Speeches

Madam President, the outrage, yes, of course. The indignation of seeing Algeria plunge back into censorship and arrests of opponents, the indignation of seeing it imprison a renowned writer, seventy-year-old, holder, to quote Kateb Yacine, of this spoils of war that is French; The indignation of seeing Algeria deprived of the freedom that independence promised it. Indignation, yes, but sorrow even more. Because sea, mountain, desert, gas and oil, Algeria should be only abundance and beauty. Few countries have so much natural wealth and Algeria benefits in addition to a mixture of cultures like no other: Kabyle and Arab, Ottoman and French, Muslim, Christian and Jewish. Algeria could be both the most universalist of countries and California, but today, it is unfortunately only the loot of predators cultivating historical resentment in order to better plunder their country, gag it and ruin it.

Mr President, 'But she is Russian!', Vladimir Putin's friends protest. Well no, Crimea is above all Tatar and was many things before Russia conquered it. "But precisely, she had become Russian," they exclaimed, forgetting that she had become Ukrainian after being Russian. "But it was only a game of writing, a modification of the internal borders of the USSR!" they exclaimed. Well, no, this modification had a very great meaning, because when Khrushchev ceded Crimea to Ukraine, it was an indemnity he paid him, a war indemnity imposed by the Holodomor. Russia cannot deny this and, in any case, it is Crimea understood that Ukraine had regained its independence within internationally recognized borders. History is a complex, debatable and eternally discussed thing. International law is another one, clear, clear and indisputable.

Mr President, it is not unfortunately not impossible: maybe Will the new Syrian leaders eventually set up jails and try to impose the veil, but how would that be a certainty? Why should we rule out that they want to rebuild their country rather than plunge it back into blood? Why should we assume that they would aspire to impose on Damascus the theocracy that is collapsing in Tehran? This new power, which opens the doors of prisons, Syrians support him because his victory marked the end of the state of barbarism. Nothing is excluded, but for now, Syria is crying with joy. We see that Vladimir Putin is not invincible, and the suspicion that this release gives rise to is aimed above all at making people forget the alliance that had united the Kremlin, the Iranian theocracy and the extreme European right to this clan of murderers, thieves and torturers.

Mr President, geography, history and ideology, everything is between Iran and Russia. Everything but the similarity of their diets. The psychiatric internment of the opponents, it was Yuri Andropov, the boss of the KGB, who invented it, but Ayatollah Khamenei pushed it to perfection by making the refusal to wear the veil a disease of unveiling. Yes, a display of exhibitionism – you had to think about it, really. Just as the reality of power in the USSR belonged to the apparatus of the Central Committee and not to the elected institutions, it does not belong to Tehran, to the republican institutions, but to the Shiite clergy. These two regimes are the same and the Russian president, Russia's supreme leader, understood this so well that he now relies on the mullahs, as he has always relied on an Orthodox patriarch whose blessing is worth gold. These regimes, everything brings them together, and first of all their growing weakness.

Madam President, southern Lebanon is not Gaza. Attacking a real army pointing its missiles at your territory and making so daily use of it is not the same as bombing an open-air prison from which no one can escape. In Gaza, Israel ignores the law; against Hezbollah, he defends himself; But the right is not everything. By weakening Iran's proxies to such an extent, Israel is also breaking up one of Lebanon's political forces, a criminal but essential force that provided that country with a semblance of stability. As soon as it destroys this status quo, Israel must propose another one, and as soon as it attacks Iran, it must also propose one to the entire Middle East. Of that, Mr Netanyahu, you say nothing. Where are your proposals? What are your plans? The law is not without responsibility and, for the time being, Mr. Prime Minister, you are not demonstrating it.

Madam President, how can we fail to understand? Israel is such a small country, there were so many victims that day, murdered, raped, kidnapped, and the thinking heads of Hamas had so coldly and willingly filmed and broadcast the horror of this pogrom that it is miraculous that only half of the Israelis gave in to hatred and the desire for revenge. The other half refused. The other half was able, despite everything, to keep a cool head, but how can we not understand that intolerable bombings took place this year? We can only understand it. However, understanding is not sharing and even less approving. At such a distance from this tragedy, we owe these victims something other than tears and compassion. We owe it to them to do everything in their power to stop the flow of blood, to increase the number of deaths and to deepen hatred. We must never call ourselves pro-Israel or pro-Palestinian. We must always say that we are pro-peace, relentlessly reaffirming that the coexistence of two states, Israeli and Palestinian, is no more utopian than was the Franco-German reconciliation on which we founded our Union, that it is our goal and the ambition of all men of good will, and that it will come to light, since we will fight for it and that necessity will make law.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, it is no longer a question of deploring this chain of crimes. It is no longer a question of condemning, but of acting, and to return for that to the requirement of a lasting peace and the coexistence of the two peoples who dispute this land that is said to be holy, to the only possible solution: that of two states defended by the United Nations, the Arab League, our Union and its 27 capitals. A utopia, we always say more, yes, but necessary and no more utopian than the Franco-German reconciliation on which our Union was founded. If we want Europe to become a player in the international arena again, we must restart the peace process that has been bogged down for 30 years. This is an imperative, and I am pleased that our President has recently reiterated our commitment to this two-State solution and that Kaja Kallas' mission letter includes the march towards the coexistence of Israel and Palestine.

Madam President, dear colleagues, it would be nice to listen a little bit. Just a little bit. Thank you. Just a question of politeness. I will start. – Madame la Présidente, Président de la Fédération de Russie, oui, vous l’êtes bel et bien, Monsieur Poutine. Vous l’êtes, hélas, encore et toujours; car ce sont bien vos ambitions impériales qui ont fait renaître la guerre en Europe et mis le monde au bord du gouffre. Mais président élu du peuple russe, non, vous ne l’êtes pas. Vous ne l’êtes pas, puisque vous avez poussé cette mascarade jusqu’à l’organiser dans les territoires ukrainiens annexés. Vous ne l’êtes pas, puisqu’il n’y eut pas d’autre campagne que votre glorification permanente. Vous ne l’êtes pas, car vous n’avez pas eu d’autres adversaires que ceux que vous aviez désignés. Vous ne l’êtes pas, car si vous n’aviez pas craint le désaveu de votre peuple, vous n’auriez pas instauré votre froide terreur et fait embastiller ou assassiner vos opposants. C’est avant tout vous-même, votre peur de tout et de chacun, qui avez enlevé, triste sire, toute crédibilité à ce triste sacre.

Mr President, you, our Heads of State or Government, are the real power, not the only one, but the most decisive, and by far. Then speak true! Speak true, because the situation requires it, from Ukraine to Gaza. First, say that nothing is excluded, nothing in our determination not to let aggression prevail in Ukraine. Don’t be afraid to scare Putin. Don’t be afraid to scare Putin! Let our 450 million citizens see and understand that we are at war because this despot has declared it to us, by wanting to redraw in blood the borders of our continent to reconstitute by the sword a fallen empire. Then say that, with or without the United States, we will not let it happen, and at the same time say that the abject massacre of 7 October cannot justify these atrocious weeks of bombing of a population without food or shelter. Be Europe, make it live and hear. Make us proud of our Union!

Monsieur le Président, mes chers collègues, le courage a un nom: His name is Navalny! The courage that this man has shown – the courage to brave death with laughter, smiles and irony, to change history by defying a tyrant, a war-monger, a liar and a murderer – calls on us Europeans not to fail. We must tell these elected Trumpists that every day they cover themselves with a little more Ukrainian blood, that history will soon have put them in the camp of cynicism and cowardice, and that they shamefully betray their country and the indispensable solidarity of both sides of the Atlantic. We must immediately deliver Taurus and Mirage missiles to the Ukrainians. We must work day and night for our common defence, for this European shield, which alone can ensure our security and the triumph of freedom. We must put Alexei Navalny’s killer out of harm’s way!

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we do not have one, but two emergencies. The European Union must not only arm Ukraine and rearm itself, it must also make its voice heard in the Middle East, where it does not count politically, even though it is economically all there, being both Israel’s largest trading partner and the largest donor of aid to Palestine. Even though it is the most ardent defender of the two-state solution, the EU remains - we remain - in words, without taking decisive initiatives in favour of peace. Even worse, our passivity makes us accuse ourselves of standing alongside the strongest, alongside Israel against Palestine. Everything must lead the Union to meet the challenge of the only possible peace, that of the coexistence of two states. As soon as the fog of war has fallen, we will have to seize the levers at our disposal: our agreements with Israel and our assistance to the Palestinian Authority.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, he was planning to enter Kiev in three days and what is the state of play? Two years later, Vladimir Putin holds only 17.5% of Ukrainian territory and controls neither the Black Sea nor Crimea. It is called a defeat, but how can we help the Ukrainians turn it into a victory? Well, it is up to our 27 leaders – we must – to tell our nations that we are at war, not on the eve of marching on Moscow, but at war for the freedom of our peoples and the stability of our continent, and that this war requires heavy sacrifices, a common defence and a will to defeat that we will not succeed in mobilising without our voters knowing who is with whom. So finally say it, you extreme rightists, in which camp are you really: Putin or freedom? Under these conditions alone, Ukraine will prevail, as this power of thieves and incapacitators is not invincible.

Mr President, for us, peace is not just a moral duty, it is also a necessity. We owe peace to the Israelis and the Palestinians, but we also owe it to our 27 peoples, since this war is being exported to the EU, it is frustrating the necessary co-development on both shores of the Mediterranean and it is fuelling instability in our neighbourhoods. So, it is no longer enough to hammer: “Two States.” We can help impose this solution, because the development, trade and economy of Israel and Palestine largely depend on our agreements and support. Our honor is to fight for values, but we are also the second largest economy in the world, a power that must defend the security, borders and interests of its citizens. Because we no longer want wars, blood, broken mothers and children, because we want peace, let us dare the means to achieve it.

Mr President, in our 27 capitals, in Washington and in all the countries of the Arab League, we are talking only about the two Israeli and Palestinian states. Many do not want to believe it, but Palestine will indeed emerge alongside the State of Israel for the simple reason that there is no other solution to this 100-year war. But who, it is said, will expel the 500,000 settlers? Well, a minority will try to resist in vain, most will return to Israel and others will become foreign residents in this new state. The problem is not there. The real problem is that reason no longer has enough defenders on either side. And that is why peace, a just and lasting peace, will have to be imposed from the outside, as the sharing of 47 was by the United Nations. Our Union will have a fundamental role to play in this, and rather than arguing over the words ‘truce’ or ‘cease fire’, our Parliament must now, as a matter of urgency, fully prepare for it.

Mr President, I want to believe that we will be unanimous in voting tomorrow for this joint resolution on the Israeli and Palestinian tragedies. I hope so, although this text is too long, too long, because we actually only have three things to say. The first is that we are repulsed by this Hamas killing. The second is that the punishment of a crime cannot be collective punishment. The third is that so many horrors, those of last night, compel Israelis and Palestinians to reopen without delay the negotiations leading to the only possible peace: the coexistence of two states. Colleagues, it is our duty today to impose – I repeat: to impose – these negotiations, to offer security guarantees to all and to say loud and clear that we are ready to reverse our aid and trade agreements if everyone continues to refuse the compromises that are essential to the end of this ‘One Hundred Years War’. In this Parliament, there must be neither pro-Israel nor pro-Palestinian. In the EU Parliament, there must be only supporters of peace, of a just and lasting peace.

Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, let us say the obvious: no single economic sanction against any regime has ever brought an economy to its knees. This is now true of Russia as it was of South Africa, but international sanctions are nevertheless one of the most daunting weapons, as they stifle industries, multiply financial difficulties and force their targets to a permanent quest for random and very expensive crossing paths. This is the case of Mr Putin’s Russia, and that is why it is absurd – totally absurd – to talk about an inefficiency of the economic costs we carry with it. Putinism is hurt. Putinism suffers, but there are obviously loopholes in our system, new measures to be taken, better targeted and that hurt the aggressor even more. We have to take stock of what worked very well, didn't work well or didn't work at all. This is what our Parliament will do next month by calling on the Council and the Commission to do even better, even more and even faster. Because the end of this aggression depends on it.

Mr President, the most extraordinary thing is that in Chechnya, in these lands of absolute arbitrariness, torture and political assassination, there are still people as courageous as Mrs Moussaïeva to stand up against Ramzan Kadyrov, the man-eater whom Putin has made his watchdog. Because no, she's not alone. There are also her three sons, her husband, a former judge of the Supreme Court, and many others, ready to give their lives to defend the principles of the rule of law. With this resolution, it is before you, Madam, that this Parliament bows down, but also before the approximately 1 500 citizens of the Russian Federation, those heroes whom the Kremlin despot has had thrown into prison since the beginning of his war. Yes, Madam, through you, it is to all these brave men, women and adolescents that we pay tribute today. Knowing that of a nocturnal graffiti, a postcard sent to prisoners, a t-shirt in Ukrainian colors or the pain of exile, well over a million Russians, the vanguard of this country, have already said no, Mr Putin, to you and your aggression.

Mr President, why so many gibets? Why was Iran already at 250 hangings at the beginning of the summer? Why does this military theocracy continue to kill at such a rate? This regime is afraid. He has every reason to be afraid, because for 26 years, since a reformer, Mohammad Khatami, was elected President of the Republic, the protest has never stopped in that country. The repression has never stopped the Iranians from taking to the streets again and again. But for the first time, the mobilisation has been going on for more than a year. Women continue to come out naked and are supported and applauded. The social basis of this scheme is obvious. The only hope of this dictatorship is now to conclude a truce with the Gulf monarchies. It no longer even claims to carry a revolution in Islam. It has simply become the most vicious of the pillars of the great conservative alliance, the one that unites it in blood in Moscow and Beijing.

Mr High Representative, contrary to popular belief, the Mediterranean Sea is not a sea. The Mare Nostrum is an inland lake, an Eurafrican lake that unites indissolubly, sometimes tragically, our two continents. To this extent, we are forced to perform miracles. You said earlier: "you ask me to do...", well yes! You are asked, we ask; we ask ourselves to work miracles and, of course, to consider laying the foundations for this indispensable co-development, which has been talked about for so long, but which nevertheless remains the only solution to be considered. So, I am well aware, alas, we are well aware that there are few credible interlocutors to consider this co-development. But my question is very simple: Can we be both Europe and Africa in the force of proposal? Can we put proposals on the table and call not only African governments, but African elites and populations, to respond, to bounce back on that? And can we hope to develop this indispensable dialogue?

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, please give me a minute’s attention. I just wanted to tell you, for those who don't know it yet, that Milan Kundera died a few moments ago. Milan Kundera is certainly one of the greatest writers of the second half of the 20th century. It also embodied the unity of Europe. He was one of the great figures of the Prague Spring. He was one of the great figures in the denunciation of communist totalitarianism. If the President agreed, a moment of silence, a moment of tribute would be welcome.

Mr President, yes, but one day. Yeah, but later. Yeah, but not now. NATO, led by the United States, was much more reluctant yesterday to open its doors to Ukraine than the European Union is going to do. While the EU did not commit to anything, in addition to granting candidate status to Ukraine more than a year ago and the last Council being particularly clear about the willingness of the 27 to stand with this aggressed people, there is no doubt that the EU will open accession negotiations with Kiev before the end of this year. The EU is right and the US is wrong. Ukraine needed a stronger commitment on its vocation to be part of the Atlantic Alliance. This has been an excess of caution on the part of the United States, which must lead us to accelerate our march towards a common defence, towards a European pillar of the Atlantic Alliance that gives us, if necessary, the means to defend ourselves and to weigh ourselves.

Madam President, we admire the courage, the heroism with which these two men, Alexei Navalny and Vladimir Kara-Mourza, brave Vladimir Putin to make Russia’s voice heard. But that is not the only reason why we defend them and demand their release. These men are not only valiant, they are also indispensable: their country, Europe and the world. For, if this war lasts, Russia will soon be threatened with fragmentation and chaos. That day will see a new era of unrest threatening the largest of countries, and the whole continent – ours could be destabilised. On that day, we will all need, in Russia as elsewhere, the experience and wisdom of these men, whom the Kremlin despot wants to kill in his dungeons. So we tell you, Mr Putin: you are an accountant of them. You have to make sure they live and give them back their freedom.

Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, I wanted to express the wish, on my own behalf and on behalf of my group, that our vote in support of this draft resolution be as massive as possible, perhaps unanimously. Let's dream. Because 25 years in prison for a crime of opinion, a desire at the highest level of the state that a political prisoner does not come out alive from his detention, we cannot admit it, this Parliament must not admit it.

Mr President, it is so sad that it would almost be ironic. Ironically, it could be said that here it is. Israel is finally integrating into the Middle East, as its parliamentary majority only aspires to replicate the political model of the regimes around it. But no! Unfortunately, there is no irony, because this state, which our Union supports because it is the only democracy in the region, could now take the path of illiberal democracies, those where people continue to vote while counter-powers are attacked and destroyed. The situation is so serious that two out of three Israelis, right and left, are fighting for the survival of their democracy. So, as everywhere, we must support the rule of law, say which side we are on and not hesitate, if necessary, to use all our weapons, political of course, but also economic.

Madam President, in all latitudes, all criminal codes say so: It is a crime, Mr Putin, to detain an innocent person between four walls, an innocent person, moreover, who had been vainly tried to poison. Yes, your crime has been established, but now you are committing an even more serious one. With isolation, harassment and denial of medical care, you slowly assassinate Alexei Navalny. This opponent who does not know fear, this fighter who challenges you, you want him dead, you want his head, because you fear him. So know, Mr Putin, that just as the world will not forgive you for the martyrdom of Ukraine, we cannot forgive you for the murder of your opponent, the freedom fighter. We could not because we admire it. We couldn't because he's admirable. We could not because, on the day that history turns your dark page, Russia will need Alexei Navalny and all those who resist you today. Without them, Russia would have no standards behind which to rally, stand up and refuse this new time of unrest that your war threatens. Russia needs a Navalny, and if you deprive it, you will destroy it.