The Left in the European Parliament (GUE/NGL) | 232 |
| 5 |
|
Vytenis Povilas Andriukaitis | Lithuania LTU | Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) | 227 |
All Contributions (5)
Jurisdiction, applicable law, recognition of decisions and acceptance of authentic instruments in matters of parenthood and creation of a European Certificate of Parenthood (debate)
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, unfortunately, children too often lose or risk losing their rights simply because their parents have joined together in a state where the parenting relationship is not recognised. The European Parenthood Regulation is an important step forward on the rights of the child based on the judgments of the Court of Justice of the European Union, which on several occasions reiterated that children have inviolable rights regardless of how and where they were conceived. We must overcome differences at national level and guarantee homogeneous rights for children and families across the European Union. Stefano Rodotà, a great Italian and European jurist and politician, always remembered that rights are not only the mirror and the measure of injustice, but also a tool to fight it. I am confident and firmly believe that tomorrow the European Parliament will show courage and true justice.
Implementation of ‘passerelle’ clauses in the EU Treaties (short presentation)
Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, as we all know, the unanimity of the vote in the Council, designed as a rule to strengthen unity between the Member States, has increasingly become the cause of delays and downward compromises. From the negotiations on the recovery fund to the delays on the approval of sanctions against Russia, the veto of individual countries has slowed down, and sometimes weakened, the European Union's ability to react quickly to the most important crises of our time. Too often decisions on important issues, just think of health, development, the fight against hunger in the world, the rule of law, have been blocked and / or delayed due to the lack of signatures of a single country. Unanimity risks being, more and more, no longer an element of guarantee and for this reason it must be rethought. The time has come to open the process of amending the Treaties. We are well aware that it will take years for the possible amendments to the Treaties to enter into force. The passerelle clauses are an instrument, perhaps the only instrument, which would allow us to overcome unanimity in an evidently gradual manner and only in certain policy, but strategic, areas. Over the last ten years, the European Parliament has adopted more than 40 resolutions by a very large majority calling for the activation of this instrument; the European Commission has repeatedly expressed its support for their use; Recently, a large number of Member States have called for them to be activated, at least in some foreign policy and perhaps even fiscal decisions. Despite this cross-cutting commitment, the passerelle clauses were only activated once in 2004. The problem that must be overcome is that the catwalk causes, to be activated, must once again have unanimity in the Council, the paradox of using "unanimity to overcome unanimity" can only be overcome by the governments of the Member States and this is no longer feasible. The European Parliament will vote tomorrow on an ambitious but important resolution, which provides for a gradual timetable, because we are convinced that we need gradualness on such a delicate and detailed issue for the activation of the passerelle clauses in the coming years. Precisely for this reason we hope and believe in the Spanish Presidency, also on the basis of the proposals that will emerge tomorrow from the European Parliament, to start a dialogue and a path with the Member States and the other institutions. Activating the passerelle clauses in certain more urgent areas including, for example, at this moment, unfortunately, the decision on the war in Ukraine, the implementation of the green deal and many others, would be a small but important step forward in the process of European integration and would allow Europe to react increasingly effectively to the major challenges we are facing and will face in the future. That is why we ask the European Council to listen not only to us, the Parliament, which is also important and decisive, but above all to listen to the European citizens who, I recall, at the Conference on the Future of Europe expressed their desire to make Europe stronger, united, faster and more efficient and to overcome once and for all the rule of unanimity. Activating the passerelle clauses before the end of this mandate, at least in some areas, at least try, use them at least once, would be a good signal not only for the next European elections, but also and above all for the process of European integration and the credibility of the European Union.
Situation in Libya (debate)
Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, Commissioner, I would like to thank you for this exchange of views, which is interesting and important in any case. It seems clear to me, and it seems to me that it has also emerged from the debate, that we should not deal with Libya only to stop migratory flows at all costs, even ignoring respect for human rights and international law. Managing flows does not imply that the EU and its Member States do not have to maintain their international obligations, including the reception of refugees and the assessment of asylum applications. But we cannot forget who are the co-responsible for this situation, it has already been said and I share it. Fortunately, this recommendation goes beyond that. It tries to make and tries to make a wide-ranging reasoning and to propose concrete proposals aimed at guaranteeing stability to a country that has been living in a dramatic situation for too long. I am convinced that our goal cannot be achieved unless we first support UN mediation to restart the process of national reconciliation and then democratic elections. There are divisions, there are different opinions, but I ask my fellow Members to support the recommendation in tomorrow's vote and I ask the Council and the Commission to do more, even if they are doing a lot, on the issues we have talked about.
Situation in Libya (debate)
Madam President, Commissioner, ladies and gentlemen, the recommendation on Libya is the result of months of intensive work. From the outset, I would like to thank our interlocutors in the institutions and civil society for their fruitful exchanges of views, and in particular the shadow rapporteurs for their cooperation and contribution. The situation in Libya is increasingly dramatic and the postponement of the elections has shattered the hopes of peace and democracy of the Libyan people. Libya has become a powder keg where new actors join the old, without making progress on the issues of democracy, justice and national reconciliation to which Libyans have been aspiring for years, if not decades. In recent decades, many actors have blocked the process of democracy and development in Libya. The European Union can and must become a protagonist of peace also in Libya, after a period, let us say it with courage and truth, of often deafening silence. This is also why it is necessary for the European Union to appoint a Special Representative for Libya as soon as possible to support the mediation work initiated by the new UN Special Representative. We need our technical assistance for a new roadmap that will finally lead to credible, inclusive and democratic elections. In order to contribute to the electoral process, the recommendation proposes the deployment of a European Union Election Mission and all necessary technical support. We must help with the force of reason, but not only with the force of reason, the Libyan authorities and put an end to the violent repression of civil society organisations and the shameful situation in the detention camps. We therefore welcome the use of EU funds to support, among others, the strengthening of the rule of law, gender equality, social inclusion and local communities. Local and foreign militias are getting richer on the skin of migrants and asylum seekers. Rights violations are systemic and impunity reigns supreme. That is also why we need a central authority that takes responsibility for guaranteeing the rights and duties of all. A stable and prosperous Libya could significantly help to bring down regional unemployment and prevent large numbers of people from falling victim to human traffickers. In the recommendation there are points, very important issues that we cannot forget: women's and children's rights, the tragedy of displaced persons, religious and ethnic minorities, the fight against gender-based sexual violence, the very serious problem of mines, the proliferation of weapons, the abolition of the death penalty. I think we did a good job. I therefore hope that the recommendations that we will be voting on tomorrow will not remain on paper alone, but will be implemented and not ignored, as has unfortunately happened in the past. We need all and, I repeat, all the European institutions to commit themselves to making their contribution so that Libya has more attention in our agendas, in our thoughts, in our commitment. We owe it to the Libyan people and their desire for peace.
The call for a Convention for the revision of the Treaties (debate)
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, it has been more than ten years since we amended the European Treaties. Today's Europe is very different from those of ten years ago. As demonstrated by the approval of the Recovery Fund or the reception of millions of people who have fled war and hunger, the European Union is able to respond to the challenges it faces. But there are too many occasions when unanimity and cross-vetoes between governments have prevented a European and fair response. The time has come to change, to change pace and to open the way for treaty reforms. Some say it's not the time. On the contrary, it is precisely in difficult times that the Europe of tomorrow is built, guided by the same spirit that allowed us, seventy years ago, to transform Europe into a continent where the force of law is in force and no longer the right of force. Let's not waste this opportunity. If there are problems, there must also be solutions. Today we can and must take a further step on our path towards a stronger and fairer Europe.